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While Artificial Intelligence (AI) is becoming a key element in supporting the migration and border management policies of the European Union and its Member States, so far, AI‐based migration technologies have been tested and implemented with limited public scrutiny. In this context, the EU AI Act holds the promise of a regulation in line with the protection of fundamental rights and the rule of law. While Member States are bound by existing EU legislation when deploying AI, the Act represents the first attempt to regulate this technology in migration and border management. This paper examines the evolution of the Act throughout the negotiation process and its potential to hold actors involved in AI‐driven migration technology accountable, thereby promoting the rule of law. It argues that while the regulation offers promising and important elements, a closer examination brings to light important concerns about its ability to ensure accountability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Onward migration is a rising issue in migration studies as a consequence of the growing complexity in migration patterns worldwide. This paper analyses historic and economic reasons behind the recent surge of onward migration from Southern European countries and, more specifically, Italy. Using 2014 ORIM data about short‐term onward migration intentions and a logistic regression model, the paper explores factors that select aspirant onward migrants from Italy. The model tests the effects of socio‐demographic and economic factors. The results of the study question the idea of citizenship as the highest level of integration in the host country and suggest that the recent wave of onward migration from Italy is mainly a reactive phenomenon triggered by the economic crisis. Most of all, this study explicitly underlines the role of gender in shaping intentions of short‐term onward migration in Italy. The gender‐sensible approach adopted in the present study shows the important role of women in the decision‐making process of couples: female unemployment significantly increases intentions of onward migration, and the migration is also considered as an opportunity for the spouse and a gain in the economic prospects of the entire family. Conversely, female employment has a significant role in preventing onward migration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: By reflecting on both the exclusionary and the inclusionary role of humanitarian migration and border management in the Central Mediterranean, this paper explores the relationship of humanitarianism with the delocalization of the EU border and with human rights. First, the paper analyses the role of human rights in the institutional humanitarian discourse about migration and border management at the Mediterranean EU border. The paper then analyses the Italian operation Mare Nostrum and, more generally, Italian humanitarianized border management in the Central Mediterranean. In doing this, it shows that humanitarianism contributes to the discursive legitimation and spatial delocalization of exclusionary policies and practices. Moreover, humanitarianism contributes to a symbolically and legally subordinate inclusion of migrants in the European space. While such humanitarian inclusion can be more inclusive than what human rights would require, it is posited as an act of grace rather than an enhancement of human rights. In both its exclusionary and inclusionary dimension, humanitarianism transcends and expands territorial boundaries by outsourcing responsibilities and enhancing delocalized border management. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The economic crisis which has affected the southern EU countries since 2008 set in motion new migration trends. In the case of Portugal, post‐crisis migrations have been in two main directions: northwards to more prosperous European countries, and southwards to former colonies in Africa, notably the oil‐producing state of Angola. Focusing on this latter migration, the paper is structured around two main questions. First, which migration‐theoretic frameworks can be deployed to explain this new North–South migration flow? Relevant concepts include the notion of Portugal as "semi‐periphery" within European and global migration systems; the role of post‐colonial theory, especially ideas about "coloniality" and "Lusotropicalism"; and the function of myth and racialised discourse in constructing this as a high‐skilled migration. The second question is more empirical and relates to the descriptive characteristics of the Portuguese migration to Angola and to the experiences of the migrants and their Angolan co‐workers and employers. Key here is a deconstruction of the notion of "skill" in Portuguese migrants' experiences of employment in Angola. The empirical analysis is based on interviews with 45 migrants, their co‐workers and employers, and other key informants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Transport infrastructure has represented one of the cornerstones of development and cohesion strategies in the European Union (EU) and elsewhere in the world. However, despite the considerable funds devoted to it, its impact remains controversial. This paper revisits the question of to what extent transport infrastructure endowment - proxied by regional motorways - has contributed to regional growth in the EU between 1990 and 2004. It analyses infrastructure in relationship to other factors which may condition economic growth, such as innovation, migration, and the local 'social filter', taking also into account the geographical component of intervention in transport infrastructure and innovation. The results of the two-way fixed-effect (static) and difference GMM (dynamic) panel data regressions indicate that infrastructure endowment is a relatively poor predictor of economic growth and that regional growth in the EU results from a combination of an adequate 'social filter', good innovation capacity, both in the region and in neighbouring areas, and a region's capacity to attract migrants. The meagre returns of infrastructure endowment on economic growth raise interesting questions about the opportunity costs of further infrastructure investments across most of Western Europe. Resumen La infraestructura de transporte ha venido siendo una de las piedras angulares de las estrategias de desarrollo y cohesión en la Unión Europea ( UE) y el resto del mundo. Sin embargo, y a pesar de los considerables recursos que se le ha dedicado, su impacto es un tema controvertido. Este artículo revisa el interrogante de hasta que punto ha contribuido la dotación de infraestructura de transporte - representada por las autopistas regionales - al crecimiento regional en la UE entre 1990 y 2004. Se analiza la infraestructura en relación a otros factores que podrían condicionar el crecimiento económico, como la innovación, la migración, y el 'filtro social' local, teniendo en cuenta asimismo el componente geográfico de la intervención en la infraestructura de transporte y la innovación. Los resultados de las regresiones de datos de panel de efectos fijos (método estático) de doble vía y MGM por diferencias (método dinámico) indican que la dotación de infraestructura es un pobre indicador del crecimiento económico y que el crecimiento regional en la UE tiene su origen en una combinación de un 'filtro social' adecuado, en una buena capacidad innovadora tanto en la región como en áreas vecinas, y en la capacidad de la región de atraer migración. Los escasos retornos para el crecimiento económico de la dotación de infraestructura suscitan cuestiones interesantes sobre los costos de oportunidad de futuras inversiones en infraestructura para la mayoría de Europa Occidental. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contributes to a growing body of work on labour market migration to the UK from the new Member States (NMS) of the European Union, particularly the migration of Polish nationals to the UK, drawing attention to the weaknesses of existing data sets which attempt to quantify these migration flows and in particular to map the geographical distribution of migrants. The analysis of Worker Registration Scheme ( WRS) and National Insurance Number ( NINo) allocation data demonstrates that NMS migration has focused on urban and rural locales rather than having a predominantly rural or 'peripheral' area bias. The paper also argues that the discrepancies between WRS and NINo data potentially reveal a 'hidden' geography of self-employment and entrepreneurial activity among NMS migrants which merits further investigation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Differences in Member States' economic development and national social protection systems can translate into significant differences in the substantive social rights of EU migrant citizens. The substantive rights of economically inactive EU migrant citizens are dependent on the 'export' of social rights from their country of origin to the Member State of destination, in particular during the initial phase of their residence in a new Member State as a jobseeker or a pensioner. This paper demonstrates that EU citizens' social rights are substantively stratified, not only by economic status, but also according to the Member State of origin and destination. Stratified social rights, it is argued, generate unequal opportunities to free movement and eo ipso challenge the very concept of EU citizenship. The paper concludes with a proposal for a European Minimum Income Scheme to at least partially overcome the shortcomings of existing EU citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I focus on the experiences of female labour migrants, looking particularly at the emigration of married women from a region with a long-established culture of emigration, in the context of the accession of Poland to the European Union. The paper is empirical in its content and is based mainly on emigration stories and narratives recorded in the form of biography or autobiography. I discuss different stages of the migration process - the decision to migrate; the experience of migration (in particular, with reference to its impact on families, both abroad and at home), and also the consequences of migration for Polish society, particularly with reference to family cohesion and changing gender roles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT With the onset of recession in the UK in 2008, it was assumed that immigration from other European Union countries would decline. However, this has been shown to not be the case, with the volume of new arrivals from most of the East-Central European 'Accession 8' countries actually increasing. The focus of this paper is Latvia, a country that had a relatively buoyant economy following its accession to the European Union in 2004 but that now has one of the highest unemployment and emigration rates in Europe. Interviews carried out with labour providers, policymakers, and employers are used to examine the labour migration channels that reflect and structure labour migration flows from Latvia and how these have evolved in the period between accession and recession. The findings indicate that intermediaries such as labour providers, the state, and informal social networks exert considerable influence on the nature of labour migration flows and that the relative importance of these channels displays significant temporal and spatial variations. This research represents an original contribution to the literature on labour migration channels by focusing on movements from a low-wage to higher-wage economy in the context of the introduction of free movement of labour between Eastern and Western Europe and the later onset of severe global recession. These findings are of relevance to how labour market channels are theorised and suggest that analysts need to be sensitive to how the function served by intermediaries, and their influence on migration systems, evolves over time and across space. Copyright © 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is difficult to estimate the size of the irregular migrant population in a specific city or country, and even more difficult to arrive at estimates at the European level. A review of past attempts at European-level estimates reveals that they rely on rough and outdated rules-of-thumb. In this paper, we present our own European level estimates for 2002, 2005, and 2008. We aggregate country-specific information, aiming at approximate comparability by consistent use of minimum and maximum estimates and by adjusting for obvious differences in definition and timescale. While the aggregated estimates are not considered highly reliable, they do -- for the first time -- provide transparency. The provision of more systematic medium quality estimates is shown to be the most promising way for improvement. The presented estimate indicates a minimum of 1.9 million and a maximum of 3.8 million irregular foreign residents in the 27 member states of the European Union (2008). Unlike rules-of-thumb, the aggregated EU estimates indicate a decline in the number of irregular foreign residents between 2002 and 2008. This decline has been influenced by the EU enlargement and legalisation programmes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A fundamental problem that confronts the European Union today is how it can maintain its commitment to the institution of asylum while checking irregular migration and the abuse of its asylum system. In order to explore a response to this dilemma the paper addresses the following questions: what role can relief and aid policies play in influencing migration patterns? What should be the appropriate approach to the granting of relief and aid to developing countries of first asylum? Should it be viewed as a part of the larger problem of development or be treated as a distinct issue? What kind of a relief/aid model will help refugees return to post-conflict societies and stop the conflict from reproducing itself? The paper examines two different approaches to address these questions: the alliance-containment approach and the distributive-developmental approach. It also looks at some empirical evidence, which reveals that at present it is a conservative alliancecontainment approach that informs EU relief and aid practices. This approach, however, does not help achieve the stated objective of checking abuse of asylum and migration procedures while sustaining a commitment to a liberal asylum regime. The paper goes on to identify the gaps in EU policy and the lessons that can be drawn. It concludes by looking at different policy alternatives and suggesting the adoption of a reformist distributivedevelopmental model. The implementation of this model holds out the hope of reverting to a more liberal asylum regime while controlling irregular migration and "bogus" asylum seekers, for the reformist distributive developmental model takes a more long-term view of migration trends and also seeks to address the growing North-South divide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As shown by the intense legislative effort at the European Union level, the mutual recognition of professional qualifications represents an important step towards the completion of the single EU labor market. In this paper we provide the first empirical evidence on the link between intra-EU mobility and mutual recognition of professional qualifications. Our results show that bilateral EU migration is positively affected by the destination country's rate of recognition of professional qualifications obtained in another EU member state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of the article is to fill a gap in the literature on the externalisation of immigration control by focusing not on practices of extraterritorial immigration control but on the externalisation of immigration control at the EU external border. The article will examine four parallel and inter‐related trends of preventive injustice on the border: the denial of law and pushbacks, and their handling by judicial authorities and EU institutions and agencies; the emerging framework of the instrumentalisation of migration; the normalisation of border procedures based on the fiction of 'non‐entry'; and detention of third‐country nationals at the border, to back up non‐entry policies. The article will highlight the rule of law deficit such externalisation entails. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT This article examines first the emergence and construction of the concept of transit migration and the political framework and discourses that brought about this concept. It goes on analysing how this reinforces the EU's efforts to externalise its migration policy and integrate non-EU countries into a comprehensive migration control policy. Second, it critically surveys the state of the art, analyses causes and conditions of transit migration, identifies its geography and discusses some methodological and analytical pitfalls and difficulties of researching transit migration. Finally, in the conclusions a structuralist approach is taken and it is suggested that a clear-cut typology could be developed by rigid comparison. Copyright © 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper gives a brief overview of a wide spectrum of health issues and problems, ranging from communicable disease to mental health and family formation, which affect migrants and host countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Economic literature suggests that economic factors and the availability of amenities act as determinants of migration choices together with socio‐demographic factors. Migration has also been found to be the consequence of political instability. This article argues that specific political events, i.e., democratic elections, may be linked to migration flows. By using European data over the 1999‐2012 time period, our system GMM estimations reveal that there is an emigration political cycle across European democracies and across the young democracies of Central and Eastern European countries. We observe that regular elections tend to diminish emigration ratios, whereas endogenous elections have the opposite effect. These results suggest special challenges for governments and oppositions, which are also discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Southern European countries have traditionally been perceived as weak immigration countries with inefficient legal entry avenues for foreign workers, high irregular migration rates and poor integration policies. In recent years, however, the adoption of more efficient control policies, new recruitment strategies and embryonic integration plans throughout the region has led to a change of paradigm in the governance of migration. And yet policy reforms do not seem to have produced the same results everywhere. The aim of this article is to enquire into possible explanations for the divergent paths of labour migration governance in Southern Europe, using Italy and Spain as comparative cases. As it will emerge, policy efficacy in the field of labour migration relates not only to the quality and consistency of policy design and implementation but also to factors that escape direct political control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the help of the Immigrant Inclusion Index (IMIX), a quantitative tool for measuring the electoral inclusion of immigrants, we demonstrate that European democracies are much more exclusive than they should be. All normative theories of democracy share the conviction that it is imperative that democracies include long-term immigrant residents into the demos - either by granting citizenship or by introducing alien voting rights. But even the 20 most established and stable democracies within the EU are far from fully realizing the ideal of 'universal suffrage'. This is true independently of whether we count in- and excluded people in numerical terms, or whether we evaluate the relevant laws and regulations. Therefore, we diagnose a substantial democratic deficit on the level of European nation-states. By requiring its member states to enfranchise non-national EU citizens on the local level, the EU, for once, plays a positive role in reducing one of the most fundamental democratic deficits in times of migration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Net inward migration from the EU has been running at record levels in recent years, although the steep increase in new National Insurance numbers issued suggests that the official data may be understating the level of immigration. There was a clear step up in inflows after both expansions of the EU into central and eastern Europe, while the relative strength of the UK labour market has been an important driver of the more recent rise in inflows., High levels of immigration have helped to offset the impact of an ageing population and ensured that the UK has enjoyed stronger labour supply growth than many of its peers. With migrants typically being better educated than their UK-born counterparts, the quality of the stock of labour has also improved, and migrants have been found to have a net positive fiscal impact., But there have been some downsides, with evidence that high immigration has had a small dampening impact on wages. That migrants tend to head to London and the other southern regions over other destinations has exacerbated the imbalances in regional housing markets., Given that a desire to have greater control over immigration is usually one of the key motivations for those favouring Brexit, a vote in favour of leaving the EU is likely to see the UK abandon the policy of free movement of labour. This would probably see the UK extend the points-based system that it currently uses for non-EU countries to include EU migrants., Our modelling suggests that the adoption of a 'populist' immigration policy which lowers net inward migration by 60,000 a year could reduce the level of GDP by 1.1% in 2030 compared with our baseline forecast. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses international policy discussions on migration and development (M&D) and contrasts these with the actual M&D policies and practices of 11 European countries who were among the main proponents of this international discourse. Desk research of public documents and accompanying information sought from these 11 governments as well as in the European Commission (EC) provide the basis for a comparative analysis of their overall M&D policies and strategies, and institutional settings for formulating and implementing these. The comparison shows that M&D policy and practice remains in a tentative and experimental phase, and that countries experience difficulties reflecting their international positions in their own policies, as well as in learning from their own efforts and those of others. While stressing the developmental potential of migration in international discussions, most of the countries' policies still reflect an understanding of migration as a problem and a preoccupation with short-term domestic interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is well established that negative attitudes towards immigrants are strongly associated with lower public support for European integration. But the impact of actual immigration levels on immigration attitudes is still contested. As a result, the relationship between immigration levels and EU public support remains uncertain from a theoretical point of view. We offer an empirical study of the link between immigration from the new EU member states from Central and Eastern Europe ( CEE) and EU support at the regional level in Spain, France, Ireland and The Netherlands. The results of the analyses suggest that in all four countries immigration from CEE had negative effects on support for European integration in the host societies. In short, immigration seems to undermine integration, although internal migration within the EU is necessary for the successful functioning of its economic union and the future of political integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the fall of the Iron Curtain, Poland became the main sending country in Central Europe. Despite the lack of institutional barriers to settling in member states of the European Union since 2004, many Polish migrants continued to undertake temporary labour mobility including repetitive, back-and-forth moves. This article examines the relationship between migrants' back-and-forth international mobility and their activity in the labour market of the sending country. It describes changes in the labour market status of migrants engaging in repetitive migration, based on two surveys conducted in Poland in 2001 and 2007, complemented by qualitative follow-ups. The results show that migrants deploy various economic strategies: reconcile employment in both countries; abandon jobs in Poland; or only remain economically active abroad. In many cases back-and-forth migration led to being unemployed in Poland, which constitutes an important challenge for labour market policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migration plays an important role in shaping contemporary society in the European Union (EU), with constituent countries being affected differently. As a result of the most recent expansion of the EU in 2004, the United Kingdom (UK) has experienced an influx of economic migrants from former 'Eastern Bloc' countries, including many young people from Poland. In this study, we explore the experiences of a group of nine young Polish adults living, studying and working in the UK. Three of the nine participants were co-researchers in this participatory action research, equipping them with the tools to undertake a narrative enquiry. The resultant narratives outline emergent themes and subthemes: including reasons for coming to and staying in the UK; first impressions of and changing opinions about life in the UK; the impact of visits to Poland; and plans for the future. The data add to the literature by providing a unique developmental perspective of the changing experiences of living in the UK; and give some insight into the life impacts of migration in contemporary Europe, amongst young people in their twenties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the implications of extension of competence to the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) in the area of immigration policy. Through analysis of the implications for Italy, France and the Netherlands of CJEU decisions on expulsion and family reunification it is shown that an EU rule of law has developed that can constrain the executive branch of Member State governments. This means that the EU can no longer be conceptualized in the area of immigration policy as merely an external venue to which Member States 'escape' in order to circumvent legal constraints at national level. The growing role of the CJEU forces instead a reconceptualization of the dynamics of immigration law and policy in Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At first at the level of the European Commission, and increasingly also in the European Union's member states, it is being recognized that past labour migration management tools have more or less serious drawbacks in that they produce undesired outcomes and do not sufficiently attain the objectives for which they were designed. The welfare states of north-western Europe are discovering that their desire of the past three decades to restrict labour immigration as much as possible is no longer 'in sync' with changing labour market demands, which are growing both for the highly skilled and the unskilled. In order to satisfy the demand for unskilled labour, schemes are being proposed that would allow for circular migration. The European Commission is a forceful promoter of these schemes. Member states such as the Netherlands, which we take as a case in point, are also considering modes by which to allow temporary unskilled labour migration, but seem intent on employing regulatory tools that are not very different from those used in the 'guest worker' era, which brought about large-scale settlement. Up to the present time, the resulting ethnic minority groups are the subject of large integration efforts on the part of the receiving states. This begs the question of the extent to which 'circular migration' would be different from 'guest worker' schemes, in its management and its outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT Against the background of the research project entitled 'Transit Migration' (2002-2004), on migration regimes in Turkey, Greece and the Balkan region, the article will discuss methodological and conceptual problems and challenges of qualitative studies of transit migration. By analysing diverse practices and conditions of 'transit migrations' the article will argue against attempts to qualitatively define the phenomena. Rather, it suggests applying the concept of 'precarious transit zone' in order to grasp the complexity, unsteadiness, and multi-directionality of many migrational 'transit-biographies'. On an ethnographic level the concept of 'transit zone' allows a consideration of different figures of transit migrants from those in the traditional sense of the term, visa-overstayers or rejected asylum seekers transiting diverse countries on their way forward and increasingly also on their difficult way back to their countries of origin as well as the increasing number of migrants 'stuck in mobility'. Moreover, the concept urges migration research to adopt an 'ethnographic regime approach', which implies a multi-dimensional research design. It combines ethnographic research with discourse analyses and an analytical focus on the macro level. This shows that transit migration is not only shaped by migration related policies by the EU, nation-states and international/ intergovernmental organisations, but it is shaped by 'economies of transit'. Additionally an ethnographic regime approach also analyses the impact of academic research itself in re-constructing categories used by the governing bodies. Copyright © 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the origins and aims of Israel's pronatalist policy and the causes of the unique fertility behavior of Israeli-Muslims. It states that the higher allowances in line with an increasing number of children prevail some the developed European Union states with hegemony. It is revealed that the fertility rates of Muslim in the more developed EU countries are still much above those of the native Christian majority population. Moreover, it mentions that the developed EU countries may become even more dependent on labor immigration to keep the dependency ratio from dropping to a level that would cause devastating harm to the economy.

Examines the justice and home affairs policies of the European Union (EU). Information on changes made to the asylum and immigration policy of the EU; Details on collaborations on external border controls and visa policy among member states of the EU; Discussion on judicial and police cooperation among EU member states.

Examines the limits to harmonization on policies towards refugees in the European Union. Background on the temporary protection of Bosnian refugees; Repatriation from the Europe Union to Bosnia-Herzegovina; Consistency of the legal rights of asylum seekers and refugees.

This article evaluates the relationship between highly skilled mobility (especially by individuals with university-level degrees) and migration policies. Data from the European Union (EU) and Portugal (in particular) provide the empirical basis of the research. EU policies regarding the free circulation of individuals which aim to build the "common market" for economic factors (including labour) are reviewed, as are the more specific recognition of diplomas policies for professional and academic purposes, and recent levels of international mobility in both the EU and Portugal. The article also enumerates the main obstacles that, from a political and legal or social and cultural perspective, explain the low mobility revealed by those figures. Obstacles include the broad denial of citizenship rights; the necessity of assuring a means of sustenance; linguistic and technical exigencies for diploma recognition; the social attributes of work (more explicit in the service sector); and the institutional nature of national skilled labour markets. The main exception to the low mobility rule - movements of cadres in the internal labour markets of transnational corporations - together with flows in other multinational organizations, are also reviewed. In these, migrations are relatively exempt from political constraints and, significantly, avoid the recognition procedures adopted by the EU. In other words, it seems that the entry of highly skilled individuals in a transnational corporation, and not their citizenship in a Europe without frontiers, is what enables them to achieve effective mobility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]