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Since the late 20th century, public discourse in Muslim‐minority countries has centered around the question of how to classify Muslims. In this paper, we compare the state, academic, and self‐classification of Muslims in two countries: the United Kingdom and Germany. We propose that the historical experience of anti‐Semitism makes religion a more salient master category to understand Muslims in Germany, while the history of both anti‐Semitism and anti‐Black racism largely resulting from colonial domination means that religion together with race are master categories used to understand Muslims in the United Kingdom. Through this multilayered ethnographic and historical analysis, we challenge taken‐for‐granted assumptions in both the political and academic milieu about what it means to be Muslim, emphasizing the importance of the interplay between sociopolitical categories and self‐identifications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the Stonewall uprisings, there has been greater social acceptance of homosexuality within Western contexts. Nevertheless, those who are at the intersection of more than one minority identity continue to face prejudice and discrimination, including homophobia and racism. Though there has been increasing work regarding the experiences of sexual minority people of colour (POC), a lacuna remains regarding the experiences of sexual minority British Muslim South Asian men and the integration of sexual minority and religious identities, particularly within a context of increased societal acceptance towards sexual minorities and societal Islamophobia. In this study, 38 sexual minority British Muslim South Asian men were recruited via snowball sampling and interviewed. Data were examined via reflexive thematic analysis. Five themes were identified: degrees of "outness", hegemonic Whiteness and the LGBTQ+ community, internalisation of White hegemony, distancing from the sexual minority religio‐cultural ingroup, and attempting to reconcile potential identity conflict between sexual orientation identity and religious and cultural identities. Respondents' experiences highlighted substantial social exclusion due to intersectional disadvantage as well as a lack of intra‐community social support, suggesting substantial isolation, psychological implications and a general eschewing of identity affiliation based on sexual attraction. This has implications on services predicated on identity affiliation which may potentially exclude the needs of hidden and intersectionally disadvantaged populations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The "Trojan Horse" scandal laid bare an anxiety at the heart of the British security establishment; an anxiety that brings together questions of identity, values, and security within the demand to manage radicalization. It is an anxiety that, I will argue, reveals a novel conceptualization of threat that has driven the UK's security and communities policies within the "war on terror." This conceptualization emerges within Prevent, the UK's counter-radicalization strategy. Yet, I argue, the extensive literature on Prevent has failed to adequately articulate this underlying, core logic. To date, the Prevent literature has effectively demonstrated the ways in which Muslim communities in the United Kingdom have been policed through British counter-radicalization policy. Yet, this analysis struggles to explain the expansion of Prevent into a wider range of "extremist" spaces. In this article, I contend that it is more useful to situate Prevent as a particular conception of power; a logic and an analysis of threat that demands new forms of government intervention. To do so, this article provides a genealogical reading of Prevent, locating it as a radical extension of state security ambitions to intervene early, making explicit a vision of security in which life as a process of becoming is produced as an object of management. The paper draws out the ramifications of this analysis to think through fundamental shifts in the principles and practices of contemporary security aspirations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores white British Muslim experiences of, and strategic performative responses to, the (mis/ non)recognition of their seemingly incompatible religious and ethnic identities. Based on in-depth interviews (N = 26), it highlights how the different identity categories they hold relate to one another, influencing processes of perceived recognition in interactional contexts. White British Muslims perceive their ethnic and religious identities to be (mis/not) recognized in complex and contradictory ways. Their identities are affirmed, denied, erased, and/or incorrectly ascribed, sometimes simultaneously, by relevant others in different contexts. Performative strategies such as the adoption, maintenance, or removal of identity markers are used consciously and agentically in attempts to take back control over how their identities are (mis/not) recognized. At times deliberate performative acts leading to misrecognition are orchestrated by white Muslims themselves to not only minimize the risk of experiencing possible harm or marginalization but also to transgress and challenge norms. They also assert their multiple identities as a response to (mis/non)recognition and claims of their identities being incompatible, regardless of the repercussions that may result in them being placed at the margins of, or excluded from, their ingroups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on UK government counter‐terrorism measures has claimed that Muslims are treated as a 'suspect community'. However, there is limited research exploring the divisive effects that membership of a 'suspect community' has on relations within Muslim communities. Drawing from interviews with British Muslims living in Leeds or Bradford, I address this gap by explicating how co‐option of Muslim community members to counter extremism fractures relations within Muslim communities. I reveal how community members internalize fears of state targeting which precipitates internal disciplinary measures. I contribute the category of 'internal suspect body' which is materialized through two intersecting conditions within preventative counter‐terrorism: the suspected extremist for Muslims to look out for and suspected informer who might report fellow Muslims. I argue that the suspect community operates through a network of relations by which terrors of counter‐terrorism are reproduced within Muslim communities with divisive effects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Recent events demonstrate the need for greater understanding of intercultural relations between Muslim minorities and majority of cultures in host societies. We examine British Muslims' descriptions of their experiences of acculturation. Data from interviews with first‐generation Muslims were analysed by using discourse analysis. Participants' descriptions reflect the acculturation possibilities made available in local interactional contexts. Where invited to choose between assimilation and separation, participants provide ‘trouble‐telling’ accounts that detail the difficulties involved. In contexts involving integration, participants account for their own efforts. By contrast, contexts that allow participants to introduce acculturation in their own terms lead to descriptions of acculturation success. Thus, participants' accounts of relations with British culture reflect not simply orientations towards acculturation but rather how acculturation is framed and negotiated in local contexts: The success or failure of intercultural relations reflects as much how the issues are presented as they do immigrants' acceptance or non‐acceptance of British culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article investigates Pakistani British writer and Islamic activist Kalim Siddiqui and his ideas and the role he played for British Muslims. Topics discussed include biography of Siddiqui and his views about the state of Muslims, Siddiqui's influence in Great Britain and outside Britain and interviews with individuals who associated themselves with Siddiqui's ideas during his lifetime.

In two studies, we tested a model in which the perceived (in)compatibility of being British and Muslim (identity incompatibility) was expected to mediate between group-based discrimination and the identifications and attitudes of British Muslims. In Study 1 ( N = 76), anti-Muslim discrimination was associated with lower national identification and more negative attitudes toward non-Muslims, and these relationships were mediated by perceived identity incompatibility. In Study 2 ( N = 70), we additionally found that anti-Muslim discrimination predicted stronger endorsement of Islamic group rights, and this relationship was also mediated by perceived identity incompatibility. The studies highlight the importance of group-based discrimination in shaping the perceived (in)compatibility of being British and Muslim, and, in turn, the identifications and attitudes of British Muslims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores religious adolescents' reported experiences of secondary schools. Fifty-four qualitative interviews were conducted in places of worship in three cities in England with Christians (n=46), Jews (n=38) and Muslims (n=15). Secondary schools of a religious and non-religious character were reported as not providing a suitable environment for religious observances, nor as a place to act and behave according to participants' religious principles. Religious adolescents reported prejudice and criticism of their beliefs or religious affiliations from their peers and sometimes from teachers. They also perceived their religious traditions to be distorted, inaccurately or unfairly represented in some lessons. The focus of this paper is the identity choices religious adolescents reported in response to these challenges. Three groups of identity choices are theorised and explored: religious identity seeking, religious identity declaration and religious identity masking. The findings are discussed in view of religious identity construction theory, good practice for teachers and also the potential concerns of faith communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In situations of violent group conflict, group members often argue about how to deal with the outgroup. While some argue for aggression, force, and separation, others argue for negotiation and cooperation. Each side attempts to persuade the group that their own position is normative and is most in line with the interests and essence of the group. These arguments often involve denunciations of opponents as disloyal or deviant. In such situations, definitions of group identities and norms, and what counts as loyalty and deviance, are therefore disputed. This article analyses how a UK-based Al- Qaeda-supporting organization denounces 'moderate' Muslims in the United Kingdom who engage with secular institutions and who ally themselves with non- Muslims in political disputes. Drawing on theological, historical, and political arguments, a prescriptive norm is constructed whereby the correct behaviour of Muslims in the West is to avoid participation in secular political systems and to avoid political cooperation with non- Muslims. Muslims who are seen as breaking these norms are denounced and denigrated in a variety of ways by assigning them a range of deviant identity positions. Denunciations involve explanatory accounts which construct opponents as unworthy representatives of the group based on their deviation from Islam, or from ignorance, cowardice, mental weakness, or self-interest. This article illustrates that the practice of denunciation is an important aspect of the organization of group conflict. Finally, it argues that it is dangerous for social psychologists to treat group norms and prototypes as consensual. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent research suggests that Muslim boys have become the ‘New Folk Devils’ of British education, who are characterised by resistance to formal education, especially at secondary level, and under-achievement. Since the 1990s, British Muslim boys would appear to have become increasingly alienated from compulsory schooling, especially in the humanities subjects which lack obvious instrumental value. This mixed-methods study of the performance of 295 secondary school British Muslim boys in their compulsory school history provides evidence which interrupts this narrative of the academic under-achievement and educational dis-engagement of Muslim boys, especially in the humanities subjects. When viewed through the prism of a laminated, non-reductive model of educational success, this indicative sample of British Muslim boys could be considered to have had significant success at a traditional humanities subject such as history intellectually, spiritually, emotionally, instrumentally and civically. This paper therefore proposes that history can provide a vital meaning-making tool to generate the success of Muslim boys in a variety of significant dimensions both in and out of school. It suggests how history can be more fully and effectively harnessed by teachers, parents and policy-planners to encourage internal integration and external social engagement in British Muslim pupils. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

A persistent theme in the British and international debates about immigration and diversity is the controversial claim that living in diverse areas has negative consequences for intergroup attitudes and community relations. In the present paper we test this claim by investigating the impact of neighbourhood diversity and self-reported intergroup contact on orientations (outgroup attitudes and social distance) toward one religious outgroup: Muslims. Respondents were both White British majority (N=867) and non-Muslim ethnic minority (N=567) residents of neighbourhoods in England which varied in their proportion of ethnic minority residents. We tested both direct and indirect (via intergroup contact) effects of diversity on outgroup orientations toward Muslims. Results show that individuals living in more ethnically diverse areas-regardless of whether they are White British members of the majority or non-Muslim members of ethnic minorities-have more positive contact with Muslims, with positive consequences for intergroup relations with Muslims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper suggests that the definition of the white working class, as an ethnic majority, is fluid and shifting, in contrast to its conventional portrayal as a fixed and static group. They are more than simply voiceless and 'left behind', especially with regard to views of multiculturalism, immigration and social change. Using data from two recent studies, we see a range of views expressed by white working class communities, which underlines the need for care to be taken when attempting to describe common-sense views on these polemical subjects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The British National Party and English Defence League forged new frontiers in British political spaces in relation to anti-Islam, anti-Muslim ideologies. Whereas the former sought to do so in formal political arenas, the latter did so as a street-level movement. With the subsequent waning of both, Britain First has emerged seemingly to fill the political void they left. In many ways, Britain First combines the strategies and actions of the parties that preceded it, at both the formal and street levels. This article considers what is known about Britain First, about its history, development and its ideology, and how this is manifested in terms of its political strategies and actions. This includes such activities as standing for European elections and also undertaking 'Christian patrols' and mosque 'invasions'. The article considers how Britain First, while having some similarities with the BNP and EDL, is more confrontational and militaristic and is informed by apocalyptic Christianity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United Kingdom is often considered a leader in multiculturalism. However, recent statements by British politicians, community leaders, and academics question the multiculturalist direction in policymaking. This article reports interviews about multiculturalism, national identity, social cohesion, and future policy directions with leading figures in the debate, including Home Affairs Select Committee members, authors of major reports, experts, researchers, and academics. The attitudes expressed when discussing overall policy directions in most cases indicate disquiet at the assumed segregative effects of current policies. However, when specific issues (sharia law, faith schooling, dress codes including veiling, dietary practices, political representation) are considered, most interviewees express a concern to accommodate differences in cultural and traditional standpoints through dialogue. We conclude that multiculturalism in Britain is not 'dead,' as some have argued. Instead it is developing in a more pragmatic direction that emphasizes the importance of interaction and accommodation rather than top-down interventions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses articles in the issue on topics including institution's massive open online course (MOOC) about Muslims in Great Britain; different educational instruction for religion and health; and the incorporation of stories into teaching.

While in the American context religion is seen to facilitate immigrant incorporation by providing both spiritual and socioeconomic resources, in Europe high levels of religiosity are theorized as a barrier for immigrant incorporation into the secular mainstream. This is particularly salient for Islam, Europe's largest minority religion. In this study, we use the 2008-2009 England and Wales Citizenship Survey to compare levels and predictors of religiosity between Muslim and non-Muslim first-generation immigrants and their native-born counterparts. Overall, Muslims are more religious than non-Muslims. The results show that among non-Muslims, the foreign-born are significantly more religious than the native-born; among Muslims, however, nativity has no impact on religiosity, indicating the native-born are as highly religious as the foreign-born. Additionally, although education is associated with reduced religiosity among non-Muslim immigrants and native-born, for Muslims it has no significant impact. Muslims across diverse ethnic and socioeconomic backgrounds show strong religious adherence. Results suggest that pathways to secular, mainstream norms do not operate in the same manner across Muslim and non-Muslim immigrant groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Upon decolonisation, nationalist leaders in two North African countries, Algeria and Sudan, promoted a policy called Arabisation ( ta'rib), which sought to impose standard literary Arabic at the expense of English (in Sudan), French (in Algeria), and other local languages (in both places). This language policy reflected the worldview of Muslim leaders, who hoped to break from the colonial past and start afresh while forging alliances with Arab Islamic states. Arabisation succeeded in expanding the use of literary Arabic in Sudanese and Algerian government bureaus as well as in schools and universities. However, in some circles it helped to stimulate oppositional identities that rejected pan- Arabism as a focal point for national pride and that challenged the cultural foundations of national cohesion. Taking a comparative approach, this study argues that Arabic language policy in Algeria and Sudan featured strongly in postcolonial nationalism and civil conflict. It concludes by considering the status of language cultures and policies today in Algeria, the Republic of the Sudan, and the newly independent Republic of South Sudan, and contends that state-led efforts at 'language rationalisation' have not eliminated multilingualism in practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to examine the new Prevent Strategy 2011 in the United Kingdom and critically analyze its impact upon British Muslim communities. The U.K. government's controversial Prevent Strategy 2011 has come under fierce opposition, with critics arguing that it will not actually prevent extremism but risks labeling the Muslim community as a 'suspect' community. Following the British government review of counterterrorism policies and strategies in 2010, the article examines the key question: Will the new Prevent policy actually work? Recent studies show that previous Prevent policies have risked alienating the Muslim community ( Kundnani). Indeed, the new Prevent Strategy 2011 also has the risk of the depoliticization of Muslim communities from wider civic society and risks creating a mosaic for extremist ideologies. The article argues that, in practice, Prevent is not particularly efficacious, and that the new strategy risks further marginalizing and stigmatizing Muslim communities. Related Articles [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article I argue that there is a significant generational shift within British Pakistani communities in relation to political participation and civic engagement. Using George Galloway's March 2012 by-election victory in Bradford West and an analysis of primary empirical research conducted amongst British Pakistani communities between 2005-2007, and, 2011, I argue that kinship-based bloc voting-a feature of British Pakistani political engagement in UK politics-is being challenged. A younger generation of British Pakistanis want politicians to engage with them as individuals rather than politicians assuming their votes through co-opting Pakistani community elders in a system of patronage politics, an arrangement which has been in place since mass immigration from the subcontinent in the 1950s and 60s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the implementation of the UK's ' Prevent Strategy' for countering terrorist risks and threats. Informed by qualitative data, it critically assesses the perception and reception 'on the ground' of Prevent Strategy policies amongst those individuals who are, in many ways, the focus of such interventions. It is found that there are a number of grievances held, though three are of particular concern and revolve around funding issues, confusion of the overarching aims of the strategy, and suspicions of intelligence gathering and spying within Muslim communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the existing wealth of literature on death studies, research on death rites among Muslim and Jews is still scarce. The present article is an exploration of literature on death studies that will help us to elaborate a conceptual frame which may allow the study of death in Jewish and Muslim communities to be better understood. It examines the uneasy relationship between religion and death studies by looking in particular at Islam and Judaism and it explores potential lines of research for further developing the academic field of Jewish and Muslim mortuary practices. It argues that central to our understanding of religious death cultures is an appreciation of the nuanced ways in which the universal and local dimensions of world religions like Judaism and Islam emerge. It presents some examples to illustrate how written and fieldwork sources can be used in the study of death in Judaism and Islam with the aim of considering the general as it is illuminated by the particularities of specific case-studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article profiles two men who were active participants in extremist Islamist groups in Great Britain and then reversed course, leaving the groups and speaking out publicly against Islamism. The author argues that such individuals have important insights to the development of U.S. and Western anti-terrorism policy. Pakistani-British Shiraz Maher joined the group Hizb ut Tahrir (HT) after the September 11, 2001, terror attacks in the U.S. Reasons cited for his turning against it include study of Islamic texts and the 2005 terror attacks in London, England. Indian-British Rashad Ali followed a similar trajectory. Comments from him are presented on the psychological power of Islamist acculturation. The author critiques multiculturalist government policies aimed at countering extremism.

Minorities may define themselves at a superordinate (e.g., national) level and also at a subgroup (minority) level. However, others' recognition of such dual identifications cannot be guaranteed. This paper investigates how members of a minority (Muslims in the UK) constructed their superordinate and subgroup identities in such a way as to assert a commonality with British non-Muslims whilst asserting their religious subgroup's distinctiveness. Reporting qualitative data obtained through interviews ( N = 28), the analysis explores how British Muslims negotiated concerns over commonality and distinctiveness through describing themselves as being British in a Muslim way. The implications of these self-definitions for the theorization of dual identities, their recognition, and intergroup relations are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article evaluates the British government's constitutional reforms, human rights policies, and wealth redistribution policies during a period of Labour Party rule. The author explains Labour's work in reforming British criminal law and introducing a bill of rights to the nation's constitution. Laws passed by the Party that have influenced the quality of life of the Great Britain's Muslim population are also assessed. The Labour Party's historical stance on liberty and individual freedom are explained as well.

In the immediate aftermath of the September 2001 attacks on America, defending civilization was quickly established at the core of the ‘war on terror’. Unintentionally or otherwise this incorporation of civilization connected with Samuel Huntington's ‘Clash of Civilizations’ thesis. Within the ‘war on terror’ the dark side of counterterrorism has become apparent through international practices like extrajudicial killing, extraordinary rendition and torture. The impact of Western governments' policies upon their indigenous Muslim populations has also been problematic but social and political analysis has been relatively limited. This paper seeks to help address the scarcity of sociological contributions. Hidden costs of the UK government's attempts to utilize violence and enhance social constraints within the nation-state are identified. It is argued that although counterterrorism strategies are contributing to a self-fulfilling spiral of hatred that could be considered evidence in support of the ‘Clash of Civilizations’, the thesis is unhelpful when trying to grasp the underlying processes. Instead the paper draws upon Norbert Elias's application of the concepts of ‘civilizing’ and ‘de-civilizing’ to help improve levels of understanding about the processes and consequences of particular Muslim communities being targeted by security forces. The paper concludes with an exploration of the majority of the population's acquiescence and willingness to accept restraints upon Muslims in order to safeguard their own security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Divisive Orientalist discourses and practices, mobilised in the ‘war on terror’, have been resisted through collaborative political projects designed to contest and close gaps between East and West, Muslim and non-Muslim. Through interviews with Muslim-identified and other British anti-war activists, this paper traces the making of a ‘new bridge between the East and the West’. It then goes on to examine the limitations of this political model and describe the search for political relationships that would mobilise Muslim identities in more subtle ways and speak past rather than against contemporary Orientalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses alleged acts of anti-Semitism that occur in Great Britain. The consequences of Britain's alleged murderous perceptions of Jews, the author proposes, can be seen everywhere in British society. The author compares and contrasts Jewish and Muslim immigration into Great Britain. Other topics include anecdotal reports of local disturbances against Jews that illustrate British public opinion about Jews and the Arab-Israeli conflict. Also discussed are extremist Muslims in Great Britain and dislike for Israel.

The article discusses recent legal and policy initiatives aimed at preventing forced marriage, placing them in the broader context of the exclusionary governance of British Muslim cultural difference. It argues that forced marriage is understood almost entirely as a product of cultural difference. Thus, attempts to prevent forced marriage focus on the control of cultural pressures at the point of marriage. This near-exclusive focus on culture has two consequences for women. First, inadequate attention is paid to the social and economic problems which intersect with and aggravate cultural factors restricting women's marital choice. Second, this problematisation of culture has generated paternalistic legislation with the consequence that young women who wish to follow cultural practice and fully consent to an arranged marriage may be prevented from marrying as they choose. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study presents an analysis of articles written by prominent members of the British National Party. Each of these articles discussed Muslims and Islam in the aftermath of the 7 July 2005 London bombings. Two prominent discursive themes are discussed here. The first concerned the writers' constructions of the threat that Muslims and Islam pose to Britain. Central to this theme were constructions of Muslims as 'fascists', anti-white racists, and all potentially dangerous, although there was variability in this. Using the Koran as evidence, the articles present a vision of a faith which intends to take over the country; in this way, a homogenous, culturally essentialist version of Muslims is worked up. The second theme illustrates how the writers challenge those who believe that creating a British multicultural society is possible, and in doing so construct liberals and multiculturalists as also posing a threat to the country. The ways in which this represents a variety of conspiracy theory, and the implications of these constructions for social action, are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses how immigrant Muslims benefited in the U.S. and Great Britain from the tribalistic and pluralistic point of view. By building places of worship, political organizations and schools, Muslims benefited from the successes of Protestant public sphere. Through an alliance with evangelicals in support of Texas Governor George W. Bush's family values faith-based platform, the power of the first national bloc vote in 2000 was proven by the American Muslim Political Coordination Committee. The curriculum and operations of Islamic schools in Los Angeles, California and Manchester were also modeled after successful Christian academies.

There has been something of a moral panic about individuals converting to Islam whilst incarcerated. A number of newspaper articles have suggested that within prisons there is a potentially toxic mix of extremist ideology and a criminal past. This article presents the results of a study exploring conversion to Islam within two prisons in England. The main findings suggest that for those individuals who convert to Islam in English prisons Islam provides them with a moral framework from which to rebuild their lives. As such, the positive work carried out by prison Imams needs to be supported more fully, particularly when resettling individuals who are newly released from jail. At the same time, Islam seems to help prisoners to cope more positively with the prison environment, reducing their propensity to aggression and violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ahmadi Muslims constitute a reformed sect of Islam founded in 1889 by a charismatic leader, Mirza Ghulam Ahmad. In this article I explore the character and processes of transnational marriage arrangements among Ahmadi Muslims over three generations in the UK. I suggest that the process of conversion to Ahmadiyyat and the organizational structure of Ahmadi mosques have combined to produce a flexible pattern of marriage among Ahmadis that is unusual among South Asians. A significant number of earlier and contemporary Ahmadi marriages are interethnic, reflecting an expansive Ahmadiya identity that is perceived to be independent of ethnicity. Further, analysis of marriage proposals accepted as well as rejected suggests gender differences in perceptions of and motivations for marriage. The analysis suggests that while gender differences in expectations of marriage may have parallels in some other South Asian transnational marriages, Ahmadi religious identity and organization plays a distinctive role in shaping the processes of Ahmadi marriage arrangements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores on the scale of Muslim religious ideology and how should Great Britain responds to this challenge. It discusses the various responses to both the estimate and indeed the definition of religious and political ideology amid British Muslim communities. It also argues that internal cost exist and can be assessed in the long term reputation of Muslims in Western societies.

The article examines the ways of Great Britain and France accommodation of Muslims' religious needs. The difference of the accommodations include the state funding for independent Muslim schools, religious instruction in state schools, and policy on girls wearing the Muslim dresses. Also included in the article are the religious practices of the Muslims in both country.

Talks about Muslims in Great Britain. Details of bombing incidents during the visit of U.S. President George W. Bush in Great Britain on November 20, 2003; Statement from Denis MacShane, minister of the British government, regarding a choice for his Muslim countrymen; Discussion on a change in the British perception of the Muslims.

Focuses on eating attitudes and body satisfaction among Asian and Caucasian adolescents living in the United Kingdom. Asians as having unhealthy eating attitudes; Role of religious affiliation and gender; Muslim adolescents as having the most characteristic pattern of eating psychopathology and most favorable scores on a scale assessing body satisfaction.

Focuses on the religious basis for Muslim views on medical ethics in Great Britain. Genetics; Assisted conception; Adoption; Prenatal screening and termination; Child abuse and issues surrounding death.

Comments on an articles about Muslim birth customs in Great Britain. Cultural background of Muslim families in the country; Information on male circumcision, names and naming systems, feeding practices and issues surrounding death.