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This study investigated the interplay between acculturation and religion in the religious transmission of first‐generation Islamic parents in Italy. Based on the model of the Big Four Religious Dimension (BFRD) the study took a multidimensional approach to religiosity to gain a detailed understanding of the different facets of religiosity and their contribution to the overall process of cultural adaptation and intergenerational transmission of religious values. Eleven first‐generation Muslim parents (nine women; mean age: 48 years) participated in a semi‐structured interview. Results showed that the tension between the desire to 'raise good Muslims' and for their successful integration in a non‐Muslim context challenges different facets of religiosity opening spaces for cultural negotiation which leads parents to reconsider how religious rules and identity are passed on to second generation and to develop a more conscious approach to religiosity in migration. The ability to connect religious values and identity with the context of life was greater when parents have developed a balance between the dynamics of integration in the Italian or cross‐cultural spaces of everyday life and the spaces reserved for Muslims and had a high level of cultural capital. Practical implications for implementing policies of cultural and religious pluralism are discussed. Please refer to the Supplementary Material section to find this article's Community and Social Impact Statement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Canada, immigrants are more likely to migrate within the country—interprovincial migration, for example—than Canadian‐born individuals. This is particularly true of Muslim immigrants. In this article, we seek to identify the characteristics that determine the second migrations undertaken by these immigrants. To do so, we have focused on (1) the socio‐demographic characteristics specific to this community (language in particular) and (2) the socio‐political context of the various provinces welcoming these immigrants. The results lead us to relativize the hypothesis of a tension between living in a French‐speaking environment with a tense socio‐political context for the Muslim community, and an English‐speaking environment where the socio‐political issues specific to this community are less present. Beyond strictly economic considerations, Muslim immigrants must also negotiate their integration by taking into account the language and the environment where certain socio‐political issues concerning them are more or less debated and/or where their official language of choice is not spoken. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the same time, the universal sense of transnational community of Muslims or I ummah i South Asian Muslims felt because of a connectedness to the Middle East version of Islam, brought them together in a unified "ummatic" (p. 49) identity. Tahseen Sham's, I Here, There and Elsewhere: The making of immigrant identities in a globalized world i offers an incisive and detailed analysis of the identity-making process among South Asian Muslim immigrants in the United States. Empirically, Shams posits South Asian Muslim immigrants as a distinctive group that affords the possibilities of theorizing how histories of homeland, religion, and globalization intersect to forge immigrant identities in the hostland. [Extracted from the article]

Islam is becoming an increasingly prevalent religion in Europe due to large inflows of Muslims over the last few decades. Previous social survey research suggests that the European public is critical of immigration from Muslim countries with concerns relating to integration and security. Using the 7th round of the European Social Survey and linking it to other data sources, this paper examines whether threat hypotheses can explain anti‐Muslim sentiment in Europe. The study finds that opposition to Muslims is significantly higher than opposition to migrants in general, particularly in Eastern and Central Europe. The threat hypothesis is not supported on a country level as counties with higher "stock" of Muslim population and higher number of Islamic terrorist attacks are more welcoming towards further Muslim immigration. Furthermore, the study finds that women are more opposed to Muslim immigration than men. The wider implications of these findings and alternative explanations are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, much has been written about the growth of anti‐immigrant sentiment in Western countries. Propagated by the fastest growing party family, far right‐wing parties, there is growing support in Western populations in favour of scapegoating Muslim immigrants for economic, cultural and security problems. However, less has been written on how Muslim immigrants feel about their host country. What is their sense of belonging and identification with their country of residence? In this review article, we summarise the results of 29 studies that explicitly focus on questions of integration, national identity and sense of belonging of Muslim immigrants. The studies we review document a range of outcomes, varying from a low sense of belonging and attachment to the country of residence to extremely high integration levels and loyalty. It seems that most variation depends on the country of residence at the macro‐level and on their education at the individual level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates residential segregation at the intraurban level of migrants in two Italian cities, Rome and Milan, considering religion as a point of reference in light of its pivotal role in terms of identity references for many migrants. The article focuses in particular on Muslim migrants—due to both the magnitude of their presence and complex issues related to their settlement in Italian cities. The analysis shows a low level of intraurban residential segregation of Muslim migrants in both cities, with some relevant differences related to national subgroups (e.g., a higher concentration for people coming from Bangladesh and Pakistan), so that religion seems not yet to be a main driver of residential choice for Muslim migrants. In light of both the low level of segregation of Muslim migrants and some features of Italian urban policies on migration and religion, we argue that residential concentration can currently play a beneficial role in terms of the insertion of migrants in Italian cities and fulfillment of some of their needs (e.g., availability of minority places of worship). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper estimates the returns to English‐speaking fluency on the socioeconomic outcomes of childhood immigrants. We further investigate whether Muslim childhood immigrants face additional hurdles in economic and social integration into the host country. Motivated by the critical age hypothesis, we identify the causal effects of English skills on socioeconomic outcomes by exploring the differences in the country of origin and age at arrival across childhood immigrants. We first document that all childhood immigrants who migrate from non‐English‐speaking countries at a younger age attain higher levels of English skills. We also find that acquiring better English‐language skills improves the educational attainment and labour and marriage market prospects of non‐Muslim childhood immigrants significantly and increases their participation in volunteer work. However, our results show that while a good command of English enhances the educational attainments of Muslim childhood immigrants, it shows no positive return in either the labour or marriage markets. Our results also show that progress in English fails to improve Muslim childhood immigrants' engagement in voluntary work, meaning that the opportunity for social cohesion is missed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines church–state relations in Europe, and analyzes their influence on anti‐immigrant attitudes. The literature explains this relationship primarily with religious demographics, or state privileges for the majority faith. Alternately, this study focuses on the status of the majority religion. It argues that, in countries with a national church, citizens are more likely to consider the institutionalization of a new religion to be occurring at the expense of the national heritage, and react negatively. To test that hypothesis, the study focuses on Muslim immigrants in Europe, and builds an index that gauges the extent to which European states institutionalize Islam. Then, employing multilevel regression analysis, it investigates how the institutionalization of Islam influences anti‐Muslim prejudice in different contexts of church–state regimes. Individual‐level data come from the latest wave of the European Values Study, and cover 31 countries. Findings indicate that, in European countries with a national church, institutionalization of Islam increases anti‐Muslim prejudice. In countries without a national church, however, institutionalization leads to tolerance. These results confirm the continuing relevance of religion on the national level in Europe, despite the decline in individual religiosity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: Negative sentiment toward immigrants helps fuel preferences for restrictive immigration policy. Religious commitments have been linked to both positive and negative dispositions toward immigrants, Muslims, and immigration. This study tests how religious factors impact negative sentiments toward immigrants and Muslims, and preferences for more restrictive immigration policy. Methods: We analyze data from the 1996 and 2004–2016 General Social Surveys (GSS), examining scales for negative sentiment toward immigrants, civil liberties for Muslims, and preferences to restrict immigration. Ordinary least squares and ordinal regression models are used to examine the effects of religious factors net of social background and political identifications. Results: Sectarian Protestants, white Catholics, and biblical literalists were found to have more hostile views of immigrants and Muslims, while nonwhite Catholics, non‐Christians, the unaffiliated, and those with secular beliefs held more positive views of immigrants and immigration. Conclusions: While elite sectarian Protestants and the Catholic Church hierarchy have urged tolerance for immigrants and immigration, our findings suggest that the sectarians, white Catholics, and biblical literalists hold negative views of immigrants, Muslims, and immigration. Subscription to Christian nationalism also appears to play a role in structuring negative views of immigrants and Muslims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Islamic norms and Islamophobia present unique challenges for Muslim adolescents in Western countries. For Muslim students, even “secular” public schools are not a religion‐free space because their religious beliefs and values are central in their manner of living. To inquire more about these issues, an exploratory sequential design mixed‐method study was conducted that included focus groups and a survey addressing the public school experiences of Muslim adolescents in a Midwestern state in the United States and how those experiences are related to their academic achievement, educational aspirations, and psychological adjustment. Overall, the findings characterize this study's sample as coping well in the school context in terms of academic achievement, high educational expectations, and relatively low levels of psychological distress. However, those who experience greater frequency and severity of hassles at school report higher levels of psychological distress. In particular, the frequency of hassles associated with representing Islam, limited English competency, relations with both Muslim and non‐Muslim peers, and religious discrimination at school related to increased distress. Together, these findings suggest the importance of considering both individual and ecological determinants of wellbeing for Muslim adolescents. The findings also suggest the importance of looking more carefully at the sample, context, and time when the data were collected before making generalizations within or across cultural and/or religious groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Recent events demonstrate the need for greater understanding of intercultural relations between Muslim minorities and majority of cultures in host societies. We examine British Muslims' descriptions of their experiences of acculturation. Data from interviews with first‐generation Muslims were analysed by using discourse analysis. Participants' descriptions reflect the acculturation possibilities made available in local interactional contexts. Where invited to choose between assimilation and separation, participants provide ‘trouble‐telling’ accounts that detail the difficulties involved. In contexts involving integration, participants account for their own efforts. By contrast, contexts that allow participants to introduce acculturation in their own terms lead to descriptions of acculturation success. Thus, participants' accounts of relations with British culture reflect not simply orientations towards acculturation but rather how acculturation is framed and negotiated in local contexts: The success or failure of intercultural relations reflects as much how the issues are presented as they do immigrants' acceptance or non‐acceptance of British culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study focuses on Muslim fertility in Europe. Evidence from 25 countries suggests that the Muslim total fertility rate is on average 47% higher than the national level. However, we find a significant difference in the level of fertility of native-born Muslims and immigrant Muslims. The native-born have a 19% higher total fertility rate, while immigrants have 62% higher fertility. Our main research question is whether religion is an important determinant of fertility outcome, or whether the other characteristics that are specific for Muslims in Europe (e.g. socio-economics, migrant status, and religiosity) determine the observed difference in fertility. To answer this question, we focus on three case studies: Spain, where most Muslims are immigrants; Bulgaria, where most Muslims are native; and Greece, which has significant shares of both recent migrants and native Muslims. Our findings suggest that the immigrant status of Muslims and their socio-economic status are more important than religion in terms of explaining their high fertility. Copyright © 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The long established distinction between civic nationalism and ethnonationalism is useful heuristically to understand different dimensions of nationalism and perhaps track a movement from ethnic forms to civic allegiances, though some have challenged its empirical veracity and others question the normative implications of such a distinction. This paper demonstrates the ways in which the two are elided in everyday discourses about migrants in Australia. We argue suspicion of cultural difference, identified more than three decades ago as the new racism, has given way to talk of the need for migrants to 'follow the law'. This serves rhetorically to reinforce the notion that migrants, often implied to overlap with the category ' Muslims', are insisting on breaking the law and/or changing it and are therefore culturally incompatible with a modern liberal democracy. We argue that since ethnic nationalism, like racism, is out of favour normatively, ethnic nationalist arguments are now superficially concealed beneath the acceptable language of civic nationalism. The manner in which this occurs is mapped discursively using data from a corpus of twenty seven focus groups conducted around Australia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is presented that focuses on the community characteristics that could exacerbate or inoculate a jurisdiction's potential for terror groups' success. Topics discussed include prediction of terror attacks based on local demographic variables, police role in terrorism prevention, and influx of Muslim immigrants in European countries.

Ethiopian Muslims have only had access to public space and opportunity for religious self-definition and collective influence since 1991. During little more than two decades, how have they advanced subjective agency within the political constraints of the current government, the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front or EPRDF? This article addresses that question by backgrounding the history of Islamic expansion into Ethiopia, tracing Muslim engagement with Christian political elites over several hundred years, till the latter part of the 21st century. After the deposition of Haile Selasse in 1974, the DERG assumed power and in the name of a socialist agenda, suppressed all religions from 1975-1991. DERG socialism has been replaced by EPRDF pluralism, yet the structural constraints of the latter have weakened the efforts of Ethiopian Muslims to find their rightful place in the public square. Abetted and assisted by overseas immigrant communities, in both Western Europe and North America, Ethiopian Muslims continue to contest securitization and marginalization by the state, even as they struggle with regional, national and transnational issues that impact all Muslim identity politics in the second decade of the 21st century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Muslim immigrants to Europe display distinctive attitudes toward women in a wide range of survey data. This study investigates whether this translates into distinctive behavior. Relying on a dictator game in France and an identification strategy that isolates the effect of religion from typical confounds such as race, we compare the donations of matched Christian and Muslim immigrants and rooted French to in-group and out-group men vs. women. Our results indicate that Muslim immigrant participants deviate from Christian immigrant and rooted French participants in their behavior toward women: while the latter favor women over men, Muslim immigrants favor men over women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is presented on the general European attitude towards a growing recognition that, instead of disappearing and surrendering its ground to secularism, religion appears to be rising and rapidly becoming visible again in the public-square. The author suggests the need to understand the European relation to the Muslim immigrants from the angle of the attitude towards religiosity, and not from the angle of fear from Islam alone.

This study examines the extent to which Muslim self-identification and mosque attendance have changed in the period 1997-2009 among people of Turkish and Moroccan descent in the Netherlands. Mainly trendless fluctuations are found. Overall, Muslim self-identification seems to very slightly increase and mosque attendance seems to very slightly decrease. We examined the extent to which factors that are important according to theories and previous research explain or enlarge these differences over time. The factors about which we hypothesize are largely unable to explain differences over time in Muslim self-identification and mosque attendance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While in the American context religion is seen to facilitate immigrant incorporation by providing both spiritual and socioeconomic resources, in Europe high levels of religiosity are theorized as a barrier for immigrant incorporation into the secular mainstream. This is particularly salient for Islam, Europe's largest minority religion. In this study, we use the 2008-2009 England and Wales Citizenship Survey to compare levels and predictors of religiosity between Muslim and non-Muslim first-generation immigrants and their native-born counterparts. Overall, Muslims are more religious than non-Muslims. The results show that among non-Muslims, the foreign-born are significantly more religious than the native-born; among Muslims, however, nativity has no impact on religiosity, indicating the native-born are as highly religious as the foreign-born. Additionally, although education is associated with reduced religiosity among non-Muslim immigrants and native-born, for Muslims it has no significant impact. Muslims across diverse ethnic and socioeconomic backgrounds show strong religious adherence. Results suggest that pathways to secular, mainstream norms do not operate in the same manner across Muslim and non-Muslim immigrant groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the behavioural and institutional mechanisms that guide the matchmaking process of arranged marriages1 amongst Muslim migrants in Germany and clarifies how this practice may influence ethnic homogamy. The focus is on general characteristics of arranged marriages rather than differences between diverse ethnic groups. The methodology is qualitative due to the sensitive and complex topic and the current state of research. Typically, the whole family is deeply involved in the process of arrangement, which consists of three stages (pre-engagement, engagement, marriage). Thereby, the extension of parental scope of action by means of institutionalized admission procedures turns out to be vitally important. In consideration of the fact that mate selection takes place at the pre-engagement stage, it is the most crucial. Furthermore, differences to other partner-choosing processes are at their most distinct at this point, being responsible for the identification and labelling of this model as an arranged marriage. Selection criteria are mainly determined by the reputation of the marriage candidate and her/his family along with cultural features (such as belonging to a particular religious group, ethnicity or nationality). In our study, preferences for a cultural homogenous match were the most dominant ones. This inclination may cause the tendency towards transnational marriages when there are no suitable marriage candidates to be found in Germany. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two studies explored the role of perceived threat in predicting White Australians' acculturation preferences for Muslim immigrants, with particular focus on the impact of their reliance on the mass media. In Study 1, students completed a survey that indicated that their tolerance of Muslim practice was largely explained by their general attitudes to multiculturalism. However, among those who were highly reliant on the media, symbolic threat from Muslims played an additional role, with those who perceived more threat being less tolerant. Study 2 further explored these findings in a second survey that included other measures of threat that comprise the integrated threat theory. While intergroup anxiety was the form of threat with the strongest main effect on tolerance, the impact of symbolic threat was again moderated by reliance on the mass media. The implications for understanding the role of media in facilitating interethnic disharmony were discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines whether Europe's migrants are a potential resource and discusses Bassam Tibi's views on the issue of integration facing Muslim migrants in Western Europe. According to the author, Tibi argues that Europe's Muslims should abandon their steadfast adherence to the Islamic "umma" and adopt Western political values, particularly pluralism. The author argues that Europe needs to manage its relationship with a culturally and racialised Other in a world that is globalised.

Based on terror management theory, previous research has shown that terrorism threat increases prejudice against Muslims and is mediated by death-related thoughts. Because this effect was found on a correlational level, it remains unclear whether terrorism threat increases prejudice against Muslims because of enhanced death-related thoughts or the opposite: terrorism threat increases death-related thoughts because of stronger prejudice against Muslims. To disentangle this shortcoming, we varied death-related thoughts by systematically manipulating the belief in literal immortality. Using two studies, we found that participants exposed to terrorism pictures (vs. controls) had increased prejudice against both Muslims (Study 1) and immigrants (Study 2) when they were led to believe that literal immortality does not exist but not when they were led to believe that it does exist. Mediation analysis indicated that this effect was mediated by death-related thoughts. This provides further evidence that terrorism threat increases prejudice because of death-related thoughts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article identifies and discusses the cultural and spiritual/religious assessments which are required to conduct counseling with Muslim Americans and Muslim immigrants to the U.S. The article outlines assessment processes for Muslim Americans and immigrant Muslims who are a focus for culturally sensitive and ethical counseling considerations. These processes include cultural identity, worldview, spiritual assessment along with acculturation level and migration concerns, impact of languages spoken, social, occupational, and educational status of the client in host culture and in home culture, and family composition and social supports.

I use the Longitudinal Survey of Immigrants to Australia to examine whether the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001 (9/11) led to changes in perceptions of discrimination among Muslim immigrants and immigrants who fit the Muslim-Arab stereotype. I adopt a difference in differences approach and exploit the timing of interviews to identify the causal effect of 9/11 on perceptions. I find that consequent to 9/11, Muslim men and those who look like Muslims increasingly reported religious and racial intolerance and discrimination relative to other immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes three ways in which groups of socially and politically marginalized first-generation Muslim immigrants used the power of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) to advance their interests in the United States. Specifically we examine the founding of nine Muslim community-based health organizations (MCBHOs) in Chicago, Detroit, Houston, and Los Angeles. We argue that MCBHOs (1) offer a vehicle for the expression and enactment of personal piety and self-fulfillment in ways that link traditional Islamic charitable values with American voluntarism, (2) mobilize middle-class Muslim values in American civil society in ways that normalize the difference of being Muslim in an Islamophobic environment, and (3) enable founders to mobilize the social and cultural capital of faith-based organizations to defensively enact American Muslim citizenship and belonging. Muslims, particularly those of immigrant origins, strategically deploy positively valued faith-based charitable and professional group identities through these NGOs to counteract their publicly stigmatized religious group identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Danish cartoon controversy raises questions about the inclusiveness of Western European civic nationalism. The controversy highlighted a harsh, exclusivist brand of Danish civic nationalism that cast Muslim migrants as outsiders. The controversy also saw a broader group of cartoon supporters from across Europe fault Muslims for failing to respect liberal traditions of freedom of speech and secularism, traditions now explicitly labeled ‘European’. However, others pushed the debate in a more open direction by defending the Jyllands Posten's freedom of expression in ethnically neutral terms and explicitly challenging the contrast between an enlightened Europe and an intolerant Muslim other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses how immigrant Muslims benefited in the U.S. and Great Britain from the tribalistic and pluralistic point of view. By building places of worship, political organizations and schools, Muslims benefited from the successes of Protestant public sphere. Through an alliance with evangelicals in support of Texas Governor George W. Bush's family values faith-based platform, the power of the first national bloc vote in 2000 was proven by the American Muslim Political Coordination Committee. The curriculum and operations of Islamic schools in Los Angeles, California and Manchester were also modeled after successful Christian academies.

This paper investigates gendered mechanisms for regulating migrants and migration in a pre-colonial Muslim state, Tunisia, from the end of the Napoleonic Wars to the eve of colonialism. Trans-Mediterranean migration to, and permanent settlement in, nineteenth-century Tunis, the capital city, constituted a major stimulus for political, cultural and social transformations that endured into the colonial period. Employing diverse documentation, the case study analyses this Mediterranean migratory current of ordinary women and men to test the theoretical literature based primarily on trans-Atlantic movements, which has emphasised the ‘diversity of social positioning’ for women migrants. The paper argues that for pre-colonial Tunisia, a state that was both an Ottoman province and a part of the larger Mediterranean world, the system of diplomatic protection represented a critical form of positioning. Moreover, Mediterranean states, both European and Muslim, had a long tradition of controlling the movements of women in port cities. Two distinct historical moments in the settlement of women from the Mediterranean islands in pre-colonial Tunisia are compared. This approach not only enables an assessment of whether women's movements across international borders can attenuate, if only momentarily, patriarchal authority, but also encourages reflection on how gender explains historical variations in global migratory displacements as well as to what extent colonialism serves as an satisfactory explanatory framework for the gendering of communal boundaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the secularism debate currently taking place in France by examining how this issue impacts the integration of immigrants, particularly Muslim immigrants. Secularism is one of the key values of French Republicanism, but one which has been challenged by the establishment of a settled population of Muslim immigrants in France. The issue has been particularly highlighted by the affaire des foulards (headscarf affair), an ongoing debate over the rights of Muslim girls to wear a headscarf to secular French schools. Discussions of the principle of secularism and of its application have been even more intense in recent months with the publication in December 2003 of a report by the Stasi Commission, a commission set up by President Chirac to investigate the application of the principle of secularism, and by the passage of legislation intended to outlaw the wearing of any “overt” religious insignia in French schools. This article examines these recent developments in the context of the long-running debate over Muslim women's right to wear a headscarf in French schools. It argues that the current focus on secularism provides evidence of the return of assimilation as a primary objective of public policy (Brubaker, 2001) and the decreasing strength of the movement in favour of the droit à la différence (right to difference). Finally, the paper argues that this has provided important obstacles to the integration of certain groups of immigrants, particularly Muslim immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reflects upon the relation between U.S. domestic security and Muslim immigrants. Declining ability of nation-states to erect and defend tight boundaries; Differences between previous waves of immigration to the U.S. and Muslim immigration; Resistance to assimilation and formation of small communities; Conditions that permitted terrorism to flourish.

This study examined the relationship of job stress with psychosomatic health problems, happiness in life, job satisfaction, job motivation, organizational commitment and turnover motivation in a .sample of Muslims living in Canada and the USA. Data were collected by means of a structured questionnaire (N = 325). Results generally supported the prediction that job stress will be positively related to psychosomatic health problems and turnover motivation, and negatively related to happiness in life, job satisfaction, job motivation and organizational commitment. Degree of religiosity was proposed as a moderator of job stress—outcome relationships. Results from moderated multiple regression indicated that for this sample of Muslims religiosity was an important moderator of the stress outcome relationships. Implications of the findings for stress management and for future research in the racioethnic area are highlighted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To the shock of the world, the mild-mannered Swiss have acted the most radically of any European country out of fear of Muslim immigrants by banning minarets. Was this a blow against tolerance, or for it? Is Islam a European religion, or is Europe a Christian club? Meanwhile, as Turkey becomes more confident in its regional power and Muslim identity it is shaking up some old friends. In this section, two of Europe's most prominent Muslim voices, the foreign minister of Sweden and a top Turkish official try to sort it out. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To the shock of the world, the mild-mannered Swiss have acted the most radically of any European country out of fear of Muslim immigrants by banning minarets. Was this a blow against tolerance, or for it? Is Islam a European religion, or is Europe a Christian club? Meanwhile, as Turkey becomes more confident in its regional power and Muslim identity it is shaking up some old friends. In this section, two of Europe's most prominent Muslim voices, the foreign minister of Sweden and a top Turkish official try to sort it out. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]