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The euro crisis has sparked changes in the EU's economic governance framework and a crisis of legitimacy across the union. While the institutional repercussions of the crisis have been studied before, the democratic impact at the national level has received much less attention. This paper aims to fill this gap, focusing on the procedural changes that the EU's new economic governance (NEG) framework has brought to national budgetary decision‐making. Building upon the Varieties of Democracy framework, the paper adds empirical nuance and conceptual clarity to the notion of 'throughput legitimacy' and its components: openness, inclusiveness, transparency and accountability. Detailed case studies of post‐crisis Austria, Italy and Portugal show that the NEG improved access to national budgetary decision‐making and enhanced executive scrutiny, while excessive complexity remains the Achilles' heel of EU fiscal rules. We submit that these procedural changes are too meaningful to be overlooked in post‐crisis debates about EU democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to describe and discuss the significance of the social policy measures implemented in Southern European countries—Greece, Italy, Portugal and Spain—in response to the first wave of COVID‐19. Our analysis covers interventions from 1 March to June 30, 2020. Despite significant differences in how the COVID‐19 pandemic spread—with Italy and Spain experiencing much higher rates of infection and lethality—Southern European economies are among the most hard‐hit—and are likely to find themselves in the eye of the storm, once more. The paper shows that despite differences in how countries have countered the spread of COVID‐19, there are important commonalities in the actions governments took to counteract the economic impact of the pandemic. Foremost efforts were directed at wage subsidy schemes to contain mass job destruction, additional temporary benefits to compensate self‐employed and other non‐standard workers for the loss of earnings; the expansion of unemployment insurance; and finally, the introduction and/or strengthening of schemes to provide support to families with care responsibilities. The scale of the social policy and employment protection response has nevertheless been constrained by the fiscal position of each individual country in the post‐Euro crisis context. We argue that, in the long run, the response capacity of these governments and the social and economic consequences of this crisis will need to be contextualised against the backdrop of the deep and prolonged impact of austerity‐driven measures on public budgets, production and welfare regimes over the last decade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the analysis and modelling of credit risk, measured through the value of nonperforming loans. Taking into account the new regulatory framework introduced by Basel II, possible stress scenarios in the context of Pillar 2 are also identified. The analysis is conducted for three countries-Portugal, Spain and Italy. The null hypothesis of linearity is rejected for all three countries, for both the self-exciting threshold autoregressive (SETAR) and threshold autoregressive (TAR) alternatives, and this feature is taken into account when credit risk is modelled, making SETAR and TAR models a plausible alternative to linear models. Copyright © 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of the research reported in this paper was to study the acceptability of e-learning instruments either as substitutes for or a complement to traditional face-to-face education for people with a humanistic background. We conducted an international comparison between students (attending humanistic studies) in two different European countries: Italy and Portugal. The comparison allowed us to focus on similarities and differences in on-line educational programs and in two different settings and allowed for appropriate statistical analysis. Starting from data and observations, we propose an acceptance model of Information and Communication Technologies (ICT) and a measurement framework. In particular, the study includes both reliability and construct validity measures. To date there has been little research effort investigating the implications of switching from the traditional educational frameworks towards innovative on-line ones in an international comparative context. Our results show that students with a humanistic background may not be prepared to fully use technical tools as instruments of education. Therefore ICT instruments must be introduced in humanistic faculties via a stepwise approach which allows a gradual but definitive assimilation of the innovative technological learning instruments. The outcomes of our study have been directly applied on a real case: the Master Program in Human Resource Management (HRM) in the University of Rome 'Tor Vergata' where an e-learning platform has been implemented as a complementary to the traditional approaches to education. Furthermore our model is currently under investigation in large industrial companies with the aim of measuring and improving the e-learning education in the field of production and distribution of energy. Copyright © 2011 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores how the elimination of malaria could provide an escape from poverty with reference to the timing of the decline in malaria and its implications in terms of the labour force, the implications for the agricultural sector and the growth of the tourist industry in Portugal, Spain, Greece and Italy in the first half of the twentieth century. The paper finds that whilst the control of malaria did have an economic effect, the escape from poverty was encouraged but not explained by malaria elimination. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using Eurostat data for 2007, 2010 and 2012, the authors examine the effects of the 2008 crisis on the situation of male and female workers in Italy, Ireland and Portugal, with particular attention to changing labour market dynamics, (intra-household) employment patterns, and incomes. The gender gaps in employment, unemployment and precarious employment are narrowing, but this trend cannot be interpreted as progress toward gender equality: it is driven by men's increasingly vulnerable position resulting from the generalized deterioration of labour market conditions, including the growth of precarious and/or low-paid employment, unemployment and poverty to the detriment of household living standards. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Please cite this paper as: Erkoreka A. (2010) The Spanish influenza pandemic in occidental Europe (1918–1920) and victim age. Influenza and Other Respiratory Viruses 4(2), 81–89. Background Studies of the Spanish Influenza pandemic (1918–1920) provide interesting information that may improve our preparation for present and future influenza pandemic threats. Methods We studied archives from France, Italy, Spain and Portugal, obtaining high-quality data that allowed us to calculate mortality rates associated with the Spanish flu and to characterize the proportional distribution of influenza deaths by age in the capital cities of these countries. Results French and American troops who fought in the First World War began to be affected from April 1918 onwards by a benign influenza epidemic, which hardly caused any deaths. The first occidental European country in which the pandemic spread to large sectors of the population, causing serious mortality, was Spain. The associated influenza provoked in Madrid a mortality rate of 1·31 per 1000 inhabitants between May and June (1918). In the following months of June and July, the epidemic spread to Portugal, but did not reach the Pyrenees. In September 1918, the influenza pandemic spread with tremendous virulence, presenting itself simultaneously during the month of October in South Western European countries. In Madrid, the 1918 excess mortality due in large part to the influenza pandemic is estimated at 5·27 per 1000. In Paris, the 1918 mortality rate provoked by the influenza and pathologies of the respiratory system was 6·08 per 1000. In South Western European countries, mortality rates oscillated between 10·6 and 12·1 per 1000 inhabitants. A study of the age distribution of deaths due to influenza between 1916 and 1921 reveals that the Spanish influenza principally affected men and women between 15 and 44 years of age. Deaths associated with the seasonal influenza of 1916, 1917 and 1921 represented 19·7%, 12·5% and 21·0% of all deaths respectively, whereas during the rawest moments of the Spanish influenza, in 1918, the proportion of deaths due to flu for those aged between 15 and 44 years of age reached 68·2% in Paris and 66·3% in Madrid. Conclusion Victim age is an important criterion that can be used to evaluate the phase and evolution of pandemic influenza. The Spanish Influenza affected particularly the 25- to 34-year-old and 15- to 24-year-old age groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We estimate the country‐level risk of extreme wildfires defined by burned area (BA) for Mediterranean Europe and carry out a cross‐country comparison. To this end, we avail of the European Forest Fire Information System (EFFIS) geospatial data from 2006 to 2019 to perform an extreme value analysis. More specifically, we apply a point process characterization of wildfire extremes using maximum likelihood estimation. By modeling covariates, we also evaluate potential trends and correlations with commonly known factors that drive or affect wildfire occurrence, such as the Fire Weather Index as a proxy for meteorological conditions, population density, land cover type, and seasonality. We find that the highest risk of extreme wildfires is in Portugal (PT), followed by Greece (GR), Spain (ES), and Italy (IT) with a 10‐year BA return level of 50'338 ha, 33'242 ha, 25'165 ha, and 8'966 ha, respectively. Coupling our results with existing estimates of the monetary impact of large wildfires suggests expected losses of 162–439 million € (PT), 81–219 million € (ES), 41–290 million € (GR), and 18–78 million € (IT) for such 10‐year return period events. SUMMARY: We model the risk of extreme wildfires for Italy, Greece, Portugal, and Spain in form of burned area return levels, compare them, and estimate expected losses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study sought to develop our understanding of how people legitimize opposition to immigration. Thirty‐eight interviews were conducted with people who self‐identified with far‐right anti‐immigration discourses, in Italy (N = 23) and Portugal (N = 15). Using reflexive thematic analysis, we developed four related themes. In the first theme, 'They're guests': Legitimizing exclusion by differentiating (non‐) immigrants, we discuss how despite differentiating between types of immigrants, participants support their social exclusion and always perceive them as guests. In the second theme, 'White people exist': Multiple and intersected identity threats, we identify how anti‐immigration is legitimized by recurring multiple group threats including ownership, economic, security, cultural, and existential threats. In the third theme, 'It's like your home': Justifying exclusionary solidarity based on ownership rights, we illustrate how collective ownership is used to justify practices of exclusionary solidarity. In the fourth theme 'This is me': Being born and becoming anti‐immigration, we discuss how opposition to immigration was constructed and influenced by contextual conditions as well as international sources of information. The implications of these findings are discussed while considering how participants' experiences and social contexts shape how they perceive immigration and legitimize the social exclusion of immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Internacional del Trabajo is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article analyses actual social dialogue experiences in Italy, Portugal and Spain in order to examine the social partners' participation in COVID‐19 crisis management. It considers the economic and political variables that have helped revitalize tripartism in all three countries relative to the previous economic crisis. The lack of austerity policies and responsibility‐sharing on the part of the social partners and governments paved the way for various agreements that, though differing in content and scope, attest to stronger peak‐level tripartite dialogue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Resumen: Se aborda la participación de los agentes sociales en la gestión de la crisis de la COVID‐19 analizando las experiencias de diálogo social tripartito surgidas en España, Italia y Portugal. Se examinan las variables económicas y políticas que han podido favorecer la revitalización del tripartismo en estos tres países en comparación con la anterior crisis económica. En este sentido, la ausencia de políticas de austeridad y la asunción compartida de la responsabilidad por agentes sociales y gobiernos han impulsado la consecución de diferentes acuerdos que, aunque difieren en su contenido y alcance, evidencian un fortalecimiento del diálogo tripartito al máximo nivel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Résumé: Les partenaires sociaux ont‐ils été associés à la gestion de la crise du COVID‐19? Pour le savoir, l'auteur observe les pratiques tripartites en Espagne, en Italie et au Portugal en 2020. Il recherche les variables économiques et politiques susceptibles d'avoir contribué au renouveau du dialogue social tripartite observé dans ces pays, par rapport à la crise économique précédente. L'abandon des politiques d'austérité et un sentiment de responsabilité partagé par les partenaires sociaux et les gouvernements semblent avoir contribué à la conclusion de plusieurs accords, de nature et de portée variables, mais qui permettent de conclure au renforcement du dialogue social au plus haut niveau. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Higher Education Quarterly is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the context of the financial crisis in Europe and drawing on social identity and perceived disadvantage literature, this research explored national identification, perceived prejudice, perceived ostracism, and anger as predictors of intentions to engage in normative collective action and support for non‐normative and destructive action. Correlational data were collected in Greece (N = 218), Portugal (N = 312), and Italy (N = 211) during the financial crisis that affected several European countries in the early 2010s. Hierarchical regressions showed that national identification, above and beyond all other variables, positively predicted normative collective action intentions, and negatively predicted support for non‐normative action. That is, people who were identified more strong with their national identity were more likely to report that they will engage in collective action to enhance the position of their (national) in‐group, and less likely to support destructive collective action. Mediation analyses revealed that in the case of Portugal and Italy, national identification associated negatively with anger, while anger positively predicted normative collective action. The findings of this research point to the importance of national identification as a factor, that, on the one hand motivates people's mobilization toward supporting the rights of the ingroup but on the other hand impedes the more negative and destructive side of collective action. The contextual and instrumental role of national identity in contexts of threat is discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of humanness as a dimension of social judgment has received extensive attention over the past decade. Although the common reported finding is that people attribute more human characteristics to their ingroup than to the outgroup, similar tendencies are expected to be tempered for minority groups when judging the host society. In Study 1, carried out with Gypsy minority members, we tested the hypothesis that those group members who adopt an assimilative strategy identifying more with the host compared with the heritage culture will display the lowest levels of dehumanisation. In Studies 2 and 3, conducted with immigrants in Italy and in Portugal, respectively, the hypothesis was extended from an identification conceptualisation to an acculturation one. Despite significant variability in intergroup settings and measures, results confirmed our hypothesis that immigrants who choose to assimilate with the host culture dehumanise the outgroup less compared with those who adopt any of the other acculturation strategies. Implications for the ethnocentric nature of dehumanisation biases and for intergroup relations in general are discussed. Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although Italy and Portugal are considered to be part of the same welfare state family - the Southern European one - analysis of a key component of the welfare state, namely, unemployment policies and regulations, reveals a different evaluation. A comparative analysis of a series of specific indicators of Italian and Portuguese unemployment regimes shows that they represent two different models. Portugal appears to be a more inclusive system, closer to continental or Northern European countries than it is to Italy, or at least representing a hybrid system that combines characteristics of continental European welfare states with characteristics that are more typical of Southern European welfare states. Italy, on the contrary, is much more clearly a Southern European welfare state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to describe how academics in England, Denmark and Portugal understand the Bologna Process, their attitudes towards the initiative, and how understandings and attitudes determine action. It shows how contextually and culturally determined academic understandings, expectations, preferences, priorities and constraints are key influences in the process of educational change envisaged by the Bologna Process. Second, inspired by the implementation staircase metaphor which illustrates different actors' perceptions conditioned by their location on the path of the policy, the article presents three different examples of interplay between national authorities responsible for policy-making in the wake of the Bologna Process and the institutional field responsible for policy implementation. It reveals variations from country to country with regard to bottom-up and top-down initiatives, both at the level of actors' expectations and of actual measures to implement Bologna policy. This article comes in response to the frailty of an empirical base for the understanding of Bologna from an institutional and academic perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the potential implications of the Eurozone crisis on the world economy. Sovereign debt market problems in Greece, Ireland and Portugal have spread to Italy and Spain, with the latter countries needing to refinance sovereign debt worth 180 billion euros by the first quarter of 2012. Experts claim that two policies can help alleviate the short-term crisis, one of which is a substantial mutualization of Eurozone debt among the member states, while another is a bond purchase.

Information about several topics discussed at the meeting of European Nutrition Foundations in Madrid on April 2010 is presented. Topics of the meeting include the nutrition in the school curriculum and regulations on foods and drinks provided in schools. The meeting features various executives including Juan Ballasteros.

We examined the trends in home advantage in the professional football leagues of France, Italy, Spain, and Portugal since the start of each league more than 70 years ago. A total of 81,185 games were included, involving 244 different teams. Home advantage was quantified each season for each country as the number of points gained at home expressed as a percentage of all points gained at home and away. Home advantage was generally high in the early years of each league, especially in Spain and Italy (over 70%). There were then considerable fluctuations up to the late 1970s. During this time, home advantage was consistently highest in Spain, which could be explained by greater regional autonomy and more distinct local cultural identity. Since then there has been a major decline in all the countries, especially since the late 1990s. Each country has experienced its lowest ever level (60% or less) during the last four seasons. Possible explanations for this include the effects of changes that have taken place in the rules of football, such as greater use of substitutes and a series of new laws intended to discourage defensive play. In addition, free agency coupled with the rapid commercial development of football has weakened the relationship between players and their home city and fans. There were significant differences between teams within France, Italy, and Portugal (all P < 0.001) but not Spain (P = 0.145). Home advantage was higher for teams from the islands of Corsica and Sicily (P < 0 .001) and to a lesser extent Sardinia (P = 0.095). It was lower in teams that play in the four capital cities and also in Milan, whose two teams share the same stadium. This is consistent with the belief that the territorial feelings fostered in isolated, culturally distinct communities can lead to increased home advantage, while the reverse is the case in large cosmopolitan urban areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article demonstrates the usefulness of boron and its isotopes in identifying the processes taking place in thermal waters of areas linked to active volcanism, specifically the islands of Ischia in Naples, Italy, and the island of São Miguel in the Azores, Portugal. It presents a chemical and isotopic assessment in volcanic thermal waters in Ischia and São Miguel, across widely differing geographical and climatic contexts. Five groups of waters have been identified in Ischia: marine, hot carbonated, transition, cold carbonated, and fresh waters.

This article examines the role of the European Union’s Commission in weaving together the Bologna Process and the Lisbon research strategy with its existing educational initiatives to define and disseminate an influential vision of European higher education. The article begins by outlining the Commission’s activities in relation to EU education programmes, the Lisbon research agenda and the Bologna Process. It goes on to examine, in a variety of policy texts, the discourse of European higher education that is supported by, and supporting, these large-scale policy developments. Whilst the overall coherence and cohesiveness of this emerging discourse can be queried, the article argues that the Commission is drawing effectively on both Bologna and Lisbon to firmly constitute — and reconstitute — higher education as a European policy domain. The article concludes with an analysis of how different educational stakeholders are supported and restricted by the Commission’s views of higher education, as articulated through its ‘hybrid’ Bologna/Lisbon agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many analysts attributed right–wing victories in Italy, Portugal, Scandinavia, Holland, and in the 2002 French presidential elections, to a rising wave of xenophobic populism voicing opposition to elitism, migrants, crime, and corruption. Drawing upon increasing political mistrust and volatility, and upon discontent with moderate, left–centre governments, this populist wave looked to be tidal. The generic causes of xenophobic populism are widespread and, although complex, understandable. They now extend beyond a simple response to socioeconomic hardship, mass unemployment or uncontrolled migration. In countries like France, Austria and Australia, which have overcome most major economic and security problems, other cultural and political factors have fostered resentment. The National Front, the Freedom Party and, in Australia, perhaps even Pauline Hanson’s One Nation, have assembled a durable, organised, hard core of supporters. Even without their charismatic leaders, these parties may well survive, build on their relative success, and implant themselves as a fairly permanent nuisance in the political arena. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Alcohol consumption seems to be decreasing in the traditional wine countries of southern Europe. This paper describes the evolution of alcohol consumption over the last 30 years in France, Greece, Italy, Portugal and Spain. For this purpose, data on alcohol production and per capita alcohol consumption in southern Europe are examined, and their reliability discussed. To analyse alcohol-related mortality, liver cirrhosis death rates are also reviewed. Since 1980 overall alcohol production has increased by 10%, while wine production has decreased by 13%. The consumption of pure alcohol equivalent per capita has continually decreased, from a peak of 14 litres per year in 1974 to 10.4 litres in 1992. The reduction is dramatic for wine (42.3%) and slight for spirits (4.7%), while beer consumption has grown by 36.6%. These data seem to confirm a European trend towards the homogenization of drinking patterns. Marketing factors, public health policies, the evolution of prices and taxation, European Union agricultural policies, a growing awareness of public opinion about the toxicity of alcohol and competition from non-alcoholic drinks are all factors that may partially explain these observed changes.