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This paper focuses on interracial Filipino-American couples attempting to migrate between the United States and the Philippines using the Repatriation Act of 1935 and the War Brides Act of 1945. The prospect of the migrating interracial couple posed new questions for US immigration bureaucracy, prompting reconsideration of policies regarding marriage, family, dependence and citizenship. Viewing the United States and the Philippines in one frame of analysis, with these two Acts as bookends, this paper considers migration a process driven by the desires and needs of couples, mediated by regimes of US border control and empire. Gendered and radicalised notions of protection influenced the implementation of these Acts, with longer term consequences for race, gender and family-based immigration policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Policy Studies Journal is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

There are concerns that the future balance between the supply and demand for nurses will result in major nursing shortages around the world. Some think that nurses are leaving nursing because of the COVID‐19 pandemic. In the United States, nurses may be leaving their jobs, but not nursing. Enrollments in nursing programs have increased. Nurse migration to the United States has decreased. This paper, using examples from the United States mainly, aims to explore the issue of supply of nurses and argues that it is not clear that we will have a worldwide nursing shortage going forward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Antipode is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Investigations of immigration politics usually focus on national scale debates and policy initiatives. Immigrant settlement, however, is often highly concentrated in select regions and cities and it is in these places that immigration politics is most contentious. This paper examines these subnational politics of immigration in the United States and explores their relation to national immigration politics. The concentrated geography of immigrants in the United States intersects with a federalised system for dispersing welfare and other social costs of immigration. This creates tension between a central government with the responsibility for controlling admission and state/local governments who pay the social costs of immigrant incorporation. This dynamic of conflict has been exacerbated in recent years by the neoliberal governance strategy of downloading. Geographic concentration has other consequences for the ways in which immigration politics develops, specifically the challenges that visible difference in the landscape poses to national identity. In regard to the latter, the paper echoes Vron Ware by suggesting that an important challenge for diverse immigrant societies is to reimagine all of the nation's territory as multiethnic/multicultural, not just the locations where immigrants cluster. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2014, the United States saw a greater than 50% increase in the number of unaccompanied children from Mexico and Central America arriving at the U.S./Mexico border, and unaccompanied children continue to migrate to the United States in consistent numbers. The dramatic increase of 2014 exposed gaps in policies aimed at supporting unaccompanied children as they await legal adjudication. This paper begins with a historic review of immigration policies in the United States aimed at supporting unaccompanied migrant children. An analytic review is provided of existing immigration policies in the Department of Homeland Security and the Office of Refugee Resettlement, highlighting the competing paradigms created by missions of security‐focused policy versus child‐centred policy. A close examination of the values that influenced policy development in this area is included, along with a discussion of how social work practice can infuse elements of social justice into immigration policy reform. Areas for future research to reform immigration policy focused on supporting unaccompanied undocumented minors are highlighted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how, as in the past in their home community in Mexico, Mexican immigrants in the United States use a system of flexible kinship and ritual practices to adapt to new circumstances of living and working in communities with new neighbours, new challenges and new threats. The paper focuses particularly on how the increased presence of women who have not always been a large part of the Mexican migrant community in the United States and their 'kin work' allows migrants to maintain and extend their social networks. Through various family and ritual events, migrants integrate new friends and acquaintances with new resources into their social networks and thus facilitate their survival in their new home. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How receiving society members perceive and respond to immigration are crucial factors that shape the context of reception for immigrants coming to a new country. In this paper, we examine these processes through the lens of intergroup contact research, with a focus on relations between immigrants and members of receiving societies, to discern ways in which receiving societies are or are not welcoming toward immigrants. Reviewing recent theorizing with illustrative empirical studies and ongoing programs of research that focus on new immigrants in Germany and the United States, we describe how direct and indirect forms of positive and negative contact can serve either to facilitate or inhibit positive immigrant‐receiving community relations. We also discuss factors that may contribute to the emergence of positive and negative contact experiences between immigrants and receiving society members. We close with a discussion of policy implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a discussion on migration rate in the U.S. with reference to the paper by James D. Traver and William R. Gurley which is based on use of multiple regression model in demographic and sociological research. It suggests that if net migration rates is to be explained or sources influencing migration are to be found, the joint influence of two or more variables should be measured as median family income, median years of schooling, percent adults who have completed four or more years of high school, county net migration rates. It views that two highly intercorrelated measures of education are used in the paper which results in measuring the same things again. It is also suggested that a variable representing natural increase should be introduced to calculate the migration rate because areas with high natural increase rates are more likely to lose population by migration whereas areas with low natural increase rates are more likely to gain population by migration. It is viewed that despite of these problems also, the paper is able to handle some very complex and difficult problems.

Copyright of American Ethnologist is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper adds three dimensions to the received literature: it models migration when the individuals' preferences regarding their relative incomes are ordinal, it works out the resulting spatial steady-state distribution of the individuals, and it shows that the aggregate of the individuals' migration choices in the spatial steady-state distribution sums to the social optimum. This finding does not apply when the individuals' preferences regarding their relative incomes are cardinal. We highlight the importance of the assumption about the nature of the individuals' social preferences (whether ordinal or cardinal) to studying and predicting their migration behaviour, and to elucidating the consequences of that behaviour for social welfare. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In response to the dramatic rise in the number of unauthorized immigrants to the United States, every state has passed some form of immigration legislation. These laws appear to be predicated on a belief that unauthorized immigrants impose greater costs than benefits to state and local communities, including the labor market. The purpose of this paper is to examine some evidence on what workers should expect if the immigration legislation is successful in eliminating undocumented workers from states' labor markets. © 2012 by the Association for Public Policy Analysis and Management. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT This paper delves into the factors, which determine the attractiveness of regions in Europe for migrants. Contrary to the literature on the United States, which has increasingly focused on the role of amenities, existing research in Europe tends to highlight the predominance of economic conditions as the main drivers of migration. Differentiating between economic, sociodemographic and amenity-related territorial features, we examine the appeal of various regional characteristics for migrants by analyzing net migration data for 133 European regions between 1990 and 2006. Our results show that, in addition to economic, human capital-related and demographic aspects, network effects and-in contrast to existing literature-different types of regional amenities exert an important influence on the relative attractiveness of sub-national territories across the European Union. Our findings therefore indicate that locational choices in Europe may be much more similar to place-based preferences in the United States than originally thought. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International labour migration is a multidimensional process and primarily a family mechanism intended to reduce vulnerabilities associated with underlying inequalities. However, for immigrants, the break-up of physical contact with family members is an enduring feature of vulnerability in their communication with origins (often in developing countries). On the whole, family relationships are transformed: the absence of physical contact is traded-off with remittances sent home to family members. Remittances create potential for resilience by increasing human development of children, while reducing extreme poverty at the local level. Remittance flows are also an important source of foreign exchange for countries of origin. However, labour markets' polarization, backlash, and economic downturns at destinations (often in developed countries), and governments' moral hazard, currency revaluation, and production inertia at origins recreate vulnerabilities and disrupt the potential build-up of resilience. In fact, the re-creation of vulnerabilities largely outweighs the generation of resilience threads. The paper develops a typology that highlights the dynamic interaction between vulnerabilities and resilience, revealing the multiple aspects of people and remittances flows, the potential for mainstreaming migration policies into economic development, and the scale of the policy task to reduce vulnerabilities associated to international labour migration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Migration is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article presents comments of the authors on the review of their article by Professor C. Horack Hamilton. The paper was based on the analysis of net migration rates in the U.S. in 1950-60 by using multiple regression model. Authors of the article suggest that the usage of terms "variables" and "covariable" to identify the independent variables are common and accepted. It is made clear that the mathematical model, employed in the paper, did not include an independent variable to reflect natural increase as it is suggested by Hamilton. And the two educational variables used in the analysis, median years of schooling by persons 25 years of age and over, the percentage of the population 25 years of age and over completing 4 or more years of high school, are closely related. The computation of the overlapping and net effects of each independent covariate helps in determining the highly correlated variables and eliminating those variables from the model, but the overlapping effects provide no information regarding the nature of interactions which may exist and don't show the response surface of interacting variables.

Latino immigrants are subject to circulating discourses that produce processes of inclusion and exclusion, and inform expectations of future encounters with local native populations. However, they rarely have an opportunity to answer back. This paper draws on two projects in which immigrants were invited to use photography and writing to document the messages they would like to send to native-born Mississippians to examine how they mobilize discourses of inclusion and exclusion as they deal with 'stranger fetishism' (Ahmed 2000), the notion that immigrants are recognized, but are cast as individuals who do not belong. Immigrant messages show that they at once contest and draw on hegemonic discourses of race and US national identity in their efforts to lay claim to legitimate spaces of belonging. [immigration, discourse, stranger fetishism, representation, Mississippi] [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the United States, the failure to achieve immigration reform at the national level has resulted in numerous responses in local communities that have been most impacted by the settlement of new immigrants. Some of these responses have emerged in suburban communities that have experienced a rapid rise in the foreign-born population during the last twenty years. This essay offers an in-depth analysis of one such community, Farmers Branch, Texas, covered nationally for a series of anti-immigrant ordinances passed by its City Council. Following a description of the history of this community, the growth of its foreign-born population, and the legal manoeuvres to control unauthorized immigration, the essay argues that anti-immigrant legislation in local places like Farmers Branch is at its core a reflection of a debate about and anxiety over American identity -- how it is defined and how it is changing. In particular, these responses are about a perceived threat to middle class status and identity. This is discussed first in relationship to issues of home ownership and income and then, in relation to cultural dimensions of class, including matters of taste and the spatializations of middle class identity. Finally, the paper unpacks the concept of 'rule of law'. By invoking the claim that Americans are law abiding while unauthorized immigrants have broken the law, lawfulness becomes an exclusionary tool and gives those who support anti-immigrant ordinances a platform for legislating a certain quality of life, and de-Americanizing those who do not fit their conceptualization of what it means to be American. Rule of law becomes a weapon in the fight for middle class status and the status quo. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Economics is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

As members of the Mexican diaspora acculturate/assimilate to life in the United States they gain skills that help them improve their socioeconomic status and overcome barriers to the mainstream American healthcare system. Thus, we might expect better health among more acculturated Mexicans. However, most of the research conducted during the past 20 years shows that the health of Mexicans living in the United States deteriorates as acculturation increases. This suggests that certain health promoting aspects of Mexican culture are lost as migrants adapt to and adopt American ways of life. This paper is the first step in testing the hypothesis that declining health among acculturated people of Mexican descent is related to a loss of traditional medical knowledge. During an ethnographic study of women’s medical knowledge in an unacculturated Mexican migrant community in Athens, Georgia, I observed many ways low-income, undocumented migrants maintain good health. Migrant women encourage health-promoting behaviors and treat sick family members with a variety of home remedies that appear to be effective according to chemical and pharmacological analyses. Additionally, migrant women in Athens learn how to navigate the American medical and social service systems and overcome barriers to professional healthcare services using information provided through social networks. Nevertheless, migrant women often prefer to treat sick family at home and indicated a preference for Mexican folk medicines over professional medical care in most situations. This case study suggests that migration and diaspora need not always lead to disease. The maintenance of a Mexican culture that is distinct from the rest of American society helps ensure that traditional medical knowledge is not lost, while the social networks that link Mexicans to each other and to their homeland help minimize threats to health, which are usually associated with migration. Thus, increased access to professional medical care may not improve the health of migrants if it comes with the loss of traditional medical knowledge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 1990s, studies have documented widespread growth of immigrants in U.S. communities not known as common destinations in the past. This trend has fueled population growth in some nonmetropolitan areas and offset population decline in other areas. In this paper, we examine the implications of recent foreign born in-migration for rural America. Our focus is on a collection of 59 nonmetropolitan counties where growth in foreign born stock offset declines in U.S. native population and resulted in increased local population by 2000. To understand these nonmetropolitan offset counties, we use confidential Census Bureau data that offer us the detailed geography and larger sample size needed to closely examine spatial shifts in the foreign born population, especially those recently arrived. Our findings illustrate dramatic compositional shifts in the populations of these areas, and suggest new demographic complexity in nonmetropolitan areas in the 21st century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the initial location choice of legal employment-based immigrants to the United States using Immigration and Naturalization Service data on individual immigrants, as well as economic, demographic, and social data to characterize the 298 metropolitan areas we define as the universal choice set. Focusing on interactions between place characteristics and immigrant characteristics, we provide multinomial logit model estimates for the location choices of about 38,000 employment-based immigrants to the United States in 1995, focusing on the top 10 source countries. We find that, as groups, immigrants from nearly all countries are attracted to large cities with superior climates, and to cities with relatively well-educated adults and high wages. We also find evidence that employment-based immigrants tend to choose cities where there are relatively few immigrants of nationalities other than their own. However, when we introduce interaction terms to account for the sociodemographic characteristics of the individual immigrants, we find that the estimated effects of location destination factors can reverse as one takes account of the age, gender, marital status, and previous occupation of the immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contemporary immigration to the United States and the formation of new ethnic groups are the complex and unintended social consequences of the expansion of the nation to its post-World War II position of global hegemony. Immigrant communities in the United States today are related to a history of American military, political, economic, and cultural involvement and intervention in the sending countries, especially in Asia and the Caribbean Basin, and to the linkages that are formed in the process that open a variety of legal and illegal migration pathways. The 19.8 million foreign-born persons counted in the 1990 U.S. census formed the largest immigrant population in the world, though in relative terms, only 7.9% of the U.S. population was foreign-born, a lower proportion than earlier in this century. Today's immigrants are extraordinarily diverse, a reflection of polar-opposite types of migrations embedded in very different historical and structural contexts. Also, unlike the expanding economy that absorbed earlier flows from Europe, since the 1970s new immigrants have entered an "hourglass" economy with reduced opportunities for social mobility, particularly among the less educated, and new waves of refugees have entered a welfare state with expanded opportunities for public assistance. This paper seeks to make sense of the new diversify. A typology of contemporary immigrants is presented, and their patterns of settlement, their distinctive social and economic characteristics compared to major native-born racial-ethnic groups, and their different modes of incorporation in - and consequences for - American society are considered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When annual migration data lack reliability, scholars apply alternative methods for estimating international migration. Yet, researchers note that alternative approaches have primarily been tested on developed countries, rather than developing countries that usually have dramatic migration shifts. I close this research gap. I use the example of 15 former Soviet republics to demonstrate several conclusions. First, I show that such alternative approaches as immigration-by-origin data of receiving countries do not result in reliable and valid estimates of post-Soviet migration, given the large variation that exists in how former Soviet republics define 'migrant'. Second, I demonstrate that population censuses, while a more superior alternative, fail to capture temporary migrants. In developing countries, the international emigration is mainly due to temporary (undocumented labour) migration. Third, I suggest that scholars and policy-makers should apply household surveys as a possible alternative. However, while this method seems promising, given the limited use of household surveys in migration measurement in the post-Soviet republics, future research by both scholars and applied researchers should explore the advantages and limitations of household surveys as an alternative source for estimation of migration. Finally, I outline methodological guidelines that researchers and scholars can advance on migration issues in the post-Soviet region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an examination of children's health in the United States in the early 20th century. It explores the relationship that existed between candy consumption and the fear of polio and discusses how American candy culture changed as a result of polio. Seen as a source of contagion, new candy wrappers began appearing that offered consumers a safer, higher-quality candy as opposed to cheaper or impure candies. The article examines socioeconomic issues related to candy consumption and explores how social issues such as hygiene and immigration became intertwined with candy consumption and the threat of polio.

The question of how space matters to the mobilisation, practices and trajectories of contentious politics has frequently been represented as a politics of scale. Others have focused on place and networks as key spatialities of contentious politics. Yet there are multiple spatialities – scale, place, networks, positionality and mobility – that are implicated in and shape contentious politics. No one of these should be privileged: in practice, participants in contentious politics frequently draw on several at once. It is thus important to consider all of them and the complex ways in which they are co-implicated with one another, with unexpected consequences for contentious politics. This co-implication in practice, and its impact on social movements, is illustrated with the Immigrant Workers’ Freedom Ride in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: This research examines how undocumented Latina mothers negotiate work–family conflict amid restrictive immigration policies. Background: Women in the United States continue to contend with tension between work and family and poor women face particular constraints. Latina immigrants have increasingly settled and formed families in the United States and joined the labor market in low‐wage occupations. Unlike U.S.‐born women, these women must contend with restrictive immigration policies, suggesting new areas for understanding the intersectional inequalities that shape work–family conflict. Method: Findings are based on in‐depth interviews conducted with 45 Latina immigrant mothers in North Carolina who had paid labor market experience. Interview topics included family, work, and migration across women's life histories. Results: Place‐specific policy contexts, working conditions, patriarchal expectations, and lacking access to care networks challenge Latina immigrants' ability to fulfill the dual motherhood roles they occupy as both family providers and caregivers and nurturers for their children. Conclusion: The social expectations of motherhood add a dimension of precarity to women's vulnerable status as undocumented workers and demonstrate the gendered impact of immigration policies. Implications: Restrictive policies make it increasingly difficult for undocumented women to obtain or move between jobs in the low‐wage labor market. Findings highlight the importance of considering immigration status in studies of work–family conflict, particularly as policies targeting immigrants intensify. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Portions of the United States near the Mexican border are experiencing massive inflows of both legal and illegal migrants of Mexican origin. The resultant concentration of low skill labor in these areas of the southwestern states supposedly has led to an excess supply of labor and subsequent depressed labor market conditions, particularly for blue collar workers and Mexican-American nationals. This paper analyzes the degree to which the labor market in this area is depressed. The results presented here tend to verify hypotheses suggested by several other authors but indicate that the magnitude of the problem as reflected by low wages along the border is much less severe than generally believed. The importance of this study is that it measures a phenomenon that heretofore has been accepted with very little empirical verification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an analysis of the pattern of interstate migration of agricultural laborers in the U.S. For the past half-century the primary agricultural migration has been from the South to the North and the West. And it is predicted that these states will lose more population in the coming years. The data for the analysis is collected by interviewing 417 migrant workers or members of their families in two separate districts within Van Buren County, Michigan. Over half of the men, as well as of the women, in the families studied were between the ages of 30 and 49. Most of the migrants who were interviewed, were in agriculture occupation. 42 percent of the total interviewed migrants were originally form the state of Arkansas. It is also found that 175 persons of the total spent nine months or more of the year in their home city and only a small minority like migrancy. Their desire to stay is also related to their social acceptance. They are welcomed by the people in the towns. The study suggests that the movement of agricultural workers across the states would result in a continuing loss of population for the Southern states.

In this article the author discusses the relationship between Mexican migration to the United States and substance use in northern Mexico which was examined in the article "The Mexican Migration to the United States and Substance Abuse in northern Mexico" by G. Borges, M. E. Medina-Mora, R. Orozco, C. Fleitz, C. Cherpitel and J. Breslau. He is critical of a health disparity which exists in border towns in the U.S. Also discussed is the impact the illegal drug trade has on Mexico and the U.S.

Objective: To examine whether the consumption of Spanish‐language news influences perceptions of issue salience among Latinos, the largest ethnoracial group in the United States. Methods: This mixed‐methods analysis incorporates conceptual content analyses of English and Spanish‐language online newspapers from major Latino metropolitan areas, logistic regressions, and robustness checks to predict the salience of Latino issues. Results: Spanish‐language news media covers immigration to a much greater extent than mainstream media, even within the same geographical locations; as a result, Latinos who consume Spanish‐language news are more likely to report immigration as a salient issue, even after accounting for important predispositions such as nativity and in‐group linked fate. Conclusion: This study highlights the importance of Spanish‐language and ethnic media in a growingly diverse country, where ethnoracial groups will soon make up the majority of the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on the migration industry has demonstrated the wide variety of roles played by private actors in international migration. However, so far little of this work has attempted to quantitatively measure the size and composition of these industries within particular migration schemes. Using the case of the H‐2 temporary working visa in the US, this article looks to better understand the prevalence, impact, and dynamics of the private labour intermediaries that offer services to US employers looking to hire workers from abroad. Using data from applications to hire foreign workers made to the US Department of Labor, this article finds that private intermediaries are extensively involved. Their broad inclusion raises questions of public and private authority in the visa programme, as the use of private intermediaries becomes necessary for employers to access and navigate the state institutions that oversee the programme. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent work examining science test performance in the earliest grades of school has demonstrated that science test score gaps by race/ethnicity are apparent as early as kindergarten and that, in a number of cases, the racial/ethnic test score gaps in science are significantly larger than the corresponding gaps in reading or mathematics. This study explores the factors that explain the differences in the magnitudes of racial/ethnic disparities in performance on science standardized tests as compared to those in reading/mathematics. Drawing on nationally representative data from over 10,000 kindergartners in the 2010–2011 school year, this study employs regression models that examine the explanatory power of nine conceptual domains for explaining the "gap‐in‐gaps" or test score gap differences in science relative to mathematics or reading. Results indicate that the gap‐in‐gaps is relatively unchanged by the inclusion of many conceptual domains but that students' language and immigration contexts do explain substantial portions of the gap‐in‐gaps for Hispanic and Asian students. Implications for policy and practice are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

People fleeing from violence and persecution around the world view the United States (US) as a safe haven. But recent socio political instability and growing anti‐refugee sentiment, in light of an unprecedented global humanitarian crisis, challenge this longstanding view. To better understand the current socio political climate, this study evaluated the US Refugee Resettlement Program (USRP) by focusing on Syrian asylum‐seekers and refugees. Participants consisted of 71 resettlement organization leaders (e.g., chief operating officer and director of refugee services) who, between 2013 and 2016, collectively resettled 76 per cent of all refugees and 44 per cent of Syrians to the US. Reasons for current challenges are explored while strengths are emphasized and future directions offered, along with relevant policy and clinical implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

National discourse about immigration in the United States has become increasingly unwelcoming. In two studies, we examine whether regional‐level (state) information about welcoming (vs. unwelcoming) immigrant policies in the context of either stable or increasing rate of immigration can influence intergroup relations in receiving communities. Among Whites (Study 1), welcoming policy proposals elicited more positive attitudes toward immigrants generally and toward Latinos, the ethnic group most closely associated with immigration in the United States, but only when rate of immigration is constant. In contrast, among Latinos (Study 2), an unwelcoming reception led to more positive attitudes toward immigrants (legal and undocumented) but again only when rate of immigration is constant. Asians' attitudes (Study 2) toward immigrants were not affected by contextual information about immigration. Together, these findings suggest that local conditions can affect community members' attitudes toward immigrants and toward specific ethnic groups associated with immigration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Wealth in the United States rose and fell precipitously during the first decade of this century for all major ethnic groups, but the fluctuations in Hispanic wealth were especially extreme. We show that household characteristics and location can account for the Hispanic experience during the boom but not the bust. We argue that the sudden collapse in credit availability to undocumented immigrants at the start of the recession led, through a contraction in demand for the homes of natural sellers in this market, to a loss in wealth far greater than could be predicted based on household characteristics and location alone. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, the author focuses on the impact of U.S. President Donald Trump's administration on families in the U.S. It mentions that Trump's role as president manifests the worst aspects of the use of new technology and social media. It also mentions about Trump's policies focused on immigration, both in terms of the U.S. openness to immigrants and how it treats those who illegally try to enter the U.S.

Copyright of Antipode is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the article, the author discusses the 2020 U.S. presidential election and its impact to immigration in the country. Also cited are the immigration actions by President Donald Trump including travel bans, separation of children from their families, and significant cuts in refugee resettlement, and the commitment by Trump's rival Democrat Joseph Biden and his running mate Senator Kamala Harris to advance lasting immigration reform and to reverse Trump's immigration agenda.

The United States experienced a dramatic decline in crime during the 1990s. A number of explanations for this decline have been put forth, including demographic shifts, economic trends, stricter gun control laws, and changes in drug markets. A widely reported explanation is that the surge of immigration during the 1990s was the main cause for that decade's crime decline. Although the claim has received considerable attention, it has yet to be tested empirically using national‐level data. In order to fully test the immigration‐1990s crime decline relationship, we use national‐level homicide and Census data from 1990 to 2000. Our results reveal four key findings: (1) crime declined for nearly all groups during the 1990s; (2) non‐Latino blacks contributed the most to the crime decline, by a wide margin; (3) both overall and black homicide declined the least in areas with the highest levels of immigration; and (4) we find no evidence that immigration indirectly lowered non‐immigrant crime rates by revitalizing communities. We conclude by discussing the implications of our findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: International migration to the U.S. suburbs has upended many theories of urban inequality and immigrant incorporation, including ethnic economy theory. This article is the most comprehensive study conducted to date on the reasons behind ethnic economy suburbanization and its effect on earnings. Methods: The article uses regression techniques to analyze Census microdata from 1990 to 2010. A series of analyses that aggregate and disaggregate trends across nine ethnic groups identify the extent and influence of ethnic economies in suburban areas. Results: Ethnic economy suburbanization is strongly associated with ethnic residential suburbanization, and earnings are no different in the suburban and urban portions of the ethnic economy. Conclusion: Although existing research highlights the uniqueness of suburban ethnic economies, suburban ethnic economies are delivering outcomes similar to those found in urban areas. This supports the body of literature arguing that differences between immigrant incorporation patterns in cities and suburbs are diminishing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migrating to a new country is often associated with difficulties such as social isolation, financial strain, language barriers, and cultural differences. Less is known about how social mobility brought about by migration may be related to the emotional dispositions of immigrants (also referred to as subjective well-being). To examine this relationship, we utilize data from a representative sample of 1,268 first-generation immigrants from 80 different countries living in South Florida. Changes in perceived social mobility between the homeland and the United States-moving up and down the socioeconomic ladder-are indeed associated with differences in immigrants' negative dispositions. We draw from literature on expectations, social comparisons, and subjective class status to explain these findings. We do not find a statistically significant association between changes in socioeconomic status and positive dispositions, which may suggest that losses outweigh migration-related gains. Additionally, findings reveal that nondominant groups fare worse than Cubans (the dominant group in the region) with regard to dispositions. Social comparisons to the dominant ethnic group may explain this, as well as perceptions of relative deprivation experienced by groups not favored by immigration policies and underrepresented in social and economic institutions. We conclude by discussing implications on how negative emotional dispositions represent risk factors that could affect immigrants' mental health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Usual debates about the diversity visa ( DV) programme revolve around the impact of DV initiated mass migration on African countries' development, on whether the programme sufficiently diversifies U.S. immigrant streams, and on whether there is a tradeoff in immigrant quality for diversity. This article seeks to extend the focus of these debates by examining the impact of the diversity visa programme on DV migrants at the micro-level pre- and post-migration. Based on in-depth interviews with sixty-one diversity visa lottery winners from Ghana and Nigeria, the article examines how this immigration policy has become a contextual determinant of immigrant incorporation. It argues that an account of the impact of immigration policies on immigrants pre- and post-migration must be added to theorization of state agency in shaping migration flows. It concludes with a discussion on ways the diversity visa programme can be modified to facilitate incorporation of DV migrants in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses research which investigated spousal age gap and citizenship status in cross-border marriages in the U.S. Topics explored include the intersection between the timing of migration and marriage, factors which contributed to relationship opportunities between immigrants and American citizens such as social media and international travel, and the residence and work permits which may be issued to migrant spouses in the country.

How does international migration impact the composition of the demos? Constitutional doctrines and democratic theories suggest contrasting responses: an insular one excludes both non-citizen immigrants and citizen-emigrants; a deterritorialised one includes all citizens wherever they reside; a postnational one includes all residents and only these. This article argues that none of these predicted responses represents the dominant pattern of democratic adaptation, which is instead a level-specific expansion of the national franchise to include non-resident citizens and of the local franchise to include non-citizen residents. This is demonstrated by analysing an original dataset on voting rights in 31 European and 22 American countries, and outlining a level-sensitive normative theory of citizenship that provides support for this pattern as well as a critical benchmark for current franchise policies. The findings can be summarised in two inductive generalisations: (1) Voting rights today no longer depend on residence at the national level and on citizenship of the respective state at the local level; (2) Voting rights do, however, generally depend on citizenship of the respective state at the national level and on residence at the local level. In the article, these are called the patterns of franchise 'expansion' and 'containment'. The former supports the idea of widespread level-specific expansion of the franchise and refutes the insular view of the demos. The latter signals corresponding level-specific restrictions, which defeats over-generalised versions of deterritorialised or postnational conceptions of the demos. In order to test how robust this finding is, cases are analysed where the dominant patterns of expansion have been resisted and where unexpected expansion has occurred. With regard to the former, the article identifies constitutional and political obstacles to voting rights expansion in particular countries. With regard to the latter, the article shows that even where national voting rights have been extended to non-citizen residents, containment remains strong through indirect links to citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We investigate the effects of U.S. immigration in a comprehensive search and matching framework that allows for skill heterogeneity, imperfect substitutability between skilled and unskilled inputs, different search cost between natives and immigrants, cross-skill matching, and imperfect transferability of foreign human capital. When we simulate the effects of the U.S. immigration that took place between the years 2000 and 2009, we find that both skilled and unskilled natives, as well as skilled and unskilled immigrants, gain in terms of income and employment. We also investigate the effects of an improvement in the transferability of human capital across borders and find that, although it has some redistributive effects, overall it benefits both immigrants and natives. ( JEL F22, J61, J64) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Puerto Rican migrant women require cultural-specific counseling. The intersection of ethnicity, gender, culture, and sociopolitical contexts affects Puerto Rican migrant women's psychological coping and identity development. A psychology of place lens is used to discuss how numerous Puerto Rican migrant women nurture their identity development from borderlands ( transfronterizas) to transboricuas (trans-Puerto Rican). A case vignette illustrates the use of a multicultural counseling approach to address Puerto Rican migrant women's psychological needs. Las mujeres puertorriqueñas emigrantes requieren servicios de consejería culturalmente específicos. La intersección de etnicidad, sexo, cultura y contextos sociopolíticos afecta a la capacidad de afrontamiento y el desarrollo de la identidad de las mujeres puertorriqueñas emigrantes. Se usa el enfoque de la psicología de lugar para discutir cómo muchas mujeres puertorriqueñas emigrantes cultivan el desarrollo de su identidad de transfronterizas a transboricuas. Se usa la viñeta de un caso para ilustrar el uso de una aproximación multicultural a la consejería para tratar las necesidades psicológicas de las mujeres puertorriqueñas emigrantes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The diversification of US suburbs in terms of race, ethnicity and immigration has created invaluable opportunities for scholars to study technologies of translocality-in-the-making. Translocal landscapes are described as spaces of 'here' studded with 'parts of elsewhere' (Allen and Cochrane, )-but which pieces of the landscape count as meaningfully 'of elsewhere', how do those parts get there, and what range of meanings can they signify? This article is based on qualitative, in-depth interviews and explores these questions in the context of an Arab Muslim ethnic enclave and retail district in an inner-ring suburb of Detroit. The findings indicate that 'parts of elsewhere' are more internally pluralized, multifunctional, multidirectional and aesthetically diverse than commonly recognized. The implications of these findings challenge scholars to develop more robust frameworks to explain how translocal geographies are produced, why they matter, and how they can be recognized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mexican mixed-status families have been front and center in embroiled national debates about the place of undocumented immigrants and their citizen family members in this country. These families face unique obstacles, including possible family fragmentation caused by deportation, challenges to birthright citizenship, and they are often targeted by anti-immigrant elected officials and political pundits that perpetuate a racialized discourse that casts even citizen children in these families as an abomination of US citizenship. Therefore, 'illegality' may be a familial experience that can be endured by citizens and non-citizens alike. Despite their unique vulnerabilities, researchers know very little about how mixed-status families experience belonging in the country while managing possible tensions and inequalities shaped by immigration status. In this article, I review the research on punitive immigration enforcement and the scholarship on social policies and discourse targeting mixed-status families. I conclude by reviewing new directions in sociological research and suggest avenues for research that may examine mixed-status families' subjectivities, belonging, and negotiations of family relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Apprehensions of unaccompanied minors from Central American countries have been on the rise since 2008, but news reports particularly caught up with the increase after 2012. Some politicians posited that the 2012 Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals ( DACA) contributed to the surge by creating the expectation that children would be allowed to stay in the country. Immigration advocates, however, believe that the two are not related. Using data on apprehensions of unaccompanied minors by border patrol sector, nationality and year, we find that DACA did not significantly impact those apprehensions. Rather, the 2008 Williams Wilberforce Trafficking Victims Protection Reauthorization Act, along with violence in the originating countries and economic conditions in both the countries of origin and the United States, emerge as some of the key determinants of the recent surge in unaccompanied minors apprehended along the southwest US-Mexico border. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]