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We evaluate the factors associated with an officer's decision to search a driver or vehicle after a routine traffic stop, and we compare the accuracy of these searches by looking at the share leading to arrest. Racial disparities in search rates by race and gender of driver are similar for all types of officers; all tend to search Black male drivers at higher rates than any other demographic. White male officers have higher search rates for all types of drivers. Further, they conduct the greatest share of "fruitless searches" (those not leading to arrest), and these searches are particularly targeted on those drivers with the greatest number of cumulative disadvantages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The budgeting literature has long focused on 'institutional friction' as a cause of ubiquitous punctuated equilibrium (PE) findings. A recent wave of scholarship looks to identify specific institutional mechanisms that affect the number of punctuations in policy outputs. We contribute to this growing body of research by focusing on the complexity of the institutional environment surrounding a policy area as well as that of the government as a whole. These factors have opposite effects: the more complex a policy area, the greater the likelihood of extreme spending changes. But, higher institutional capacity in general leads to greater stability. To test these ideas, we develop a novel index of budgetary change that balances the conceptual importance of extreme changes while analyzing the entire distribution of budget changes, not only the tails. In addition, we also demonstrate that findings are robust to a number of important distinctions, such as between series associated with slowly moving demographic trends or quickly moving stochastic events. We, therefore, demonstrate the robustness of important findings from the established literature, add a new measure of the dependent variable, and push the literature forward with a new focus on issue complexity and institutional capacity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is presented on some of the steps made toward the development of an integrated literature about comparative public policy, particularly related to studies of the policy process. Topics mentioned include the development of an integrated intellectual community throughout national borders, the Comparative Agendas Project (CAP), and the differences that affect the comparative public policy.

A growing body of work has examined the relationship between media and politics from an agenda-setting perspective: Is attention for issues initiated by political elites with the media following suit, or is the reverse relation stronger? A long series of single-country studies has suggested a number of general agenda-setting patterns but these have never been confirmed in a comparative approach. In a comparative, longitudinal design including comparable media and politics evidence for seven European countries (Belgium, Denmark, France, Netherlands, Spain, Switzerland and the United Kingdom), this study highlights a number of generic patterns. Additionally, it shows how the political system matters. Overall, the media are a stronger inspirer of political action in countries with single-party governments compared to those with multiple-party governments for opposition parties. But, government parties are more reactive to media under multiparty governments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does the president have the ability to set the congressional agenda? Agenda setting is a prerequisite for influence, so this is an important element in understanding presidential-legislative relations. We focus on the State of the Union address and show that popular presidents can, indeed, cause Congress to shift attention to those topics most emphasized. The impact is tempered by divided government and time, however. No matter the state of divided government, however, popular presidents can direct congressional attention, at least for a little while. Unpopular presidents, by contrast, are irrelevant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of 'divided government' is more complicated than scholars have allowed. In the USA, truly unified government, where the president enjoys a filibuster-proof majority in the Senate as well as a majority in the House, is rare. In France, truly unified government has been more common, but divided government has also occurred several times. Democratic governance requires that parties address important issues and they do so regardless of the patterns of institutional control. Nevertheless, policy changes or important laws are affected by the higher level of institutional friction associated with divided government. Looking at both the USA and France, we find that periods of unified government show higher levels of production of important laws in the USA, but we find no difference for overall legislative productivity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Peter Hall's 1993 article came at the same time as a parallel body of literature was developing, some building explicitly, some only implicitly, on similar ideas. I review some literature on policy communities, ideas, and the nature of policy change before exploring the statistical distribution of budget changes at three levels of aggregation. The similarity of these results suggests that a single process may be at work rather than different processes for first-, second-, and third-order change, as Hall's original formulation has it. As Hall suggests, these processes typically generate only marginal adjustments but occasionally create fundamental change. The degree of discredit to the status quo may be an important unexplored variable in explaining the ability of policy reformers to enact marginal, substantial, or fundamental policy changes. In sum, this article shows the similarities and mutual value of Hall's approach with others that would appear to be starkly contrasting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public policy toward the poor has shifted from an initial optimism during the War on Poverty to an ever-increasing pessimism. Media discussion of poverty has shifted from arguments that focus on the structural causes of poverty or the social costs of having large numbers of poor to portrayals of the poor as cheaters and chiselers and of welfare programs doing more harm than good. As the frames have shifted, policies have followed. We demonstrate these trends with new indicators of the depth of poverty, the generosity of the government response, and media framing of the poor for the period of 1960-2008. We present a simple statistical model that explains poverty spending by the severity of the problem, gross domestic product, and media coverage. We then create a new measure of the relative generosity of U.S. government policy toward the poor and show that it is highly related to the content of newspaper stories. The portrayal of the poor as either deserving or lazy drives public policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this introduction to the Policy Study Journal's special issue on punctuated equilibrium, we provide an overview of the approach, how it evolved, some of the major critiques directed at it, and some of the major developments it has spawned. We argue that the most important aspect of a theory or framework is not whether it is right or wrong, but the extent to which it is fruitful; that is, the extent to which it stimulated further research. Finally, we review the articles in this issue and put them in context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examine regularities and differences in public budgeting in comparative perspective. Budgets quantify collective political decisions made in response to incoming information, the preferences of decision makers, and the institutions that structure how decisions are made. We first establish that the distribution of budget changes in many Western democracies follows a non-Gaussian distribution, the power function. This implies that budgets are highly incremental, yet occasionally are punctuated by large changes. This pattern holds regardless of the type of political system—parliamentary or presidential—and for level of government. By studying the power function's exponents we find systematic differences for budgetary increases versus decreases (the former are more punctuated) in most systems, and for levels of government (local governments are less punctuated). Finally, we show that differences among countries in the coefficients of the general budget law correspond to differences in formal institutional structures. While the general form of the law is probably dictated by the fundamental operations of human and organizational information processing, differences in the magnitudes of the law's basic parameters are country- and institution-specific. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We explore the impact of institutional design on the distribution of changes in outputs of governmental processes in the United States, Belgium, and Denmark. Using comprehensive indicators of governmental actions over several decades, we show that in each country the level of institutional friction increases as we look at processes further along the policy cycle. Assessing multiple policymaking institutions in each country allows us to control for the nature of the policy inputs, as all the institutions we consider cover the full range of social and political issues in the country. We find that all distributions exhibit high kurtosis values, significantly higher than the Normal distribution which would be expected if changes in government attention and activities were proportionate to changes in social inputs. Further, in each country, those institutions that impose higher decision-making costs show progressively higher kurtosis values. The results suggest general patterns that we hypothesize to be related to boundedly rational behavior in a complex social environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We develop a new approach to the study of representation based on agenda setting and attention allocation. We ask the fundamental question: do the policy priorities of the public and of the government correspond across time? To assess the policy priorities of the mass public, we have coded the Most Important Problem data from Gallup polls across the postwar period into the policy content categories developed by the Policy Agendas Project ( ). Congressional priorities were assessed by the proportion of total hearings in a given year focusing on those same policy categories, also from the Agendas Project. We then conducted similar analyses on public laws and most important laws, similarly coded. Finally we analyzed the spatial structure of public and congressional agendas using the Shepard-Kruskal non-metric multidimensional scaling algorithm. Findings may be summarized as follows: First, there is an impressive congruence between the priorities of the public and the priorities of Congress across time. Second, there is substantial evidence of congruence between the priorities of the public and lawmaking in the national government, but the correspondence is attenuated in comparison to agendas. Third, although the priorities of the public and Congress are structurally similar, the location of issues within the structure differs between Congress and the general public. The public “lumps” its evaluation of the nations most important problems into a small number of categories. Congress “splits” issues out, handling multiple issues simultaneously. Finally, the public tends to focus on a very constrained set of issues, but Congress juggles many more issues. The article has strong implications for the study of positional representation as well, because for traditional representation to occur, there must be correspondence between the issue-priorities of the public and the government. We find substantial evidence for such attention congruence here. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The malaria parasite Plasmodium falciparum has an unusual organization of its secretory compartments. As an approach to a functional identification of auxiliary proteins involved in secretion, a parasite line was generated by drug selection that is resistant to brefeldin A, an inhibitor of the secretory pathway. In the resistant line, neither protein secretion nor parasite viability were affected by the drug. The analysis of a sec7 domain, a conserved structure of guanine nucleotide exchange factors (ARF-GEF) required for the activation of ADP-ribosylation factors, revealed a single methionine–isoleucine substitution in the resistant parasite line. ARF-GEFs are key molecules in the formation of transport vesicles and the main targets of brefeldin A. The methionine residue in this position of sec7 domains is highly conserved and confers brefeldin A sensitivity. Unlike other eukaryotes that have multiple ARF-GEFs, the plasmodial genome encodes a single sec7 domain. This domain shows a distinct structural difference to all sec7 domains analysed so far; two conserved subdomains that are essential for protein function are separated in the plasmodial protein by an insertion of 146 amino acids. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discusses the importance strong empirical testing will play in the development and formulation of concrete political theories. Strategy used by Austen-Smith and Wright; Criteria that empirical data must possess; Relevant variables; Appropriate measurements; Disadvantages of one-case-study-at-a-time approach; Discussion of comparative static approach.

Examines the ambiguities in the theory of counteractive lobbying stating that these anomalies were caused from the use of cross-sectional variance models. Basic questions need to be solved; Previous work conducted by Truman 1951, Dahl 1961; Problems with modelling and measurement; Examples of different models being used; Simultaneous counteractive behavior; How to avoid contradictions in interest group studies.

Contends that the results of national surveys of the electorate in the United States since the 1950s do not reflect the growth of the public's involvement in voluntary associations. Problems in the standard forms of questions used in surveys; Need for a revised version of survey questions that takes into account financial contributions and multiple affiliations within group types.

This paper examines the policy role of the parliament in the French Fifth Republic. Under the constitutional strictures within which it operates, the parliament can affect the policy process principally by changing the venue of a debate from the realm of experts to that of politicians, forcing the issue onto the national agenda. In such a case, the parliament may force the government to scale down or abandon its plans, in spite of the government's greater constitutional strengths. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]