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Like rice, cattle smuggling connects and provides economic security among traders, intermediaries and state agents on both sides of the India-Bangladesh border. Sur transports readers to different settings and periods along and across the India-Bangladesh border and vividly captures the "power geometries" (Massey, 1993) that shape the everyday lives of her informants. Notably, the hardening of state borders has slowed the pace of visa and immigration case processing on all forms of migration, including a downward trend in refugee resettlement in 2020 and 2021 (Papademetriou & Hooper, 2020; UN, 2021). [Extracted from the article]

Geographical space is more than a Cartesian plane where actors move across coordinates. It has a moral weight that renders each move subject to moral discourse. Yet, rarely does this premise prevent people from exploring spaces that are associated with anything wrong or bad. In fact, we continue to find people in places where they should not be, and doing things that are not just communally shunned but also personally acknowledged to be wrong or bad. Why is that the case? This paper draws on my ethnography on Turkish men who live in Strasbourg and socialize in its German neighbor, Kehl, to examine the role of space in the production of moral and masculine dispositions and practices. Approaching the Strasbourg‐Kehl border as a moral boundary, I examine how crossing the border to Kehl constitutes an integral part of the journey that my interlocutors take in constructing their moral and masculine selves. In this journey, spatial transgressions are not diverted but embraced, and confronted. These transgressions also produce anxieties—mistakes which in moments of self‐reflection lead to regrets. In such moments, two logics come into play: consequentialism and blame. The first builds on Islamic notions of fallibility and nefs, while the latter brings Kehl into the picture as a moral alibi—a space that takes blame for sins. The latter also helps others in the community who fail to prevent men from going to Kehl and transgressing moral boundaries to transpose culpability. In conclusion, I emphasize the need to consider the making and maintenance of masculinities and moralities in conjunction with the lived environments where such identities are formed and performed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The innovative third chapter explores the material culture of the newspaper, examining its illustrations and calligraphy, and considering how these visual forms contained coded messages that positioned the newspaper within an axiomatic Islamic idiom. As Robb argues, the newspaper blended space through its simultaneous coverage of local, national, and transnational issues, and also time, through its combination of historical romanticism and current affairs. The newspaper's coverage, Robb argues, constructed the I qasbah i 's unique "timescape" that existed outside of clear temporal location and "saw the present, past and future as productively intertwined" (p. 57). [Extracted from the article]

Baker's work seeks to orientate studies of the Balkans around the idea of "race" - a notion that seems for her to "... almost always pass over the east of Europe and its state socialist past" (1). The Balkans is certainly entangled with global coloniality, as Baker argues, though not merely as its recipient but as its active incubator of racist thinking. Yet from border policies to architectural projects, the Islamic heritage of Balkans has been conceived by white European powers as within I their i sphere of influence that must be kept from pernicious outside influence (Rexhepi, [8], [9]). [Extracted from the article]

Pain is a complex, multidimensional phenomenon and integral component of illness but little is known about its religious construction and interpretation. This article discusses an important yet neglected component of terminal illness which is the religious construction of pain. Eleven hepatitis C Muslim patients admitted to the liver center were recruited for this study. In‐depth interviews helped the identification of dominant themes. The study found that terminal patients construct pain in a religious context and interpret it into religious realms. For them, pain helps to realize their debility and helplessness. They think pain has a transformatory potential and can help them turn to be very strong and brave. The participants also reported having a belief that pain in this world could be compensated in the life hereafter and they will be rewarded with good deeds and bestowed with the Jannah (paradise). The terminal patients strongly influenced by religion and spirituality believed to be experiencing pain as a punishment of their misdeeds. Thus, pain was helping them to normalize their end‐of‐life experiences and ease the terminal stage of their illness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focusing on the Muslim Other in Amsterdam, the article explores how individual young Muslims embody their agency in the forms of micro‐practices and socio‐spatial relations. By highlighting the spatio‐corporeal aspects of Muslims' presence within urban space, our ethnography foregrounds how young Muslims negotiate identities and belonging within everyday urban spaces of encounter. Dealing with the everyday panoptical white Othering gaze, we describe a range of "unremarkable" ordinary practices and everyday small agencies that young Muslims in Amsterdam adopt including invisibility, challenging whiteness, and accumulating whiteness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses epistemological and methodological considerations related to emotional experiences of conducting research among Muslims. It also involves considerations of positionalities and the issue of doing critical research on the basis of experiences. Through concrete examples, we unearth experiences from fieldwork, in this way uncovering emotions and prejudices from both researchers and research participants. Experiences then have a double meaning: both as the study of "their" experiences as living and acting minorities and as "our" methodological experiences and their influence on our studies. It includes recruitment, mutual prejudice, insecurity, and research roles in participatory research. The paper draws on research projects that we have undertaken and written about during the past 10 years involving our work with ethnic minorities (dominantly Muslims) in Copenhagen. Our approach is what we will call "critical phenomenology" and our methods involve in‐depth interviews, ethnographic observations, and participant observations. The major object of the studies, then, is "ordinary life," that is, everyday life and embodied experiences from living as ethnic minorities in the city. This paper discusses epistemological and methodological considerations related to emotional experiences of conducting research among Muslims. It also involves considerations of positionalities and the issue of doing critical research on the basis on experiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prior research has paid little attention to the cognitive mechanisms by which religiosity influences ethical consumption. The aim of this study is to explore when and how religiosity might be related to the development of ethical consumption. The study develops an interactionist model describing how religiosity and moral intensity might interact and be linked to the sense of certainty and conviction about the morality of ethical consumption. Data from 333 Muslim participants in Saudi Arabia is analysed using structural equation modelling; it reveals that religiosity and moral intensity are significantly associated with moral certainty which, in turn, predicts ethical consumption intention. Even though religiosity and moral intensity are crucial predictors of moral certainty, the interaction between them has not been proven, indicating that the association between religiosity and moral certainty does not depend on moral intensity. This implies that religiosity is a strong predictor of moral certainty even when recognition of aspects of ethical consumption is minimal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay explores the problem of the "praxis gap," which can be understood as the epistemological space between academic and practitioner discourses engaged in the study and practice of issues along the aid and development spectrum. It does so by discussing the way practitioners approach the topic of Islam and Muslim practices vis‐à‐vis the problem of Female Genital Cutting or Mutilation (FGC/M) and in light of the geopolitical context surrounding gender, development, and Islam. Through a review of practitioner‐oriented studies, the essay demonstrates that the praxis gap–between scholars of religion and Muslim society on the one hand and aid/development practitioners on the other–generates significant problems in the study and practice of aid/development in Muslim contexts. After this analysis, the essay closes by arguing that the patterns and paradigms governing the production of knowledge surrounding the aid/development in Muslim societies are closely related to similar problems of mistranslation found across the subject of religion and development more broadly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers why despite mass displacement significantly affecting people from Muslim majority countries, Islamic understandings of refuge, protection and assistance remain de‐centered and made peripheral in formulations of asylum and refuge. The paper begins with an interrogation of how knowledge production on Muslim life‐worlds a priori gives emphasis to certain essential characteristics identified as Muslim. It is argued that this collapses understandings of the diversity of being and 'doing' Muslim in ways that make less visible everyday lived experiences attuned to the materiality, affect and emotion prompted by readings of Islamic tradition in displacement settings. To do so, I draw on Syrian experiences of displacement in Turkey and Greece to parse out the implications of this (in)visibility for Muslim responses to mass‐displacement and question whether they can be substantively different to modalities of humanitarianism and development anchored in liberal European ontologies. It is argued that by being attentive to the structures of feeling prompted by Islamic traditions pertaining to refuge and protection reveals ways of being and doing Islam outside of statist readings of humanitarianism. Here, the Islamic tradition of jiwār (a right of and to neighbourliness) provides a decolonial vocabulary to respond to state‐defined patterns of hospitality rooted in European knowledge production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to investigate the relationship between subjectivity and the other during the course of integration among 50 young Muslims of dual national heritage in Germany. The largest group of migrants within Germany are people of Turkish and Kurdish origin. During the summer and autumn of 2018, we interviewed 50 individuals of both genders aged between 18 and 25. The interviews were carried out and evaluated in North Germany. We saw that the 'feeling of being held', 'being‐able‐to‐process‐(negative)‐experiences' and 'to take responsibility for oneself and other' are characteristics of well‐educated young Muslims. Those who feel at home in their Turkish family or in the Islamic religion are able to process positive and negative experiences and present more (mature) super‐ego structures. This allows them to be able to deal with the challenges of migration and integration. Based on the data, we developed the 'Triadic Model of Integration' within the Lacanian L‐Scheme of Subjectivity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The COVID‐19 pandemic disproportionately affects already‐vulnerable minorities, highlighting the need for strong, trusting relationships between governments and minority nonprofits for everyone's benefit. The current scholarship suggests minority members often lack trust in government. This study contributes to the field by examining trust levels Muslim‐American nonprofits have for federal, state, and local government. Nearly two‐thirds (65%) of Muslim nonprofit leaders believe that they may be discriminated against in the award of CARES Act funding, but on racial rather than religious ones. Moreover, partisanship affects trust levels. Muslim nonprofits in Republican "red" states show less trust in government compared with those in Democratic "blue" states. This study finds evidence that past relationships with the government strengthen trust. Past awards of government grants correlated positively with higher trust at both federal and local levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discrimination and vilification of Muslims in the United States have historical and political roots. This study explores everyday incidents of marginalization and oppression through the framework of structural violence. Structural violence refers to the systemic inequalities embedded within societal structures that create and support these oppressive conditions. In this community‐engaged qualitative study, 10 self‐identified Muslims from the northeastern United States were interviewed to understand their lived experiences of structural violence. Using thematic analysis, seven themes were identified: Racialized and xenophobic Islamophobia; normalized violence against Muslims and fear of safety; exclusion, marginalization, and subjugation through policies; Muslims as spokespersons for Islam; Intersecting marginalized identities and oppression; challenges of navigating Muslim identities; resilience and resistance through faith, activism, and community. This study aims to understand and contextualize the experiences of Muslims within a systemic and geopolitical framework. Another critical objective is to promote a discourse to address how academics and clinicians reproduce and maintain structural violence and to instead engage in socially transformative approaches embedded in the principles of decolonizing and mutually‐liberating cross‐struggle solidarity. These must be cultivated through community‐informed intersectional collaborative strategies for dismantling oppressive structures and promoting agency, resilience, activism, and resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Diaspora networks are one of the key, but often invisible, drivers in reinforcing long‐distance nationalism towards the 'homeland' but simultaneously construct nationalist myths within their countries of residence. This article examines Indian diaspora supporters of Brexit and Trump in the United Kingdom and the United States who promote exclusionary nationalist imaginaries. Combining quantitative and qualitative approaches, it analyses British Indian and Indian American users that circulate radical right narratives within the Brexit and Trump Twittersphere. This article finds that these users express issues of concern pertinent to the radical right—for example, Islam and Muslims and the left‐oriented political and media establishment—by employing civic nationalist discourse that promotes cultural nationalism. It sheds light on digital practices among diaspora actors who participate in the reinvigoration of exclusionary nationalist imaginaries of the Anglo‐Western radical right. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article privileges the grounded geographies of the war on terror, focusing on those who grapple with its everyday policing powers. Informed by ethnographic research in the cities of Nairobi and Mombasa, I explore how Kenyan Muslim activists experience and make sense of the networked assemblages of police power that transform urban spaces into "gray zones" that fall within the ambiguous spectrum between war and peace. As US‐trained Kenyan police employ military tactics of tracking and targeting potential terror suspects in quotidian urban spaces, they rely on "pop‐up" interventions such as abductions, house raids, and makeshift checkpoints—flexible maneuvers designed to match the amorphousness of the so‐called enemy. I introduce the term citizen‐suspect to shed light on actually existing citizenship in the urban gray zone. Citizen‐suspects contend not simply with the fear and paranoia that come with subjection to surveillance and suspicion but with the knowledge that is needed to navigate the shape‐shifting geographies of transnational policing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In multicultural Israel, the prevalence of eating disorders (EDs), a common chronic disorder among Western adolescents (especially females), has risen for Arab adolescents, who belong to an Eastern collectivist society. The study examines family and psychological factors that may increase the risk of EDs among Muslim Arab adolescents. We expected social anxiety and depressive symptoms to mediate the association between parenting styles and risk of EDs, with possible gender differences in the mediation model. Participants were 613 Muslim adolescents (394 females and 219 males); mean age = 15.4 ± 1.6; range = 12–19. The analyses revealed that the severity of depressive symptoms and especially social anxiety mediate the relationship between authoritarian parenting style and risk of EDs. Females reported higher levels of risk of EDs, social anxiety, depression and authoritative parenting style than males; no differences appeared for authoritarian or permissive parenting styles. The research sheds new light on risk factors for EDs and the likelihood of authoritarian parenting style and social anxiety being involved in the aetiology of EDs among Arab adolescents. The outcomes meaningfully add to understanding of specific psychological processes that may be associated with the risk of EDs in this population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the same time, the universal sense of transnational community of Muslims or I ummah i South Asian Muslims felt because of a connectedness to the Middle East version of Islam, brought them together in a unified "ummatic" (p. 49) identity. Tahseen Sham's, I Here, There and Elsewhere: The making of immigrant identities in a globalized world i offers an incisive and detailed analysis of the identity-making process among South Asian Muslim immigrants in the United States. Empirically, Shams posits South Asian Muslim immigrants as a distinctive group that affords the possibilities of theorizing how histories of homeland, religion, and globalization intersect to forge immigrant identities in the hostland. [Extracted from the article]

This study, informed by anthropology, introduces the political modernist imagination of the Sindhi Sufi tradition in postcolonial Pakistan. The central argument of the article is premised on the discussion and analysis of the progressive political agency of the Sindhi Sufi tradition enacted by the Sindhi intelligentsia that stands out against the exclusivist process of Islamization in Pakistan. Crucially, the article brings out the case study of G. M. Syed (d. 1995), a prominent political figure and founder of modern Sindhi nationalism in Pakistan. His intellectual political project of Sufism in postcolonial Pakistan has formed a keystone category that counters the political Islam of Mullah, or theocratic political Islamism. Arguably, G. M. Syed's political work offers a dialogical potential of Sufi Islam that has a vital role to play in the formation of an inclusive, tolerant, and peaceful society in Pakistan and globally. The article informs progressive secular imagination inspired by the Sufi tradition in Muslim cultural contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: This study examined the impact of in utero exposure to Ramadan, the Islamic fasting month, by trimester on height at ages 0 to 18 for a sample of children from Tehran, Iran. If exposure to Ramadan is associated with significant nutritional stress to the fetus, the fetus's adaptive responses to nutritional insufficiency could manifest as changes in height during childhood, long before any effects on aging or disease risk at older ages. Methods: Children who were exposed and not exposed to Ramadan in utero were compared to identify any systematic difference between their parents' and households' characteristics (including height, age, education, and indicators of wealth). Also, the seasonal pattern of food consumption in Tehran was analyzed. Finally, the association of child height with prenatal exposure to Ramadan was measured, controlling for seasonality and parent and household. Results: Ramadan associated fasting in the second trimester of gestation was associated with 0.091 age‐adjusted SDs (ie, 0.60‐0.67 cm) decrease in children's height at age 10 years or older. The negative association was largest in male children and was approximately 1 cm at age 12 years or older among male children. Conclusion: Maternal Ramadan fasting in the second trimester, the critical period for long bone development, was associated with decreased height. Exposure to ritual fasting is important because approximately 75% of all Muslim children are exposed to Ramadan in utero. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Uiat is a word ubiquitously spoken in Kyrgyzstan. It is hurled at children to stop improper behavior and thrown by adults to evaluate conduct. It is a relational practice that textures everyday life, cultivating discomfort in the body when spoken, gendering and aging those involved in its practice, and setting the boundaries of propriety. Uiat is most often translated as "shame." The earliest work on honor and shame in anthropology established the prevalence of shame and outlined its basic work as a social mechanism of control, but the discussion, especially when considering Muslim societies, largely died out. Yet shame remains a prominent practice ripe for investigation. Looking at uiat as a dense, knotty practice carried out over time shows how shaming practices, in Kyrgyzstan at least, work to exert control and why they are so very efficacious. [shame, material semiotics, gender, age, embodiment, performativity, Muslim societies, postsocialist, Kyrgyzstan] [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the Stonewall uprisings, there has been greater social acceptance of homosexuality within Western contexts. Nevertheless, those who are at the intersection of more than one minority identity continue to face prejudice and discrimination, including homophobia and racism. Though there has been increasing work regarding the experiences of sexual minority people of colour (POC), a lacuna remains regarding the experiences of sexual minority British Muslim South Asian men and the integration of sexual minority and religious identities, particularly within a context of increased societal acceptance towards sexual minorities and societal Islamophobia. In this study, 38 sexual minority British Muslim South Asian men were recruited via snowball sampling and interviewed. Data were examined via reflexive thematic analysis. Five themes were identified: degrees of "outness", hegemonic Whiteness and the LGBTQ+ community, internalisation of White hegemony, distancing from the sexual minority religio‐cultural ingroup, and attempting to reconcile potential identity conflict between sexual orientation identity and religious and cultural identities. Respondents' experiences highlighted substantial social exclusion due to intersectional disadvantage as well as a lack of intra‐community social support, suggesting substantial isolation, psychological implications and a general eschewing of identity affiliation based on sexual attraction. This has implications on services predicated on identity affiliation which may potentially exclude the needs of hidden and intersectionally disadvantaged populations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article inquires critically into the operative understanding of "unity" when the motto of the WCC assembly speaks of the love of Christ uniting the world. What does this mean for the relationship between Christians and other religions, especially Islam? Muslims repeatedly refer to the "Common Word" mentioned in Surah 3:64 as the basis of Muslim–Christian interactions. The author shows that Muslims and Christians dispute over what "to be lord" means precisely, since Christians recognize and testify to God's presence in Jesus Christ, their Lord. The Islamic doctrine of the uniqueness of God (tawḥīd in Arabic) fundamentally contradicts this conviction. The author shows that in Muslim practice, very different consequences may derive from tawḥīd, ranging from cooperation to conflict. Along the lines of a polyphonic understanding, the author seeks ways for a peaceful coexistence that does not comprise the Christian faith witness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 2014, observers of Chinese society have noted an upsurge in Islamophobic sentiment among China's ethnic majority Han. China's Muslims, in particular those who identify as Hui and Uyghur, report an increase in harassment, both online and in person. This Islamophobic backlash occurs in conjunction with retrenchments by the Chinese state on the right to practice religion. What gives rise to this increase in bigotry? This pilot study examines official discourse about Islam through an inductive analysis of the presentation of Muslims in China's state media. Using a process of constant comparative analysis, I examine the state media's portrayal of Muslims in the flagship newspaper, The People's Daily. Drawing from a sample of 70 articles published between 2014 and 2018, I argue that the party's depiction of Muslim minorities in China emphasizes ethnic rather than religious identities, while coverage of global Islam emphasizes Islam as dangerous and associated with extremism. I contend that such depictions carry the unintended consequence of arousing suspicions about China's Muslims among Han. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Islam is becoming an increasingly prevalent religion in Europe due to large inflows of Muslims over the last few decades. Previous social survey research suggests that the European public is critical of immigration from Muslim countries with concerns relating to integration and security. Using the 7th round of the European Social Survey and linking it to other data sources, this paper examines whether threat hypotheses can explain anti‐Muslim sentiment in Europe. The study finds that opposition to Muslims is significantly higher than opposition to migrants in general, particularly in Eastern and Central Europe. The threat hypothesis is not supported on a country level as counties with higher "stock" of Muslim population and higher number of Islamic terrorist attacks are more welcoming towards further Muslim immigration. Furthermore, the study finds that women are more opposed to Muslim immigration than men. The wider implications of these findings and alternative explanations are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Minarets on the Horizon: Muslim Pioneers in Canada" is a book by Murray Hogben that explores the history and experiences of Muslim immigrants in Canada. The book is based on interviews with Muslim elders and covers various regions of Canada, including British Columbia, the Maritimes, Alberta, and Ontario. It highlights the contributions and interrelationships between different Muslim communities, including Fijian Muslims, Trinidadians, and post-Ottoman Muslims. While the book emphasizes gratitude and positivity among the interviewees, it also acknowledges setbacks and discrimination faced by the Muslim community, such as Quebec's Bill 21. The book provides valuable primary sources for research and offers a comprehensive perspective on Muslim history in Canada. [Extracted from the article]

Negative framing of the image of Muslims, especially after 9/11, has caused numerous Muslim communities to become apprehensive about the way their identity is presented in the mass media. One such community being affected by negative representations based on Islamophobia and other gender‐related stereotypes is Pakistan. As a result, these misunderstandings are being addressed through the construction of alternative and contrasting online identities by Pakistani vloggers through digital media. This paper excavates the diversified constructions of vloggers' online identities using two theoretical approaches to explaining identity construction: micro‐hegemonies and the investment model. Nineteen Pakistani vloggers were purposively selected for the study, who were observed over a period of two years using online observations, interviews, and email conversations, adopting a digital ethnographic approach. The investigation found that the vloggers choose to portray their religious practices, Pakistani identity, and local culture and norms while simultaneously utilizing Western norms to indicate their modernity. Moreover, they regularly emphasize that they are normal, regular human beings. Hence, the paper contributes to understanding how Pakistanis present a complex, hybrid identity which counters the dominant narratives in the media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the gendered nature of Hindu and Buddhist nationalism in India and Sri Lanka. Nationalist movements have become increasingly prevalent in both countries and frequently rely upon Islamophobic discourse centred around a fear of Muslim expansionism. Specifically, nationalists in each country frame their concerns through a gendered lens concerning Muslim fertility vis‐à‐vis Hindus and Buddhists, religious intermarriage of Muslim men with Hindu/Buddhist women, and the securitization of Muslim women's clothing choices. Femonationalist rhetoric has also increasingly been utilized by Hindu and Buddhist nationalists to frame Muslim women as victims of Islam's patriarchal structures and in need of saving by Hindus and Buddhists. This article draws upon original field research in India and Sri Lanka, including interviews with Hindu and Buddhist nationalist groups, their leaders, and Muslim minorities and organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The inclusion that I Muslim Space i seeks and practices is challenging to other Muslim communities that are trying to clarify a unitive and authorized Islamic tradition. Articulation, or as Bhabha puts it, enunciation, is a political act, reshaping the communities on both sides of the imagined border, the traditional mosque community, other Third Space experiments, and the wider social networks of religious expression. In 2017, a group of women began to meet casually, and then more intentionally, to talk about their experiences in traditional mosques and the kind of Islamic experience they might want for themselves and for their families in Austin, Texas. They describe its mission as follows: I Muslim Space, a non-profit, is a Muslim community organization that fosters an open, inclusive, multicultural, and pluralistic space for self-identifying Muslims and the larger Austin community. [Extracted from the article]

"When Someone is Dying, We Prefer....": COVID-19 and The Challenges to Muslim Health Care Choices The COVID-19 coronovirus has challenged health care providers and families, and with them, many faith communities, in their response to end-of-life care issues, especially end-of-life choices informed by their traditional social, religious, and spiritual values. It is important that, even with the flexibility of the Islamic tradition to modify certain Islamic rituals, COVID-19 restrictions should not affect the patient's right to be buried according to Islamic tradition, specifically honoring their belief against cremating their bodies. As a result, Muslims have collaborated with other faith communities worldwide to advocate for the religious rights of COVID-19 patients. [Extracted from the article]

This study adopts a novel approach by combining two complementary tools: bibliometric method of scientific mapping and content analysis of 113 published articles on Islamic Marketing (IM) to provide a comprehensive review of IM literature and pinpoints potential research areas. Results reveal that earlier studies have only examined multiple facets of IM while keeping theoretical perspective almost untouched. Results also highlight the concentration of publications to Islamic‐specific journals, restricting its focus to minimum issues of IM, thereby exerting limited influence on greater business community. This study reveals five distinct areas within IM research: (a) Theoretical aspects of IM and Muslim consumers, (b) IM ethics and practices, (c) Halal logistics and Consumer behaviour, (d) IM Communications, and (e) IM strategies & Globalization. Thus far, studies have predominantly investigated these IM aspects while the other areas remain relatively under‐researched. Potential research agenda in the IM literature emerge that present avenues for future research, namely to: (a) examination of process, physical evidence and performance elements of marketing mix and (b) examination of IM mix for ensuring customer and religious satisfaction apart from other future research areas identified in this study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay considers the #BlackOutEid hashtag as a discursive practice of resistance to anti‐Blackness both within and beyond the Muslim community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Several autosomal recessive disorders that are found among Arabs in Israel were also reported in Saudi Arabia. In a sytematic review of all the variants responsible for autosomal recessive disorders among Muslim Arabs Israel and in Saudi Arabia, 47 shared variants were found, many being known founder variants in both populations. Among the 21 shared variants that were reported among Bedouins 14 were founder variants representing 14% founder/assumed founder variants known in the Bedouins. Many of the common variants are ancient having a Bedouin origin probably linked to the migration from the Saudi Peninsula. It is probable that a similar phenomenon occurred along the route of the Bedouin migrations and indeed some of these variants are present in the corresponding populations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Police rely on citizens to report crime and victimization. Yet for many people low levels of trust in police and concerns about unjust police treatment impact their willingness to engage proactively with police. For some, defying police authority is common. This can be particularly so for ethnic, racial, and religious minority groups. The personal and vicarious experiences these groups have with police play an important role in the legal socialization process, shaping how they perceive and behave toward police. As a religious minority group Muslims have experienced intense scrutiny from police. As such, the current study examines how and why Muslims defy police authority. Using survey data from 398 Australian Muslims, this study tests whether Muslims' concerns about procedural justice and bounded‐authority violations (i.e., the belief that police overstep the boundaries of acceptable authority) have differential effects on two types of defiance: resistance and disengagement. Findings show that Muslims' concerns about procedural justice are most important for understanding resistance, while disengagement is dominated by concerns about perceived boundary violations. Further, procedural justice moderates the association between bounded‐authority concerns and resistance, but not disengagement. The implications of these findings for the legal socialization process, theory, and police practice are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Andrew F. March's I The Caliphate of Man: Popular Sovereignty in Modern Islamic Thought i represents a major authority in the fields of political theory, political theology and modern political thought in Islam. As the most sophisticated scholar/activist of I The Caliphate of Man i , Ghannushi's thoughts represent striking liberal and democratic features such as "radical moral pluralism" (p. 220), which is in perfect harmony with Islamic teachings. [Extracted from the article]

It created distinct realms of authorities distinguishing clearly between "law", "religion" and "public life", and in doing so introduced new hierarchies of authority and power in the state. However, it remains unclear whether Graham's depiction of the ineptitude and ineffectiveness of the state administration, which - incidentally - coincides closely with existing colonial opinions, was an accurate assessment of the social and political realities of Kelantan society at the time. This dynamic, more pronounced in Kelantan than among the peninsula Malay states, allowed the ulama to assume important political and social functions, which naturally led to their pivotal role in the formation of the Majlis Agama, and the administration of the state. [Extracted from the article]

Iqbal, who initially regarded Ghulam A mad and the A madiyya in a favorable light, later wrote two refutations of Ghulam A mad, and the A madiyya Jama at as he had ultimately come to the conclusion they were to be regarded as heretics or apostates. That which was meant by "the seal of the prophets" was not, according to Ghulam A mad, that Mu ammad had ended the chain of prophets but rather that nobody can be a true prophet unless they are given the seal of Mu ammad. In A madiyya circles, this fact has been used to develop an image of Ghulam A mad as I ummi i , i.e., unlettered in the same way as the Prophet Mu ammad, Khan, I From Sufism to Ahmadiyya, i 39-40. 24 Lavan, I The Ahmadiyyah Movement i , 28ff, 47ff; Khan 2015. Concurrently, work on a new translation was started by another close companion of Mirza Ghulam A mad's, Maulana Mu ammad Ali (1874-1951), who also helped translate Mirza Ghulam A mad's writings into English. [Extracted from the article]

These unique icons - which reverse the Catholic Our Lady of Victory/Orthodox Our Lady of Defeat distinction - demonstrate the endless flexibility of Marian images, and the resilience and creativity of the Christians who call these Bosnian borderlands home. The famous I Akathistos i hymn (fifth century) also describes Mary combatting foreign idolaters: "Shining upon Egypt the Light of Truth, you dispelled the darkness of falsehood, for her idols, O Saviour [Mary], fell down unable to endure your power", and also calls Mary the one who "trampled upon the delusion of error" and "refuted the deceit of the idols." But at the same time, another Mary was being invoked by Orthodox Christians coming under Ottoman Rule in southeastern Europe, a Mary that art historian Matthew Milliner has recently dubbed the "Virgin of the Passion" or "Mourning Mary." There is no clearer transformation than this: the simple, modest "Our Lady of Rama", originally an Our Lady of Defeat in Bosnia, crossed the border into Croatia and was physically altered by Catholics to become the new, golden crowned and triumphant Our Lady of Victory of Sinj. [Extracted from the article]

Footnotes 1 Leila Ahmed asserts that the decision to remove hijab "while remaining a committed Muslim" seems to be "a growing trend among this generation of professional Muslim Americans" ( I A Quiet Revolution: The Veil's Resurgence, from the Middle East to America i (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2001), 284). Eid examines the meanings given to hijab by eleven veiled and nine non-veiled high school students in Montréal; and Litchmore and Safdar interview five Canadian Muslim women who veil and five who do not to bring out the interplay of personal and environmental factors, including discrimination, in attitudes toward hijab. Some women who identify as Muslim do not veil. Having removed their hijab because of discrimination, social isolation, and inability to find a job, the students reviewed their beliefs to finally conclude that modesty rather than veiling was the standard required by Islam and that being able to relate to non-Muslims without the stigma of veiling made them more "effective" as Muslims. [Extracted from the article]

Bangladesh is the third‐largest Muslim country in the world where Islamic ideals inherently influence people's thought and actions. One of the Islamist political parties that has been trying to influence the Bangladeshi population is the Jama'at‐e‐Islami (JeI). The JeI is one of the oldest and largest Islamist political parties in the country and has continuously exerted its influence on the social ethos and state policy. JeI's unconditional support for Islamization and a society based on Sharia law undoubtedly attracts some sections of the Bangladeshi population. Apart from promoting an Islamist totalitarian ideology, it also maintains a requirement of religious purification for choosing its party members; a strategy that has earned a reputation as a party with robust intraparty discipline. To enhance its trust‐based relationships with its members (at both the horizontal and vertical levels), JeI helps its members through various means, including the provision of financial support, social welfare programs, and charity activities. Although the targeted population are their members, these schemes have had an impact, however minimal, on the Bangladeshi population to redress its anti‐independence stance in 1971, on the failure to send an apology message for what JeI did in 1971, and on the worldwide failure of political Islam. Related Articles: Barton, Greg. 2010. "Indonesia: Legitimacy, Secular Democracy, and Islam." Politics & Policy 38 (3): 471‐496. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2010.00244.x Marinov, Robert, and Daniel Stockemer. 2020. "The Spread of Anti‐Islamic Sentiment: A Comparison between the United States and Western Europe." Politics & Policy 48 (3): 402‐441. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12354 Spalek, Basia. 2010. "Community Policing, Trust, and Muslim Communities in Relation to 'New Terrorism.'" Politics & Policy 38 (4): 789‐815. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2010.00258.x [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do some happenings become incentives for cultural or political transformation (that is: turn into events), whereas others remain ordinary occurrences? The theoretical perspectives of cultural repertoires, cleavage structures, and discursive opportunities are prominent and fruitful approaches for explaining cultural or political behavior and attitudes, yet they do not have a satisfactory answer to this question. To fill in this gap, I introduce a typology that indicates how certain happenings merely reproduce existing trends, whereas other ones turn into motives to change them. This can be either because they are "focus events," which confirm dominant cultural or political patterns, or because they are "shock events," which form a break from them. I illustrate this typology by investigating the distinct meanings that 9/11 were accorded in the American and Dutch public spheres. This analysis shows that this happening became a "shock event" on the issue of safety in the American case, as it broke with the cultural repertoire of viewing the United States as a safe, militarily impenetrable nation. In contrast, 9/11 turned into a "focus event" concerning the issue of Islam in the Dutch case because it confirmed the discursive opportunities to problematize Muslims, which public actors in the Netherlands had already developed in the years leading up to 2001. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary: This article is a spiritual autoethnography that discusses the necessity and possibility of finding names for personal religious or spiritual beliefs. It investigates the multiple nature of selfhood, crossing boundaries, and shifting identities by relating the life story of the author from being born a Muslim to being an atheist, and then to becoming interested in religious mysticism and being a devoted spiritual traveler. By means of autoethnographic techniques, the article illustrates how people are urged to find new names for what they are specifically when they perform religious rules of a faith in a different way. The article also discusses the consequences of re‐naming. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

59 Ausma Zehanat Khan, I Language of Secrets i (New York: Minotaur Books, 2016), 87. 60 A. Z. Khan, I The Unquiet Dead i , 99. 61 A. Z. Khan, I The Unquiet Dead i , 107. An Attempt to De-criminalize Muslims: The Detective Novels of Ausma Zehanat Khan I The Unquiet Dead i was followed by five more novels in which Khan made a Muslim protagonist visible, different, and global, while also keeping him safely within the boundaries of detective-series tropes and expectations. In her study, I Lesbian Detective Fiction i , Phyllis M. Betz suggest that lesbian authors succeeded in co-opting the detective novel and using it to turn a subject position considered socially aberrant and quasi-criminal - queer identity - into one that was normal or generic. [Extracted from the article]

South African poet Gabeba Baderoon is from the Muslim Cape Malay community, a mixed group who were brought as slaves to South Africa from across the Indian Ocean littoral by Dutch colonizers in the seventeenth century. Maria Olaussen, "Approaching Asia through the Figure of the Slave in Rayda Jacob's I The Slave Book i ", I Research in African Literatures i 42/3 (2011), 31-45: 32 36 See G. Baderoon, I Regarding Muslims i . 37 See J. McCorkle, "Narrating Memory." I am essentially arguing that some of Baderoon's poems have echoes of the genre of "the new slave narrative", as they meditate upon the ways in which invisibility of slave women haunt the South African present. [Extracted from the article]

This paper analyzes the discursive contestation among online news media about women in leadership roles within a Muslim majority society, Indonesia. Indonesian women have established a substantial leadership role in which the "ideal" modern woman has been the image of "wanita karir," a commingling of various Indonesian feminist discourses and Western (post)feminist discursive formations. Despite the progress, women's leadership in Indonesia has recently been challenged by reactionary Islamist forces. Using a critical poststructural discourse perspective, we identify a range of four forms of femininity and female leadership in Indonesian online media that reside at the intersections of competing discourses. This paper offers two areas of contributions. First, we identify the leadership challenges faced by women in a South‐East Asian context, in particular within a democratic Muslim society like Indonesia. Second, we contribute to the theorization of women's leadership challenges from the perspective of femininity construction. In particular, we want to emphasize the notion of the multiplicity of discourses in shaping femininities. In doing so, we demonstrate the permutability, transformability, and adaptability of gender discrimination in our identified forms of femininity, and the limitations of the virtuous burden imposed by apparently supportive discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

They complement one another in showing how this development came to be by taking state formation seriously, not by exploring what is Islamic about an Islamic state, or what is Islamic about Islamic law, but precisely by understanding the state's exercise of power. Perhaps Hallaq is correct in pointing out that Islam and the state are incompatible because the state is not neutral and that both Islam and the modern state constitute rival moral orders. Salomon traces the genealogy of the Islamic state, which can be found not in the sixteenth century with the establishment of the state of Sinnar by Abdallah Jama a (r. 1500-1560), but in the British colonial period, as part of the colonial project of managing religion in the aftermath of its destruction of the Mahdist millenarian state. Some have tried to escape the Islamic state, either by looking towards what they deem to be a more proper Islamic state like ISIS or, like the southern third of Sudan, seceded to form a new state. [Extracted from the article]

In India, there are a number of popular movies released every year in which Muslims are exemplified as negative characters such as dons, villains, or terrorists. This type of propaganda harms the image of an entire community. Only modern education has enabled Muslims to gain an accepted place with other communities living in India. Hence, Bollywood movies tend to present a peculiar image of Muslims, in their everyday struggles and aspirations, seeking to prove that they are patriotic nationalists. This article draws on two famous movies—Mulk and Shahid—and on my own fieldwork with Muslim communities, which is exemplified by the narratives of a Muslim man named Saleem who hails from Azamgarh district of Uttar Pradesh and currently lives in Mumbai. Based on those sources, this article sheds light on the humiliations of being a Muslim in India today, the struggles they face, and their aspirations to prove themselves patriots so they might be allowed to live a dignified life. The experiences of Saleem and the characters in the movies reveal that education is an influential instrument in bringing positive change in the life of Muslims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]