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Objective: To provide a framework of mental health care reform across Europe. Method: On the basis of summary quantitative indices and expert ratings of broad aspects of mental health care structure, the process and outcome of psychiatric reform common trends and differences are outlined. Results: There has been a broad trend away from an institutional model of care with the mental hospital as the dominant institution, and community- and general hospital-based mental health services of varying comprehensiveness are in place in most countries. The social and broad community aspects of psychiatric reform have generally been somewhat less successful than changes in service set-up. Assessment of reform outcomes proves particularly difficult. Conclusion: Psychiatric reform processes have achieved some of their aims, and there are broadly similar trends. Regional variation is substantial and may be as important as cross-national differences. Mental health care reform is ongoing across the European region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary: Adequate levels of physical activity are important for population health. Policy databases can track, monitor, and compare the development and implementation of physical activity policy actions and are populated by different methods. The new MOVING database, developed through the Confronting Obesity: Co‐creating Policy with Youth (CO‐CREATE) project, collates governmental policy actions designed to increase physical activity and is populated by an in‐depth scan of implemented national policy actions. This paper presents lessons learned from conducting the policy scan across 27 European countries. Policy actions were identified using a structured search protocol from preselected sources, assessed against pre‐specified inclusion criteria and verified by an in‐country expert. 625 eligible national implemented policy actions were identified. Challenges included policy actions falling out of scope, a lack of available information on policy actions, difficulty in identifying policy actions using specific search terms, and increased resource requirements for translation of policy actions into English. The scan indicated improvements, which informed protocol modifications. Identifying the challenges and opportunities around conducting a policy scan is necessary to understand and assess the reliability, validity, and utility of a policy database. The policy scan will help to deliver a comprehensive picture of physical activity policy actions across Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents information on current developments towards international insolvencies in Europe. Components of the legal framework for dealing with cross-border insolvency proceedings; Information on the European Union Insolvency Regulation; Challenges in cross-border insolvency proceedings.

In western Europe, municipal or otherwise state‐commissioned cemeteries and crematoria are public spaces and services, open to all. Cemeteries and crematoria grounds are neglected in geographical, planning and policy debates about the character, design, management, use and accessibility of public spaces, and likewise debates about the social inclusion of migrants and minorities. This may reflect a tendency to situate cemeteries socially and geographically in the peripheries of contemporary European society, but they are, nonetheless, sites of vital public health infrastructure, as well as being highly significant symbolic, religious‐spiritual, secular‐sacred, and emotionally laden places. Examining cemeteries‐crematoria against a criteria of inclusive public space provides new insights into (1) the nature of public space and its governance; (2) rights and barriers to shared public spaces and associated infrastructure in everyday multicultural contexts; (3) national–local negotiations of majority‐minorities social relations and cultural practices in and through public spaces; and (4) the need to place municipal cemeteries‐crematoria centre stage in scholarship and policy on public space which is culturally inclusive and serves all citizens. Municipal cemeteries and crematoria grounds are important but neglected spaces in geographical, Planning and policy debates about the character, design, use, governance and accessibility of public spaces. This paper highlights the political and cultural importance of cemeteries‐crematoria as public spaces, and their role in social inclusion/exclusion in multicultural and post‐secular European societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Our paper aims to provide a short guide on how community psychologists can contribute to the improvement of rural young people's prospects. After briefly introducing the demographic trends of these young people in continental Europe for the past decade, we list the current challenges faced by rural European young generations, as well as the opportunities emerging for them from the twin transition that can inspire the community psychology field. We then contextualize community psychologists' interventions in this domain according to an ecological‐systemic standpoint and by embracing a Participatory Action Research (PAR) perspective on research and practice. We further detail the reasons for adopting a PAR approach in research and practice to address rural young people's challenges and opportunities. Finally, we highlight four potential intermediation missions to uphold community psychologists' rural youth development input, based on the adopted theoretical and methodological standpoint. We conclude that our short guide can facilitate community psychology professionals' complete understanding of rural young generations' prospects, in line with the expected increase in the need for rural young people's participation. Our proposal may also have long‐term benefits for rural communities by contributing to the redesigning of intergenerational relationships and securing critical mass. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the course of the last 30 years, inclusive education has emerged as a key aim of education policies around the world. Also in Europe, most countries took efforts to make their education systems more inclusive—which led to growing numbers of children and young persons with disabilities in general education in Europe. The implementation processes of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (UNCRPD) fuelled these efforts. However, as some authors have argued, not all students with disabilities seem to have benefited in the same way from these developments—such as children and young persons with intellectual disability (ID). This paper aims to explore this phenomenon in more depth by comparing some measures in relation to the implementation processes of the UNCRPD of seven European countries. Doing so, we analyze trends in placements (mainstream and special schools) of students with Special Educational Needs (SEN) in general and of students with intellectual disability specifically. As we show, an increase of students identified as having SEN in mainstream schools can be observed in all countries during the implementation process of the UNCRPD. However, in comparison to this rather broad group of learners, the percentage of students with intellectual disability in mainstream settings did not increase as much. Furthermore, the calculation of the "exclusion rate" revealed that this group of learners remains a key population of special schools. These results need to be understood as effects of specific shortcomings in the implementation of the UNCRPD, as we discuss in a further section. We conclude our paper with recommendations on future research and policies on inclusive education regarding students with intellectual disability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Whilst the link between young people's well‐being and the creative arts is strengthening, there is a lack of research which focuses on the roles that artists play to help teachers and parents engage young people in the creative arts. This paper explores the benefits of and barriers to artists working in education in six European countries (England, Iceland, Germany, Greece, Italy and Austria). Using the '5A's model of creativity' and a view of professional development taking place within 'landscapes of practice', the data were analysed in order to explain how creativity is operationalised in the different contexts. Our study highlights the need for policy at a national and transnational level to value the creative arts in order to help teachers cross boundaries and utilise the full potential of the creative arts in schools. Our study also highlights that further research is needed into how artists shape teaching and curriculum and how schools engage parents in the creative arts in order to build an evidence‐base relating to young people's positive mental health that can affect policy at these levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we analyse discourses about Europe in Greek debates about immigration and citizenship and highlight the complexities of 'Europeanness' as a symbolic resource for argumentation in these debates. Our data consist of lay discourses from 2 rounds of online public deliberation (2009-2010 and 2015) about a controversial new citizenship law in Greece. Our analysis shows that Europe is an ambivalent category. On the one hand, Europe symbolises progress, but, on the other hand, it is also constructed in terms of decline and 'contamination' by multiculturalism. Further, our analysis shows that the category of Europe can be mobilised in contradictory ways, in order to support arguments for and against citizenship rights for migrants. The paper concludes with a discussion of the ways in which constructions of Europe are implicated in processes of othering and inclusion in the context of current immigration debates. Copyright © 2017 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rail links between China and Europe are typically analysed in the context of China's Belt and Road Initiative, focusing on China's economic rise and the implications for international relations. This paper argues that establishment of the China–Europe Landbridge predated the BRI and has been market‐driven, as service providers identified and responded to demand for efficient freight services along pre‐existing railway lines. Governments' role was trade facilitating, that is reducing delays and costs at border‐crossing points, rather than investing in hard infrastructure. Service providers responded by linking European and Asian value chains (e.g., in automobiles and electronic goods) and reducing costs for traders shipping between China and Europe. The Eurasian Landbridge provides a case study of servicification as a component of increased trade in the twenty‐first century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Antipode is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Now that it is widely accepted that the European Union (EU) constitutes a system of governance, analysts need actively to explore precisely how it may affect the continuing struggle better to coordinate national and European administrations. In its 2001 White Paper on governance, the European Commission interpreted governance to mean less central control and more network-led steering. Its interpretation of such networks is that they are self-organizing. Drawing upon an empirical study of environmental policy integration (EPI) in the EU, this article shows that this vision may not adequately fit the multi-actor, multi-level coordination challenges associated with some EU problems. By studying the administrative capacities that the European Commission and three member states have created to achieve better environmental coordination, this article shows significant administrative weaknesses. It concludes that the coordination challenges now troubling the EU require a more thoughtful discussion of network management than the White Paper suggests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

OBJECTIVES: The involvement of individuals and communities in health decision‐making is enshrined in WHO policies. However, migrant groups are under‐represented in health decision‐making processes. Our aim was to explore migrants' involvement in health policy, service development and research in the WHO European Region to identify levers for inclusive and meaningful practice. METHODS: We conducted a narrative review of grey literature and peer‐reviewed research on migrants' involvement in health decision‐making across the 53 countries in WHO Europe. We searched for articles published in English between 2010 and the present in two electronic databases (PubMed, Scopus), IOM MIPEX Health Strand country reports, the EU SOPHIE project and using a Google advanced search. Findings were analysed descriptively and using Normalisation Process Theory to investigate levers and barriers to implementation of policy into practice. RESULTS: Of 1,444 articles retrieved, 79 met the inclusion criteria. We identified 20 policies promoting migrants' involvement, but national‐level policies were present in only two countries. We identified 59 examples of migrants' involvement in practice from half of the WHO Europe countries (n = 27). Our Normalisation Process Theory (NPT) analysis of 14 peer‐reviewed empirical papers found that participatory research approaches are a lever to putting policy into practice in a meaningful way. CONCLUSIONS: Migrants' involvement in health decision‐making requires explicit national policies that are implemented evenly across policymaking, service provider and research activities in all countries in the WHO European Region. Participatory approaches to involvement activities are encouraged because they are a lever to perceived barriers to migrants' involvement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: This paper investigates the association between the Great Recession and educational inequalities in self‐rated general health in 25 European countries. We investigate four different indicators related to economic recession: GDP; unemployment; austerity and a ‘crisis’ indicator signifying severe simultaneous drops in GDP and welfare generosity. We also assess the extent to which health inequality changes can be attributed to changes in the economic conditions and social capital in the European populations. The paper uses data from the European Social Survey (2002–2014). The analyses include both cross‐sectional and lagged associations using multilevel linear regression models with country fixed effects. This approach allows us to identify health inequality changes net of all time‐invariant differences between countries. GDP drops and increasing unemployment were associated with decreasing health inequalities. Austerity, however, was related to increasing health inequalities, an association that grew stronger with time. The strongest increase in health inequality was found for the more robust ‘crisis’ indicator. Changes in trust, social relationships and in the experience of economic hardship of the populations accounted for much of the increase in health inequality. The paper concludes that social policy has an important role in the development of health inequalities, particularly during times of economic crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT The present paper explores how new governance materializes in public policies on corporate social responsibility (CSR) across Europe. By highlighting how both new governance and CSR facilitate the dispersion of public responsibilities to non-state actors, I first highlight the often overlooked complementarity of the two concepts. The paper then takes stock of how governments across Europe aim to shape and promote CSR by employing five different types of policy instruments. An analysis of empirical stocktaking in the light of the new governance theory confirms that public polices on CSR strongly resemble the new governance rationale, but not so much because of tangible networks employed but due to their voluntary character. The paper adds evidence to the growing body of literature showing that new governance is also concerned with influencing actors from a distance without actually being involved in networking activities, and without making use of their legislative power (also referred to as 'governing at arm's length'). Conclusions are drawn on the modes of governance and the role of persuasion in the context of new governance. Copyright © 2011 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and ERP Environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At a time when the belief in a welfare crisis is being connected to a so‐called "migration crisis", in particular in the United Kingdom, it is important to look at the lived experiences of mobile EU citizens and the influence of transnational social protection practices. The article introduces the concept of a "migration‐welfare corridor" – as opposed to the widespread welfare magnet hypothesis – taking into consideration the role of welfare systems in origin and destination countries at different stages of a migrant's life cycle, the changing nature of the welfare habitus as well as migrants' attitudes towards what can be defined as welfare chauvinism. Looking specifically at the case of Spanish and Polish migrants in the UK who have reacted to this protracted environment of deterrence, particularly in respect to their welfare rights, this paper discusses several dimensions that should be taken into consideration when analyzing transnational social protection practices from below. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The dramatically increasing prevalence of obesity, especially among children, has become a major public health problem in Europe. In reaction to this alarming trend, a series of initiatives and actions has been launched in recent years. As the potential impact of these activities is widely unknown so far, we underline the need for adequate evaluation of these measures. The aim of this paper is to report the latest developments in the fight against obesity at different political levels across Europe, with special attention to the major results of the recent World Health Organization European Ministerial Conference on Counteracting Obesity. In accordance with the main principles of the European Charter on Counteracting Obesity adopted at the meeting, immediate action should be taken now by implementing the few available schemes with proven effectiveness. Finally, given the lack of appropriate evaluation, we consider it particularly important to establish national research centres to collect country-specific data that are to be evaluated together by a central European administration department. Based on the results of such a comprehensive data pool, concrete strategies could be developed for future policy building. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses how public administrations handle cross-sectoral government strategies such as those on sustainable development (SD), and how this could (or should) change in the future. It puts SD strategies and their key objective of improving the cross-sectoral integration of policies into the wider context of public administration in two respects. In a first step, the paper shows that SD strategies are a progressive step in the protracted debate on planning and strategic management in the public sector. In a second step, however, the paper explores the functioning of specialized public administrations as one explanation for the shortcomings of SD strategies in Europe. Consequently, the paper concludes that SD strategies should be developed further into a tool of strategic public management that helps to adapt administrative approaches to the integrative challenges of SD. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and ERP Environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the UK, as elsewhere in Europe, government policy aims to reduce the use of private cars for consumer shopping trips. One major instrument of policy aims to ensure that new retail development is located in places accessible by all transport modes. This paper reviews the effectiveness of this and other such policies through analysis of survey evidence relating to routine shopping behaviour in the UK. It appears that these policies are likely to have little impact upon shopping travel, given the advantages to the consumer of private car use. However, demographic trends and increasing use of the Internet for food shopping are likely to stabilize or even reduce the use of private cars in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to contribute to understanding the changing role of government in promoting corporate social responsibility (CSR). Over the last decade, governments have joined other stakeholders in assuming a relevant role as drivers of CSR, working together with intergovernmental organizations and recognizing that public policies are key in encouraging a greater sense of CSR. This paper focuses on the analysis of the new strategies adopted by governments in order to promote, and encourage businesses to adopt, CSR values and strategies. The research is based on the analysis of an explanatory framework, related to the development of a relational analytical framework, which tries to analyze the vision, values, strategies and roles adopted by governments, and the integration of new partnerships that governments establish in the CSR area with the private sector and social organizations. The research compares CSR initiatives and public policies in three European countries: Italy, Norway and the United Kingdom, and focuses on governmental drivers and responses. The preliminary results demonstrate that governments are incorporating a common statement and discourse on CSR, working in partnership with the private and social sectors. For governments, CSR implies the need to manage a complex set of relationships in order to develop a win–win situation between business and social organizations. However, the research also focuses on the differences between the three governments when applying CSR public policies. These divergences are based on the previous cultural and political framework, such as the welfare state typology, the organizational structures and the business and social and cultural background in each country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent reform of the European water policy recognizes the importance of developing effective mechanisms to support public and stakeholder participation in river basin decision-making processes. This paper critically reviews the evaluation processes of different types of water related project in five European countries (Portugal, Greece, The Netherlands, the United Kingdom and Spain), with respect to participatory criteria. The horizontal comparison of these cases accounted for criteria such as the political and institutional context, the design, the implementation and the evaluation of the outcomes of participation. The results indicated that, in the majority of the case studies, participation was simply adopted to conform to the requisites of the Environmental Impact Assessment Directive. Thus, there was truly no room for the active involvement and collaboration of the interested parties. The development of guidelines, drawing from the analysis of past experiences, is expected to support the implementation of the participatory objectives of the EU water policy. Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and ERP Environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A new Green Paper from the European Commission on emissions trading foresees the setting up of a CO2 trading system within the EU for the energy sector. Because any such international environmental agreement is self-enforcing, the participants must have an economic net gain from joining the proposed system. Our contribution is therefore to follow the Green Paper proposal and investigate whether member countries and the largest industrial boilers in the electricity sector actually will receive significant net gains from CO2 trade in the European Union rather than undertaking domestic actions solely. We show, based on the PRIMES model, that a full CO2 emission trading system between Annex B countries suggests overall cost savings of the order of 40% compared with a situation with no trading at all between member states. A tradable CO2 permit scheme with comprehensive coverage of emissions within the EU could reduce the total abatement costs by 32% compared with a system with no trading. In comparison, a Community-wide system containing only the electricity and steam sector would reduce the total abatement costs by 13% only. Though a tradable CO2 permit market for the power and steam sector can provide significant gains from trading, these gains can be almost four times higher than for a trade system that includes all sectors in the EU. Thus, the electricity and steam sector is a fit target group as starting point, but in the longer run the system must be organized in a way that provides opportunities for other sectors to ‘opt in’ over time. Copyright © 2003 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and ERP Environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

European political integration has added a new and exciting dimension to the study of national political and administrative systems. However, comparatively little is know about the precise role of national ministries of state in either facilitating or retarding the shift towards joint rule making at the European level. Taking as an example the UK Department of the Environment's (DoE) involvement in the cumulative development of EU environmental policy since 1970, this paper examines the extent to which national environmental departments manage the process of integration or whether they are dragged along by it. It concentrates on the DoE's role in negotiating the 1987 Single European Act. It suggests that integration in the environmental sector since the Act has proceeded significantly further and faster than British negotiators originally expected, though through little conscious effort by the DoE. In fact, the DoE strongly opposed the introduction of majority voting, but was overruled by the core executive. These findings are examined against two theoretical approaches to European integration in order to reach a fuller understanding of what motivates (parts of) the British state to limit national autonomy in the process of developing European environmental rules. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the process of European integration gathered pace, subsidiarity was introduced as a concept that could curb the centralist tendencies of the European Union. For new legislation the EU needed to satisfy two criteria. What justification was there for European action in the first place (subsidiarity) and was the intensity of the action appropriate (proportionality)? Many references were thus made to the fact that new European legislation complied with these two principles albeit in a general and imprecise manner. This paper attempts to understand what the two concepts mean in relation to two pieces of environmental legislation. The paper begins by discussing, in general terms, the origins of the principles and their meaning in European Community law. It then examines the actual arguments made in support of or to counteract Commission proposals in the field of environmental policy. Three considerations must be satisfied. What legal competence does the Commission have to propose legislation, and does it comply with the subsidiarity and proportionality principles? We conclude by suggesting that a series of decision rules can be developed to evaluate the legitimacy of Community action. Copyright © 2000 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. and ERP Environment [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background and aims Prohibitions on producing, distributing and selling cannabis are loosening in various jurisdictions around the world. This paper describes the diversification of cannabis supply laws and discusses the challenges to and opportunities for learning from these changes. Methods We document changes in cannabis supply laws that de jure legalized cannabis production for medical and/or non-medical purposes (excluding industrial hemp) in Australasia, Europe, North America and South America. We also highlight challenges to evaluating these legal changes based on our experiences studying cannabis laws and policies in the United States. Findings As of August 2016, two countries have passed laws to legalize large-scale cannabis production for non-medical purposes at the national (Uruguay) or subnational level (four US states). At least nine other countries legally allow (or will soon allow) cannabis to be supplied for medicinal purposes. Most of the changes in cannabis supply laws have occurred since 2010. The data available in most countries are inadequate for rigorously evaluating the changes in cannabis supply laws. Conclusion The evidence base for assessing changes in cannabis supply laws remains weak. Efforts should focus upon collecting information about quantities consumed and market transactions as well as validating self-report surveys. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In an effort to explain, to predict and to manage the ways in which organized religion affects patterns of public contestation at the state and regional levels in post-Cold War Europe, social scientists and policymakers have formulated a cultural map that divides Europe into two spaces incompatible by virtue of their historical experiences: one space is 'modern', 'civilized', Western Christian; the other space is 'anti-modern', 'uncivilized', Eastern Christian. This paper proposes that a specific 'orthodox' version of Eastern Orthodox Christianity has gained ascendance in Euro-American academic and policy discussions, in order to provide a cultural argumentation that supports political-economic and military power objectives in post-Cold War Europe. The paper claims that the 'orthodox' version of Orthodoxy is theoretically inaccurate and methodologically unsound, but is rooted in intellectual efforts to salvage a neo-modernization paradigm as well as in Orientalist tendencies in Modern Greek and Central European identity debates. An alternative to the 'orthodox' conception of Orthodoxy is presented, along with suggestions for how to analyze and to manage the potential synergy between efforts at consolidating liberal democracies in European societies with an Eastern Christian tradition emphasizing personal freedom and human relationality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Ireland there is a widespread belief that the country is moving towards a 'European model' of industrial relations. One claim is that the industrial relations system can be now described as social corporatist. Advocates of this view invariably point to the substance and the durability of the latest round of centralized wage agreements in support of this claim. This paper assesses the validity of the argument. Because discussions about social corporatism are so diffuse, the first part of the paper develops a framework that sheds light on what the concept means in economic and institutional terms. In the second part of the paper this framework is used to assess the functioning of the recent national pay deals. The conclusion is that these agreements should not be regarded as social corporatist. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Swiss Political Science Review is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

ABSTRACT This paper analyses cooperation between Europe and Cape Verde in the field of migration policy. Such cooperation fits into a broader trend that sees migrant-receiving countries engage in agreements with sending states, in a way that is expected to bring together Western states' concerns with the control of migration and less-developed countries' needs in terms of development aid and access to regular migration opportunities. The Republic of Cape Verde has signed and is negotiating several treaties and arrangements, especially with the European Union and its member states. A key factor here is Cape Verde's long-standing reliance on emigration and the consequently problematic reduction of emigration opportunities in a world that is closing its borders to foreign (regular) workforce. A closer look at the cooperation dynamics between sending and receiving countries reveals, however, that management schemes are potentially biased in favour of developed countries, which would then use them to secure the cooperation of sending and/or transit countries to their own political objectives. The purpose of this paper is therefore to assess whether traditional emigration countries such as Cape Verde can reasonably expect such bilateral regimes of migration management to fit their interests or if this kind of cooperation will merely establish a basis for supporting European Union-driven political agenda. Copyright © 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Alcohol is a major risk factor for burden of disease and injury in Europe, and contributes markedly to between region differences in life expectancy. Monitoring and surveillance systems have shown to be a key factor in implementing effective policies. The aim of this paper is to propose a system of indicators for alcohol consumption and attributable harm which can be used as an over-time monitoring tool at the country level as well as for comparisons between countries. A systematic research in electronic data bases was conducted but most of the information was derived from ongoing international efforts to establish alcohol monitoring and surveillance systems. European Union. Countries. Exposure to alcohol, mortality, burden of disease. Adult per capita alcohol consumption, prevalence of abstention, and frequency of drinking more than 60g pure alcohol in one occasion are proposed as a minimal set of alcohol exposure indicators, which can quickly be implemented in all EU countries. With respect to health harm indicators, the best minimal choice which can be implemented quickly in all countries of the EU would be alcohol-attributable years of life lost due to premature death. In addition, country specific indicators could be added, when alcohol places specific burden on specific diseases. National and European Union-wide monitoring systems for alcohol exposure and attributable harm to inform public health-related policy decisions could be implemented easily. The establishement of such monitoring systems would follow the recent World Assembly resolution for a global strategy to reduce alcohol-related harm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Policy-makers are increasingly recognising that the promotion of more sustainable consumption patterns is an indispensable prerequisite for achieving sustainable development in the long term. Policy documents and action plans have been published, and a wide array of policy instruments has been implemented with the aim of reducing the environmental and social burdens of consuming goods and services. But what are the latest trends and innovative approaches in sustainable consumption (SC) policies? What could be learnt for future policy-making? Based on an overview of European policy instruments and several case studies, the paper discusses instructive examples of SC policy instruments, in particular the Danish information campaign “One Tonne Less”, the Dutch tax incentive scheme “Green Funds”, the British “Red/Green calculator”, and the pan-European internet platform “TopTen”. Important features of novel policies — such as adaptability and collective action — are identified, and recommendations for future policies are presented. The recommendations refer to the foundation of SC policies, to the specific approach taken, to the applied instruments, and to the proper documentation of the implemented policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Increases in international travel and migratory flows have enabled infectious diseases to emerge and spread more rapidly than ever before. Hence, it is increasingly easy for local infectious diseases to become global infectious diseases (GIDs). National governments must be able to react quickly and effectively to GIDs, whether naturally occurring or intentionally instigated by bioterrorism. According to the World Health Organisation, global partnerships are necessary to gather the most up-to-date information and to mobilize resources to tackle GIDs when necessary. Communicable disease control also depends upon national public health laws and policies. The containment of an infectious disease typically involves detection, notification, quarantine and isolation of actual or suspected cases; the protection and monitoring of those not infected; and possibly even treatment. Some measures are clearly contentious and raise conflicts between individual and societal interests. In Europe national policies against infectious diseases are very heterogeneous. Some countries have a more communitarian approach to public health ethics, in which the interests of individual and society are more closely intertwined and interdependent, while others take a more liberal approach and give priority to individual freedoms in communicable disease control. This paper provides an overview of the different policies around communicable disease control that exist across a select number of countries across Europe. It then proposes ethical arguments to be considered in the making of public health laws, mostly concerning their effectiveness for public health protection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Europe lags far behind Australia, New Zealand, Canada and the USA in terms of implementing regulatory procedures for the import and release of invertebrate biological control agents (IBCAs). A number of standards, documents and guidelines have been produced over recent years in an attempt to harmonize regulation of IBCA introduction into Europe. Despite these efforts, the number of member countries implementing any form of IBCA regulation remains low, with many industries, biological practitioners and regulators fearing that a regulatory system would render the process of approval for IBCA introduction into a country costly and time consuming. Europe’s priority is therefore to formulate a regulatory system that will be readily approved of and adopted by all member countries. In this paper we review the current regulatory processes operating in Australia, New Zealand, Canada and the USA. There is potential for Europe to benefit from the years of experience that these countries have in IBCA regulation. We therefore propose recommendations based on features of the regulatory processes in each of the four countries that work well and that could be adopted to generate a workable Europe-wide regulatory system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the opportunities and constraints regarding the effective implementation of the European Water Framework Directive (WFD) in the area of diffuse nitrate pollution. Owing to the subsidiarity principle and a new procedural mode of governance, the WFD only sets distinct environmental targets, leaving most decisions on how to operationalize and institutionalize the reduction of diffuse nitrate pollution to the member states. This is a particular challenge for Germany, where lower scale regions have become the main implementers of European water policy. Successful implementation of the WFD, i.e. the actual improvement of water quality, depends on a series of key contextual and contingent factors, operating at a regional scale. In a Northwest German region with intensive agriculture and severe nitrate pollution, we analyse the historical and economic context and actor network of the region as well as the influence of environmental groups on public participation, the potential of biogas technology and new financial options. Besides the specific influence of these factors on the implementation process, we explore the uncertainties and difficulties surrounding European legislation and its operationalization in Germany and on a regional scale. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and ERP Environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the arguments in favour of both the decentralization and centralization of public policy making. It points out that the same arguments are sometimes used to advance either claim and that in different countries opposite arguments are used to support the same claim. Clearly, the inherent features of centralization and decentralization are far from obvious. A closer look at the attention given to the issue by political parties at the national level in four European countries reveals that decentralization becomes an issue in these countries at different periods and as a cause of different arguments, which rather reflect the dominant values in the political culture than refer to inherent properties of decentralization itself. An analysis of opinions of local elites points at the relation between their opinion on decentralizing responsibilities in a specific field and the support for existing institutional arrangements, their own influence in the policy field and the predisposition towards decentralization tendencies. This results in the conclusion that the support for decentralization tendencies is more closely related to existing specific institutional arrangements, and to the degree to which it is expected to influence one's own position, than to its inherent merits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The emergence of the principle of subsidiarity in the early 1990s succeeded in raising the question of what level of government should do what in an enlarged Europe. This paper briefly summarizes the origins of the subsidiarity principle and considers the way in which it has been interpreted by the main EU institutions since the Maastricht Treaty moved it into the mainstream of European politics. Then it explores the implications of the subsidiarity debate in the context of the three main challenges facing EU environmental policy in the new millennium, namely improving implementation, encouraging environmental policy integration and preparing for enlargement. While the legal meaning of subsidiarity was greatly clarified by the 1999 Amsterdam Treaty, its substantive, long term impact upon the continuing process of European political integration is still open to question. Copyright © 2000 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. and ERP Environment [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South‐Eastern Europe only recently was required to adapt their domestic law to adhere to European Union legislations and standards. As such, it forms an excellent case study on how and to what extent the 'Europeanisation' process is interacting with the development of special education needs (SEN) policy, particularly focusing on autistic children. This scoping review mapped autism and special education policies of Bulgaria, Romania, and Croatia and investigated how Europeanisation interacted with autism and educational policy through a path dependence analysis. Our research shows that education for children with special needs started with segregation during communist time. EU accession since then has influenced disability policies and contributed to establishing inclusive education for all students. One particular Romanian policy resulted in children with special needs not having to compete with typical children for school submission. Ultimately, the majority of policies addressed special education needs in general. Only Romania adopted specific autism policy. Inclusive education is being developed in all countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the rapid changes taking place in international manufacturing, there is a need for new theories linking the drivers for manufacturing location decisions to the influence of government. A Delphi study in 2017 of senior industrialists in Europe from capital intensive, complex technology manufacturing sectors provided evidence on the importance of government‐specific factors for final location decisions. This was because of the influence of government policies as an exogenous factor on the drivers for international manufacturing, including cost effective, flexible supply chains and the use of the new technologies of Industry 4.0, in an uncertain global political climate. The findings are used to develop a new theoretical framework comprising the decision onion and the government policy matrix for multinational company manufacturing location decisions. This systematic approach to the influence of government will assist in the development of policy in the post‐Covid 19 era of transformational change in industrial location strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Single motherhood has increased throughout Europe. Single mothers assume the dual role of provider and caregiver and often need external support from public policies or kin to meet their needs. Research has focused primarily on public policies, disregarding the role of kin support—and of multigenerational coresidence in particular. This study provides the first detailed description of single mothers' multigenerational coresidence in Europe. To do so, we combine census and survey microdata from 31 European countries. The data reveal large geographic variation in single mothers' coresidence. Whereas coresidence is a rare and temporary living arrangement in Northern and Western Europe, it is common and more permanent in Southern, Central, and especially Eastern Europe. At the same time, coresidence has declined in almost all countries with data from the past half‐century. These findings suggest large and persistent variation in kin support for single mothers and thus question the assumption of its marginal role in Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the formation of public policy through private law in the European legal systems. Topics discussed include public policy of the Europe; challenges to European Union integration as a result of the financial and political crisis; and European Regulatory Private Law (ERPL) which focuses on regulation of economic activities and commercial importance.

How do political parties respond to external shocks? Using an original survey of political parties across Europe conducted in June 2020 and Chapel Hill Expert Survey (CHES) data on partisan ideological positioning, we argue that the pre‐existing ideological stances of Europe's political parties shaped their response to emerging Covid‐19 policy issues, including the tension between economic normalization and containment, legal versus voluntary enforcement and the role of science in policymaking. We find that party ideology powerfully predicts how parties, both in government and in opposition, responded to the pandemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite a growing body of literature on regional trading agreements and tourism, little empirical evidence exists on how tourism policy is formulated at the supranational level. The study focuses on the European Union and employs stakeholder interviews to construct the institutional environment for tourism and to identify potential areas for involvement in tourism. Four different approaches are identified ranging from maintaining the status quo to a common tourism policy. It is concluded that because of the complexities of the institutional environment for tourism and the diversity of opinion among stakeholders, a significant change in the status quo is unlikely to happen. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to appraise the potential innovation impacts that may be triggered by the European emission trading system starting on 1 January 2005. To this end, our paper provides a review of the theoretical and empirical literature on the potential innovation effects triggered by the pioneering US emission trading schemes (ETS). Our review's basic empirical results are that the innovation effects were initially limited, partially because of lenient or even non-constraining targets in the first years, but there is empirical evidence on a vast range of low-cost compliance strategies. Yet, the substantial body of theoretical literature provides no consensus on the issue of whether or not emission trading generally triggers more innovation than other policy instruments, such as regulation standards. Copyright © 2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and ERP Environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discussions pertaining to advancing strategic policies and democracy in the EU cannot afford to disregard a fundamental institutional dilemma of the EU's political system, the conflict between intense interdependence and power sharing in a multilevel polity for one, and autonomy of governments as a condition for democratic legitimacy of power for another. Conceiving the EU as a federal democracy draws attention to this dilemma. This concept suggests democracy‐preserving modes of governance instead of coercive coordination (policy adjustment to competition in the common market, joint decision‐making among governments, central regulation by law and court decisions), which so far predominate in most relevant policy fields. It also calls for procedures to cope with issues of distributive justice stemming from territorial disparities in resources and burdens. The article conceptualises these challenges and outlines feasible steps to advance federal democracy in the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the development of a comprehensive alcohol policy in Europe. It mentions the Alcohol Measures for Public Health Research Alliance (AMPHORA) project, a plan that aims to push through with researches pertinent to alcohol policy in the European Union (EU). According to the author, a previous research indicates how unevenly research about the effects of alcohol taxes and prices is spread within the EU. He adds that AMPHORA proposes diverse projects including technical work for checking contamination on unrecorded alcohols and an analysis of alcohol's role in the Global Burden of Diseases and alcohol consumption. Another project mentioned is one that evaluates the need of alcohol treatment services and intervention in EU countries including Austria, Germany and Italy.

Commentary to: Understanding and learning from the diversification of cannabis supply laws [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The years after 2015 were remarkable for the reception and accommodation schemes of refugees fleeing Syria, Iraq and Afghanistan. The EU‐Turkey common statement of March 2016 and, most of all, the sealing of the Balkan corridor, blocked the flow of refugees towards central Europe through Greece, testing the readiness of the Greek authorities to take action to meet a series of urgent needs (accommodation, nutrition, asylum procedures, health) and social integration processes (education, training, access to labour). Approximately 45,000 refugees are settled in refugee camps or urban settlements all over the country. Those entrapped in the Eastern Aegean islands should be returned to Turkey, which is considered a "safe third country". The purpose of this article is to shed light on a phenomenon that is ongoing and challenges a series of policies and legal principles both in Greece and the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Far‐right parties are on the rise across Europe. Their shared populist rhetoric, emphasis on sovereignty and policies that promote a 'national preference' has facilitated the term 'the new nationalism'. According to an emerging consensus, this new nationalism is primarily a demand‐side phenomenon triggered by cultural grievances, i.e. a cultural backlash, driven by those on the wrong end of a new transnational cleavage. This explanation we argue tends to overlook important variations across countries and across time. As such, in this article, we contest the view that the 'new nationalism' is a linear and coherent phenomenon best understood as a cultural backlash. Specifically, our argument is threefold: (1) it is important to conceptually distinguish between populism, nationalism and the far right in order to draw meaningful conclusions about the extent to which this phenomenon is linear, coherent and comparable across cases; (2) voters' economic concerns remain pivotal within the context of the transnational cleavage, entailing that voting behaviour is structured by two dimensions of contestation; (3) the explanatory power of nationalism is in the supply, i.e. the ways in which parties use nationalism strategically in an attempt to broaden their appeal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article talks about the European policy, the relationship between Europe and United Kingdom, political decision making process of the British, managing the issues of the European Union and coordination across Whitehall. It talks about the European budget contributions, Budget Council meetings in Brussels and Luxembourg, Treasury introducing a system called EuroPES and regional funding to reduce the budget deficit of the European Union.

Abstract: In this article, I examine the interplay between the institutionalization of Islam in Europe and the transnationalism of Turkey's Directorate for Religious Affairs (Diyanet). Based on extensive fieldwork in Turkey, Austria, Belgium, France and Germany, I demonstrate not only the salience of the nation‐state prerogative on the part of both European states and the Turkish state but also the tension between national conceptions of Muslim identity on both sides amid transnational solidarities. I also argue that, to a certain extent, European policies of detransnationalizing the Muslim field in Europe also intersect with the Diyanet's transnational politics vis‐à‐vis Turkish/Muslim immigrants in their common resistance to the deculturalization of Muslims in Europe. While European countries try to nationalize their respective Muslim communities into their cultural and juridical framework through reterritorialization, the Diyanet has increasingly deterritorialized its activities to preserve a Muslim identity engrained in Turkishness – hence, the coexistence of both a tension and mutual accommodation between Europe and Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]