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Do banks price the risk of stranded fossil fuel reserves? To address this question, we hand collect global data on corporate fossil fuel reserves from 2002 to 2016, match it with syndicated loans, and subsequently compare the loan rate charged to fossil fuel firms — along their climate policy exposure — to other firms. We find that banks price climate policy exposure, especially after 2015. We also uncover that our main effect further increases for loans with longer maturity, that loan size to fossil fuel firms increases, and that ‛Green' banks also charge higher loan rates to fossil fuel firms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Motivated by the growing attention on climate change acceleration, we examine the interrelationships among corporate governance disclosure index, bank ownership structures, and bank climate change initiatives through the lens of a multi‐theoretical framework. We conduct a fixed‐effects and dynamic two‐step system generalized method of moments models over an extensive dataset. Based on panel data of 220 banks (2,785 observations) from 16 Sub‐Saharan Africa emerging economies between 2007 and 2022, the study observes that banks with higher levels of corporate governance disclosure index engage in more climate change initiatives. The study shows that ownership by institutional and foreign investors is associated with more bank climate change initiatives, while government ownership reduces climate change initiatives. Further, we document that director ownership has no impact on climate change initiatives. The study documents that the association between bank ownership structures and bank climate change initiatives is positively moderated by the extent of the corporate governance disclosure index. This moderating impact improves for banks with high corporate governance mechanisms. Finally, we show that the bank ownership structures‐climate change initiatives linkage and the moderating effect of corporate governance mechanisms on this nexus vary significantly across banks' operating periods. We identify corporate governance disclosure as the potential channel through which bank ownership structures and climate change initiatives are interlinked. Our findings call for banks to adopt and implement good governance disclosure to improve climate change initiatives. The findings make significant theoretical and regulatory contributions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The limitations and possibilities of the state in solving societal problems are perennial issues in the political and policy sciences and increasingly so in studies of environmental politics. With the aim of better understanding the role of the state in addressing environmental degradation through policy making, this article investigates the nexus between the environmental policy outputs and the environmental performance. Drawing on three theoretical perspectives on the state and market nexus in the environmental dilemma, we identify five distinct pathways. We then examine the extent to which these pathways are manifested in the real world. Our empirical investigation covers up to 37 countries for the period 1970–2010. While we see no global pattern of linkages between policy outputs and performance, our exploratory analysis finds evidence of policy effects, which suggest that the state can, under certain circumstances, improve the environment through policy making. Related Articles: Båtstrand, Sondre. 2015. "More than Markets: A Comparative Study of Nine Conservative Parties on Climate Change." Politics & Policy 43(4): 538–61. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12122. Tawiah, Vincent. 2022. "Does Political Ideology Affect the Stringency of Environmental Policy?" Politics & Policy 50(3): 631–53. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12465. Viniegra, María Eugenia Ibarrarán, and Salimah Mónica Cossens González. 2007. "Climate Change Research and Policy in Mexico: Implications for North American Security." Politics & Policy 35(4): 684–701. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2007.00080.x. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper presents a systematic exploration of the linkages between environment impact assessment (EIA) and sustainable development goals (SDGs) in the Indian context through a critical analysis of the socio‐ecological impacts of development projects and the policy climate for environmental clearances. A conceptual framework portraying the interlinkages of the systemic disruptions in the socio‐ecological realms, policy challenges, and SDGs is developed, which argues for integrating the SDGs into the EIA framework in India. The paper argues that the legal fluidity and dilution in the design and enactment of EIA retrogrades the crucial socio‐political transformation required for achieving sustainability. The systematic literature review of empirical, conceptual, and grey literature, undertaken on Indian EIA, highlights its instrumental role as a political tool for achieving developmental sustainability. The paper concludes by highlighting the urgent need to mainstream ecological decision‐making into all governance processes for achieving the SDGs in a transforming society like India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The transition to cleaner energy technologies and sustainable development requires the commitment and collaboration of the public and private sectors. Among such collaborations, public-private partnership (PPP) refers to the convergence and complementarity between public and private actors and represents an organizational arrangement for addressing strategic sustainability challenges such as reducing carbon emissions and plays a relevant role in transforming the sector after energy reforms. The rigidity of PPP schemes introduces certain limitations in adapting to the energy transition and sustainability needs. As a result, several hybrid schemes have emerged from PPPs, which are focal points in this paper. This article aims to contrast PPPs with emerging hybrid PPPs to facilitate their understanding. It contributes to the academic dialog on recognizing the relevance of emerging forms of collaboration in tackling contemporary issues. The review's primary outcome is a framework of PPPs and hybrid PPPs and the critical challenges for advancing the energy transition and sustainable development. The contributions from this study may help policymakers to design suitable tools for incorporating hybrid PPPs in climate change policies and institutional frameworks. The findings suggest developing mechanisms through which PPPs and hybrid PPPs foster cleaner technologies, thus improving energy efficiency and access and strengthening energy security strategies. Further work is needed to address key research issues related to (i) mechanisms for the institutional alignment of hybrid PPPs, (ii) assuring reciprocity and commitment, (iii) knowledge management, and (iv) capacity-building. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores how climate policy uncertainty (CPU) affects research and development (R&D) investment of heavy emitter firms in the United States during 2000–2019. Our empirical evidence indicates that while CPU exerts a positive impact on R&D investment of general firms, it seems to be a completely different story for heavy emitter firms. After a battery of sensitivity tests, we find a robust negative impact of CPU on R&D investment of heavy emitters, suggesting that those firms play a "wait‐and‐see" strategy in response to changes in environmental policies until more is known to make decisions. However, such behavior is not observed in light emitters. Even among heavy emitters, we show that the impact of CPU is only pronounced in heavy emitters with more technology uncertainty. Further analyses show such an impact varies with management sentiment, managerial ability, and firm maturity. Our findings have implications for policymaking and corporate strategy of heavy emitters in response to CPU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Literature on policy coherence (PC) has been expanding particularly since the diffusion of the 2030 Agenda to better understand intersectoral policymaking and steering governance complexity in sustainable development, environmental and climate policies. Through research domain analysis, this article gives systematic evidence regarding the rise of PC literature; moreover, via content analysis, the research highlights the most relevant topics addressed by PC articles published over the last 20 years. Our analysis pinpoints that policy coherence has been studied regarding some research areas, such as sustainable development, environment, climate change, and the increasing transboundary governance concerns. Thus far, PC has been scrutinized mainly by addressing the implementation phase. Evidence suggests that, within the 2030 Agenda framework, future research and theoretical efforts should consider neglected dimensions of the policy process and incorporate them in a process‐oriented analytical framework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the scientific community presents a relatively uniform conclusion on the ongoing global warming and the policies that are essential for sustainable development and the mitigation of the negative effects of climate change, the public opinion on the topic is far from uniform. This article studies the factors related to public awareness of climate change and environmental policy, public ideas on the supposed effects of climate change, the belief on whether climate change is caused by human activities, and the perceived possibilities to alleviate climate change by humans. We employ a set of ordinal multinomial regression analyses with spline corrections for ordinal predictors on a representative sample of 1021 respondents (aged 15–86 years, M ± SD: 47.15 ± 17.46; 19.4% with higher education, 50.60% women) from the Czech Republic. Our results suggest that life satisfaction, belief in God, interest in climate‐related issues, and the attitude to the European Union were the most relevant factors. Older people were less interested in climate, less aware of sustainable development and climate change, and less willing to take action. Women were more concerned with climate change compared to men. The effect of traditional mass media, Internet‐based social networks, and discussion forums, and personal discussions outside of the internet were less significant than expected. The article provides policy suggestions for enhanced stakeholder engagement as well as suggestions for further research on the topic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For national governments to meet their international climate change obligations they need to develop and implement plans that involve coordinating the actions of local, regional and national level actors from across multiple sectors. When this occurs, it can lead to the formation of a policy implementation network. Surprisingly, there is a limited understanding of the characteristics of the members of such networks, the structure of the multi‐level and cross‐sectoral ties among them, and about how they relate to how these networks are governed. This paper initiates the development of such knowledge by calculating a variety of network statistics to analyse the policy implementation network formed to carry out Ireland's signature climate policy—The Climate Action Plan 2019. Results show that national level actors dominate, and that cross‐level and cross‐sectoral collaboration are limited. The plan is governed by a network administrative organisation (NAO), with the Department of the Taoiseach (Irish Prime Minister) filling the role. How the network is structured and governed increases the likelihood that the network will be stable, have a unity of purpose and be able to meet its objectives. However, the dominance of national‐level actors and its centralized structure are likely to make it challenging for the NAO to gain the support of local‐level actors. This paper's methodological approach can be applied in other contexts to understand inter‐actor relations and how these affect the responsibilities, challenges and opportunities of the actors involved in the implementation of a national environmental policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate change is a key threat to biodiversity. To conserve species under climate change, ecologists and conservation scientists suggest 2 main conservation strategies regarding land use: supporting species' range shifts to enable it to follow its climatic requirements by creating migration pathways, such as corridors and stepping stones, and conserving climate refugia (i.e., existing habitat areas that are somewhat buffered from climate change). The policy instruments that could be used to implement these conservation strategies have yet to be evaluated comprehensively from an economic perspective. The economic analyses of environmental policy instruments are often based on ecological effectiveness and cost‐effectiveness criteria. We adapted these general criteria to evaluate policy instruments for species' conservation under climate change and applied them to a conceptual analysis of land purchases, offsets, and conservation payments. Depending on whether the strategy supporting species' range shifts or conserving climate refugia is selected, the evaluation of the policy instruments differed substantially. For example, to ensure ecological effectiveness, habitat persistence over time was especially important for climate refugia and was best achieved by a land‐purchase policy instrument. In contrast, for the strategy supporting range shifts to be ecologically effective, a high degree of flexibility in the location of conserved sites was required to ensure that new habitat sites can be created in the species' new range. Offset programs were best suited for that because the location of conservation sites can be chosen comparatively freely and may also be adapted over time. Article impact statement: Evaluation of policy instruments for species conservation under climate change should include both ecological and economic criteria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Experimental and case study research has highlighted the importance of issue framing to the adoption of state renewable energy and climate change policies. Yet this relationship has not been tested within broader models of state policy adoption. We fill this gap by exploring the relationship between issue‐framing patterns and climate/renewable energy policy activity across the 50 U.S. states, controlling for other well‐known determinants of state environmental policy choice. Our results confirm that framing patterns for these issues vary markedly between states and regions and that a higher proportion of frames highlighting the economic benefits of climate change and renewable energy policies is positively associated with state policy activity. These results further confirm the importance of new issue frames related to economic benefits in subnational climate and renewable energy politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate change research relating to "co‐benefits" suggests that the facilitation of social‐welfare outcomes through environmental policy offers a powerful means of incentivising climate change action. Concerns about social‐welfare, however, are often used to undermine climate change policies, typically through political claims that low‐to‐middle‐income households should not shoulder the costs of greater policy alignment between social and environmental objectives. Integrating the social into the environmental can therefore, on the one hand, lead to "co‐benefits" as each agenda promotes the other in political discourse, or alternatively to collateral damage if the policy objectives are framed as incompatible. This article explores both scenarios through two case studies of energy policy in Australia. The findings show that social‐welfare concerns can be a powerful discursive tool with the potential to facilitate political consensus, but also that this potential is not being fully realised, primarily because environmental concerns suffer when attempts are made to integrate the two areas discursively. This article uses a policy case study approach to explore how social and environmental discourses can be better integrated in Australia, rather than constructed as being at cross‐purposes in political debates about the costs and benefits of addressing climate change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

'Super-wicked' problems such as climate change require ambitious policies within stable policy frameworks. Key for policy stability is to disincentivise future reversals to carbon-intensive lifestyles resulting in unstoppable climate change. It requires lock-in to a low-carbon development trajectory, requires increasing popular support, and needs to be self-reinforcing, with reversal costs rising over time as benefits increase. In parliamentary political systems (e.g. the UK), policies emerge more easily but are more difficult to maintain given that shifting political majorities can result in policy U-turns, resulting in uncertainties for investment in low-carbon transitions. We examine what factors determine policy stability in UK climate change policy that aims to reduce CO2 emissions by 85-90 per cent by 2050. Policy stability depends on favourable public opinion and the political system. In the case of parliamentary democracies the extent to which policy is embedded into a multilevel governance institutional framework and political cross-party consensus is particularly important for stability. Copyright © 2017 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and ERP Environment [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using a large sample of articles and books published between 2012 and 2015, this review shows the recent trends in environmental politics and policy scholarship. Environmental policy scholarship has embraced the concept of governance to explain the variety of actors and institutions that surround environmental problems and solutions. Scholars in the past three years used theories and methods to capture these governing dynamics in far-reaching and complicated issues like climate change. This article discusses recent patterns in the literature and demonstrates that new methods, recent theoretical focuses, and even the environmental issues covered by scholars reflect the field's acknowledgement that scholars can and should account for complexity in their work. However, the literature has neglected certain regions and processes, such as the developing world and policy feedback processes, leaving significant gaps in our understanding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a strong sense of malaise surrounding climate politics today. This has been created at least in part by factors such as the chasm between the scale of action required and the adequacy of current political commitments, stalemate in global negotiations, the low price of carbon, and a growing sense of indifference among the publics of some developed countries about the threat posed by climate change. Within the policy community these issues are generally treated as different problems each to be overcome on their own terms. Yet, we argue, suggested solutions to these problems hold much in common-namely a focus on identifying agency, whether the capacity of institutions to act or the behavior of individuals. What is often missing from such accounts of climate politics is a recognition that the problems of how agency is attributed, what we might term governance traps, are structural in nature. Governing climate change therefore requires that we study the conditions through which these challenges arise and which in turn serve to frame agency in particular ways. We suggest that examining the ways in which notions of responsibilities and rights are currently being framed within climate politics provides one way into these dynamics. This opens up the critical questions that need to be addressed ahead of the critical Conference of the Parties meeting in Paris in November 2015. WIREs Clim Change 2015, 6:535-540. doi: 10.1002/wcc.356 For further resources related to this article, please visit the . [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Comparative policy studies face a number of methodological challenges where conceptualization of the object of comparison-policy output-is the most fundamental. On the basis of three common approaches of the study of policy output, we reconsider this widely applied concept and propose a refined measure as a function of both density (number of policy instruments) and intensity (content of policy instruments). We theoretically derive six policy-intensity measures (objectives, scope, integration, budget, implementation, and monitoring), which are used for weighting national policy instruments on an Index of Climate Policy Activity. The article presents an empirical application of this measurement approach. Focusing on national climate policy instruments in the energy production sector in Austria, Germany, and the United Kingdom, we investigate changes in the countries' policy portfolios from 1998 to 2010. The article demonstrates that our Index of Climate Policy Activity provides a reliable and valid measurement for national policy output that can be applied for comparative analyses of policy output. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United Nations climate change negotiations have been constantly hampered by procedural disputes and unclear decision making. This article explores ideas for reforming the decision making of the Conference of the Parties ( COP) and the importance of COP decisions. It argues that scholars have tended to overlook the importance of COP decisions in global climate governance as a whole, on the one hand, and the weak practices of the COP's decision-making process, on the other. The article underscores that while majority voting is not politically viable - although voting on a limited set of issues is potentially useful - decision making can be significantly improved by enhancing the current practices of consensus building. The article calls for the strategic leadership role of the COP Presidency to be recognized and its best practices institutionalized. The primary goal of this article is to contribute to the wider ongoing debate on the possibilities and limitations of the regime established by the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent research on external perceptions of the European Union ( EU) has not explored sufficiently the implications of its findings for the effectiveness of EU external policies. To address this gap, this article explores the relationship between external perceptions and effectiveness by considering the case of climate change in which, despite broadly favourable external perceptions, EU external effectiveness has been somewhat limited. It uses the case of Chinese and Indian relations with the EU on climate change to illustrate that the findings of the external perceptions literature should be interpreted in the light of the dynamics of specific policy areas as well as broader changes in the context of world politics. The argument is illustrated using the example of negotiations on the continuation of the Kyoto Protocol beyond 2012, which shows how, under certain circumstances, positive external perceptions may in fact limit external effectiveness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the past few years, adaptation to climate change has emerged as a dominant new theme in development politics, to an extent that it can almost be considered as a new development paradigm. Yet, this new paradigm and its effects are not unproblematic, as the empirical research in three East African countries presented in this article indicates. The article argues that the current transformation of environmental governance reflects not only climate change as such, but also - and perhaps even more so - the discourse of a changing climate and its effect on development politics. The empirical evidence shows that African farmers, politicians and government officials often respond to the new 'adaptation paradigm' more readily than to directly felt phenomena caused by a changing climate. We therefore argue that the ontology of the concept of adaptation to climate change needs to be readjusted. Epistemologically, our concern is to trace the discourse of adaptation to climate change across multiple sites, i.e. how it 'travels' between global epistemic communities and adaptation projects in developing countries. Drawing on actor-network theory and its concept of translation, we provide an alternative view of adaptation to climate change by highlighting the contested and multi-sited narratives and practices that bring adaptation into being. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Governments are increasingly using public-private partnerships (P3s) to draw the private sector into more active participation in infrastructure development. Climate action initiatives have not typically yielded profitable results for the private sector, and might therefore constrain the placing of conditions by governments on P3 arrangements. This article investigates a major P3 infrastructure project in British Columbia - the Canada Line extension to Vancouver's urban rail transit network - and concludes that the P3 organization did not constrain the government's capacity to pursue policy objectives for climate action. This counterintuitive result occurred because public sector leadership enabled an effective engagement with environmental policy priorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The need to understand the scope for comparative lesson-drawing on national-level climate mitigation policy has acquired added significance due to the current impasse in international-level governance. Greater policy learning or lesson-drawing among peers at the national level could, to an extent, foster meaningful developments by overcoming generalised international apathy and inaction. In this respect, we analyse the features of one significant example of national climate policy in order to examine the scope for lesson-drawing, thereby setting out a normative research agenda. The UK Climate Change Act 2008 remains one of the few examples of legally enshrined national mitigation legislation and hence provides a relevant, but surprisingly under-researched, source of learning for policy-makers worldwide. By analysing its development, critical features and implementation, this article shows that-despite criticism of the sustainability and implementation effectiveness of the Act-some aspects of the policy could provide lessons for other states, and hence are potentially transferable extraterritorially, although lesson-drawing itself is conditional on contextual constraints. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT Cities and municipalities are vital actors in addressing climate change. Because they are directly affected by the consequences of environmental transformations, cities are motivated to shape adaptation and mitigation. This paper looks at the possible mechanisms which cities can use to engage in climate change issues without decoupling themselves from the national or sub-national level and while remaining consistent with other local initiatives. The paper analyses the European approach towards transnational municipal networks (TMNs) and community collective efforts and assesses its possible application in other jurisdictions. We argue that while TMNs are the institutional foundation for a concerted effort in climate change within and between countries; they are also subject to provisions from national and regional governments, which might hamper their benefits. Based on a typology of TMNs and an analysis of the national contexts, the paper finds that those networks that target a specific region and are supported by government have the most benefits for climate change. Copyright © 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and ERP Environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The essay discusses the future possibilities for Australian policy on climate change as of September of 2013, highlighting obstacles facing efforts to enact climate change mitigation policies and on potential changes in Australian climate politics following the country's 2013 Federal Election. Topics addressed include opposition to a carbon tax in Australia, and the roles of civil society, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and the international community in addressing climate change.

Australia is one of the largest coal exporting nations in the world and its economy is underpinned by the availability of cheap fossil fuels. It is well documented that it has failed to act on climate change, and that the conservative Howard government was particularly hostile to international action. It is also well documented that 2007 was an agenda-setting period when climate change was elevated to national prominence. This paper details and interrogates the ultimately successful Labor national governments' efforts to establish an Australian carbon pricing mechanism. It considers whether irresistible normative forces for climate policy change overcame the previously immovable object of economic and political self-interest, and the power of the carbon lobby. In explaining complex climate policy dynamics, temporal scales and politics, it finds great utility in John Kingdon's pragmatic 'policy window'1 as an explanation for Australia's climate policy change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 30 years of climate policy in Germany, a high level of declared ambition has coexisted with an eclectic mix of climate policy measures. Well-organized lobbies were either exempt from policy instruments such as the energy tax or directly benefitted from them, as in the case of the renewable feed-in tariff or windfall profits from free allocation of emissions allowances. As a result, German emissions mitigation is much more costly than it would have to be. Moreover, the challenges because of the imminent phase-out of nuclear power are increasing due to failures in a number of relevant policy fields such as offshore wind, grid reinforcement, and carbon capture and storage ( CCS). WIREs Clim Change 2013, 4:315-320. doi: 10.1002/wcc.224 Conflict of interest: The author has declared no conflicts of interest for this article. For further resources related to this article, please visit the WIREs website. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the infrastructure policy sector's capacity to respond to climate change adaptation through an analysis of the Canadian case. It includes a three-level examination of capacity: at the macro level through a virtual policy network analysis; at the meso level through examination of the lead department's evolving mandate and resources; and at the micro level through analysis of survey data related to departmental workers policy tasks and attitudes. Four hypotheses across these three levels are set out and tested at the national and subnational levels. Together, the findings suggest that the policy capacity in the Canadian infrastructure sector will be unable to meet the demands placed upon the sector to respond to the increasing challenges of climate change adaptation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Constitutional and institutional legacies were combined to create a very decentralized forest policy sector in Canada. Where coherent policy requires a national response-as is the case with adaptation to climate change-the critical challenge is to locate the relevant decentralized policy capacity and steer it toward meeting national objectives. While there is some evidence that significant policy capacity exists in provincial forest and resource management departments, climate change adaptation has led to an expansion of departmental mandates that is not being addressed by better coordination of the available policy capacity. The relevant federal agencies are not well represented in information networks and forest policy workers report lower levels of internal and external networking than workers in related policy subsectors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This special issue contributes to extant empirical scholarship assessing governmental capacity to meet significant policy challenges, in this case those related to climate change adaptation. The study includes detailed examination of five policy sectors-finance, infrastructure, energy, forestry, and transportation-in two countries, Canada and the United States-in order to determine what kinds of governance arrangements and analytical capacities exist in this area, how they are changing (if at all), and how they interrelate with the status and evolution of climate change outcomes in each sector. The articles provide a comprehensive sampling of policy network structure and behavior, organizational mandates and resources, and actual job duties and training of policy actors across these sectors at both the federal and subnational level of government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When pursuing change, legacies of policy goals and instruments from an established paradigm often present constraints on fully embracing a newer paradigm, resulting in the layering of new policy goals and instruments on top of the existing base. In this article, we investigate the effect of layered paradigms on policy capacity at three different levels of policy making in the Canadian transportation sector. Using analysis of government publications and budget data, virtual policy network analysis, quantitative analysis of data from a survey of Canadian policy analysts, and direct interviews with policy managers in two provinces, we demonstrate how this layering of legacy goals (and consequent policy incapacity) is occurring at the macro, meso, and micro levels of policy making. We conclude that the layering of a new policy paradigm for climate change on top of the established paradigm for transportation development constrains policy capacity in this subsystem. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A vast economics literature embraces taxation of the carbon content of fossil fuels as the superior policy approach for reducing greenhouse gas emissions. However, experience around the world suggests that carbon taxes face exceedingly difficult political hurdles. Federal experience in the United States and in Canada confirms this pattern. This article reviews sub-federal policy development among American states and Canadian provinces, a great many of which have pursued climate policy development. With one major exception, explicit carbon taxation appears to remain a political nonstarter. At the same time, states and provinces have been placing indirect carbon prices on fossil fuel use through a wide range of policies. These tend to strategically alter labeling, avoiding the terms of 'tax' and 'carbon' in imposing costs. The article offers a framework for considering such strategies and examines common design features, including direct linkage between cost imposition and fund usage to build political support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This commentary provides an overview of the four papers in this issue of Review of Policy Research on the politics of climate change. The papers all address in one way or another aspects of how federal-type systems are dealing with the collective action and multilevel governance issues of climate change policy. The comparative study of federal systems provides insight into how domestic authority is so often overlapping and divided when dealing with greenhouse gas emissions and climate change. Federal arrangements offer a rich array of norms, institutions, and practices for tackling these problems. Federal systems grapple continuously with the kinds of issues that are the most intractable in the climate change case, such as overcoming interregional differences of interests and values. A common federal feature is competition among subnational governments and between them and national or federated governments over climate change policy, which has been especially significant in the United States and in Canada in the relative absence of national action--although soberingly, the whole is as yet nowhere near as great as the sum of the parts. More significant, but rarer is the achievement of tighter coordination in federal systems achieved through intergovernmental co-decision, as seen in the European Community and Australia. This has been accomplished in large part due to a consensus among all intergovernmental parties on the nature of the problem and congruence with the existing international regime, characteristics missing in the North American context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Multilevel governance poses several challenges for the politics of climate change. On the one hand, the unequal distribution of power and interests can serve as a barrier to implementing coherent policy at a federal level. On the other, these features also enable policy leadership among sub-federal units. In the context of wide variation in climate policy at both national and sub-federal levels in Canada and in the United States, this paper utilizes an original data set to examine public attitudes and perceptions toward climate science and climate change policy in two federal systems. Drawing on national and provincial/state level data from telephone surveys administered in the United States and in Canada, the paper provides insight into where the public stands on the climate change issue in two of the most carbon-intensive federal systems in the world. The paper includes the first directly comparable public opinion data on how Canadians and Americans form their opinions regarding climate matters and provides insight into the preferences of these two populations regarding climate policies at both the national and sub-federal levels. Key findings are examined in the context of growing policy experiments at the sub-federal level in both countries and limited national level progress in the adoption of climate change legislation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Policy makers who embrace market-based approaches to environmental regulation, typically eschew carbon taxes in favor of the political advantages of cap and trade, which offers lower visibility of costs to consumers and the opportunity to allocate valuable permits freely to industry. Against this backdrop, the article examines two surprising proposals for carbon taxes, by the government of British Columbia (BC) and by the federal Liberal Party of Canada. Both reflected a triumph of party leaders' normative 'good policy' motives over 'good politics.' The BC tax alone succeeded first because it was adopted by a party already in government. Second, the onset of a recession before the next elections shifted voters' attention to the economy, which advantaged the BC Liberals but disadvantaged their federal counterparts. However, proposals for carbon taxes were unpopular in both jurisdictions, offering a cautionary tale concerning the fate of politicians' normative commitments absent electoral backing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the impact of human economic consumption on the global environment. It focuses on climate change policy and the need for environmental regulations and international cooperation. The question of whether green technologies will be sufficient to prevent environmental degradation, given global economic and population growth, is addressed. Rising rates of consumption worldwide are discussed, and the opportunities which environmental activists have to influence public policy on relevant issues are analyzed.

Cost effectiveness is a key principle of climate policies in industrialised countries, yet there are significant political barriers against its implementation. The Norwegian case demonstrates that differences in the climate policy instruments targeting different sectors cannot be explained by the sectors' relative significance in the national economy. Whereas the economically insignificant energy-intensive industries (EIIs) successfully resisted mandatory greenhouse gas (GHG) regulations until 2008, the offshore petroleum industry (the most important sector for Norway's gross domestic product) has paid NOK 300 per tonne of CO since 1991. What explains why some sectors successfully resist GHG regulations while others do not? This analysis indicates that a key determinant is interdependence between target groups and decision makers in winning coalitions. EIIs were capable of issuing relevant and credible threats to shut down and relocate if costly GHG policies were imposed. In contrast, decision makers did not perceive as credible the offshore petroleum industry's claim that a CO tax would undermine its competitiveness. Moreover, when target groups can issue effective threats, private information becomes more relevant and reinforces decision makers' dependence on target group cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Market-based approaches to commons problems have attracted considerable interest and claim various successes in managing environmental issues. Yet in order to apply market-based approaches to environmental problems we need to have both a good understanding of the dynamics of the system which we are commodifying, and a good, or at least shared, understanding of the criteria against which the policy is to be evaluated. In many settings within natural resource economics these are often taken for granted, or assumed to be relatively straightforward to obtain. Yet, as illustrated by the development of carbon markets in the context of climate change, structural problems can arise from a limited scientific understanding of system dynamics or of resource fluxes, or from inadequate framings of complex problems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The appropriation of climate change knowledge may be a very important factor for promoting radical changes towards sustainable development. By studying three sets of actors, the science community, the media and the political community, the author reveals how climate change knowledge and politics is stabilized and destabilized in Norway. The article provides an analysis of the opposing forces that appear to mould climate change policy in Norway. The article suggests that policy follows up on the recommendations of the research community only to a small extent, even though it believes its conclusions. By reference to the literature on co-production, the article demonstrates that the climate science so far has not managed to stabilize the climate policy because (1) mass media contributes to maintaining several (and often opposing) climate discourses, (2) the dialogue between science and policy does not function well, (3) there is a lack of institutions where climate policy meets climate science, (4) the identity of 'climate politician' does not exist among decision-makers and (5) the representations of climate knowledge have an unclear relationship with the representations of the climate policy scientific controversy created by the media, which destabilize the climate change knowledge. Based on these findings, the author argues that it is fruitful to study sustainable development within a co-productionist framework, as the development and behaviours of individuals, institutions and organizations on which sustainable development is dependent is often 'co-produced' by different actors. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and ERP Environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article documents the evolution of 'cap and trade' as a policy response to global climate change. Through an analysis of 33 distinct policy venues, the article describes how the cap and trade policy domain has developed along spatial, temporal, and institutional dimensions. This discussion demonstrates that following initial discussions of cap and trade in the Kyoto Protocol negotiations, the idea quickly spread to other policy venues, creating a complex system of multilevel governance, where many questions about how to govern emissions trading remain contested. The analysis contextualizes recent questioning of emissions trading as an appropriate mechanism for controlling GHG emissions, as well as the ongoing debates about who should govern cap and trade and how it should be carried out. The findings highlight the value added of a domain-level perspective and suggest the need for future research on the sociopolitical nature of cap and trade policy debates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reflects on the efforts being made to accomplish sustainable development through governance innovation and difficulties faced in assuring the sustainable policy outcomes in newly-established governing authorities in the U.S. It mentions that despite problems, the policymakers have introduced governance reforms across various sectors. It informs that policies are also developed focusing on managing climate change, pollution, and biodiversity loss.

This article summarises the results so far of an international investigation aimed at identifying political strategies that make it easier for national governments to take more effective action against climate change while avoiding significant political damage. The numerous strategic options identified included strategies involving unilateral action by governments, strategies of persuasion, damage limitation strategies, strategies that can be used in political exchange with other political actors, and strategies designed to improve the bargaining position of governments by altering the terms of political exchange. The article concludes with a shortlist of especially promising strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The issue of integrating environmental concerns into energy policy decision making is increasingly addressed, not least related to climate change. Although the United States, unlike the EU, did not sign the Kyoto Protocol, several U.S. states promote renewable electricity (RES-E), and some of these initiatives are linked to climate-change mitigation efforts. The present article assesses in this connection the six New England states of the United States, comparing their efforts of integrating RES-E with climate change to the Nordic countries in Europe. In order to explain different approaches, the article focuses on the importance of different EU and U.S. multilevel governing structures. The analysis indicates that the New England states' RES-E promotion thus far has not been substantially integrated with climate-change concerns, whereas in the EU's more top-down approach, climate change figures more prominently vis-à-vis RES-E. EU policies represent an increasingly important driver for the Nordic countries. In the United States, on the other hand, it remains an open question as to how future federal policy efforts will relate to existing policies at the state level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The International Energy Agency has reported that, in 2007, fossil fuels were the source of 66% of global energy production, while the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change has found that 60% of all anthropogenic greenhouse gas emissions in 2004 were carbon dioxide emissions from the stationary energy sector. This article relies on recent case law in Australia to assess the extent to which the precautionary principle is a relevant consideration for development consent authorities determining applications for energy-generation facilities, including coal-fired power stations, coal mines, wind farms and uranium mines. What emerges is that there is really no certainty that the precautionary principle will be applied consistently by Australian courts to determine the legal responsibilities of decision makers assessing energy projects. In this sense, the precautionary principle has taken a thrill ride on the roller coaster of energy and climate law in Australia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper draws upon policy innovation literature and quantitatively explains the adoption of state climate change policies, leading to a broader question—what makes states more likely to adopt policies that provide a global public good? First, existing empirical evidence relating to state climate change policy adoption is reviewed. Following this brief discussion, several analytic approaches are presented that test specific hypotheses derived from the internal determinants and regional diffusion models of policy adoption. Policy diffusion is tested as a function of the motivations, resources, and obstacles of policy change. Motivations for policy innovation include environmental conditions and demands of citizens. Resources include state financial and geographic resources, such as wind and solar potential. Obstacles include a state's reliance on carbon-intensive industries such as coal and natural gas. The results show that internal factors, particularly citizens' demands, are stronger predictors of states' policies than are diffusion effects from neighboring states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Solutions to environmental problems such as climate change, biodiversity loss, and land and water resource degradation require long term integration of economic, social and environmental policies. This poses challenges to specialised, hierarchical public administration systems. The study reported here examined strategies, structures and processes to enable environmental policy integration in six Australian states and territories, and some federal arrangements. The study found that the most prominent success factors, barriers and gaps that affect environmental policy integration relate to leadership, long term embedding of environmental policy integration and implementation capacity. Factors deserving further research and policy attention include leadership, cultural change and capacity building; embedding sustainability in structures and processes; development of a long term evidence based approach; strengthening decentralised implementation arrangements; and evaluation of policy integration initiatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author reflects on the social effects of policies that deal with climate change. He states that the policies for climate change are considered challenges by the international community. It is believed that greenhouse gas emissions will continue to deteriorate the state of the environment if no actions will be made for it. There will be permanent effects on the lives of the people like increases in global temperatures, rising sea levels, deterioration of soil quality, and shortage supply of water. Furthermore, economy will also be affected especially in developing countries. Many studies have concentrated on the role of environmental policies to the economy.

The journalistic norm of ‘balanced’ reporting (giving roughly equal coverage to both sides in any significant dispute) is recognised as both useful and problematic in communicating emerging scientific consensus on human attribution for global climate change. Analysis of the practice of this norm in United States (US) and United Kingdom (UK) newspaper coverage of climate science between 2003 and 2006 shows a significant divergence from scientific consensus in the US in 2003–4, followed by a decline in 2005–6, but no major divergence in UK reporting. These findings inform ongoing considerations about the spatially-differentiated media terms and conditions through which current and future climate policy is negotiated and implemented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The neoliberalisation of international climate policy through devices such as emissions trading has led to a significant restructuring of governance competencies between supranational, national and non-state actors. This article explores the implications of this restructuring for the scalar politics of climate governance by examining the European Union emissions trading scheme, the world's largest multi-state carbon-trading scheme. Analysis shows that although the member states were prepared to accede to a common legal framework for emissions trading, its implementation has been characterised by intense sovereignty disputes over emissions allowances. The article concludes by reflecting on the scalar politics of international climate governance in an unevenly regulated and competitive world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article emphasizes the critical importance of the private sector to the success of the efforts to mitigate climate change. Analysing the progress and experiences gained so far, this article concentrates on the role of the private sector in the operationalization of the Kyoto Protocol's three flexible mechanisms, namely Joint Implementation (JI), the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) and international emissions trading. The article illustrates in detail the various tasks performed by private actors during the CDM and JI project cycles, and contemplates their possible participation under Article 17 of the Protocol on international emissions trading. While identifying some challenges, the article argues that the Kyoto Protocol's flexible mechanisms have succeeded in finding innovative ways of involving the private sector in climate change mitigation and that the post-2012 climate regime should build on these experiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While globalization has brought far-reaching benefits to communities around the world in the form of increasing foreign investment and trade, and reduced levels of poverty, the externalities of the global market have also taken on greater prominence. In particular, issues of global environmental change now stand as a central concern for governments around the world, with increasing threats to the sustainability of hard-won development gains. While international frameworks such as the United Nations conventions on climate change and biodiversity have been enacted to take joint action on issues of common concern, a major challenge has been to enact effective implementation regimes to achieve results on the ground. One hope lays in the forces of the market itself, engaging global market forces and the role of the private sector to facilitate a global shift to sustainable growth and business practices. This article analyses this challenge and emerging opportunities for market-based approaches to implement international environmental law through a case study of China and the innovative partnerships being forged there between the UN, governmental and private institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]