Search

The article is aimed at the examination and untangling of the part of the web of concepts concerning interrelations between education and economic development. The article focuses on social versus private returns to education. The total social return may be larger or smaller than the sum of individual returns viewed in isolation from each other unless a correction for these interactions is made. Distinguishing between private and social returns is not the same as distinguishing between market and non-market, or real and psychic returns nor is it related to the distinction between education as consumption and as investment though these several distinctions often tend to be partially confused with each other. In each instance there are difficulties of measurement and each has time dimensions that are often neglected. Even in dealing with the consumption-investment distinction, classical theory tends to measure along time scales rather than to incorporate time into the core of the analysis. Analysis of private and social returns to education in particular, clearly necessitates exploration of process of change through time, for it is in these changes that the largest discrepancies arise between the summated individual returns and the social total viewed as an entity.

Poor countries cannot afford to pay for as much education as richer countries. They have therefore to establish priorities in terms both of quantity and of quality. The requirements of economic development help in setting priorities, but they are not overriding. Education was not invented in order to enable men to produce more goods and services. The purpose of education is to enable men to understand better the world in which they live, so that they may more fully express their potential capacities whether spiritual, intellectual or material. Indeed, through the centuries the traditional attitude of practical men towards education has been that it unfits its recipients for useful work. From the standpoint of economic development, one may distinguish between types of education which increase productive capacity and types which do not. Teaching an African cook to read may increase his enjoyment of life, but will not necessarily make him a better cook. Education of the former kind is called investment education, while the latter kind is called consumption education. From the standpoint of economic development, investment education has a high priority, but consumption education is on a par with other forms of consumption. How much to spend above this minimum depends on how rich the society is and on competing claims.

The Warsaw Conference on the Marxian theory of Development centered on two related questions; (1) is there in Marxism a distinctively Marxian theory of development? (2) if there is, what guidance can it give today to countries at varying levels or stages of development? In his paper "The Marxian Theory of Development and Socialist Economic Policy," professor J.S. Berliner, held that the sociologist Karl Marx was primarily concerned with the process of capitalistic development. The Marxian doctrine, Berliner contended, applied primarily to fully developed capitalistic economies, their fundamental internal contradictions being supposed to lead inevitably to their bursting asunder and to their supersession by socialism. The title of the paper which professor W. Brus presented jointly with professor K. Laski was "Essentials of the Marxian Approach to Problems of Economic Development." For them the fundamental category of the Marxian theory of economic development was perhaps one which is both social and economic and is summed up in the expression mode of production. It would appear that Marxism does not furnish a set of formulae for development, from which practitioners can easily find out what to do in specific cases. Marxism does seem, however, to offer a box of tools, a set of canons, a method indicating how one might go about formulating what one wants to do by way of development.

This article focuses on the need for constructive analysis, planning, and policy to promote regional economic growth in the southern states of the U.S. The prospects and possibilities for the South's economic development are, of course, closely linked with growth of and changes in the national economy. During the past two decades, the South has shared increasingly well in national economic growth, and similar promise holds for the future. Although there are thus grounds for optimism, the expected improvement could presumably be made greater and more certain. The present momentum of Southern economic development provides a strong driving force which may be harnessed by special and concerted efforts to secure continued advance. Too much emphasis can hardly be placed on the productivity of the South's labor force in terms of its aptitudes, mobility, and employability. For several decades, the South has had somewhat more than its share of low productivity industry. Low-productivity areas are necessarily low-wage, low-income areas as well. A revealing example is the cotton-growing region of the South in which farms are typically too small, under-equipped, and poorly managed to be profitable. Such factors as the one-crop system, sharecropping, race, and an inadequate system of rural credit work in combination to reduce the productivity and cash incomes of these far too numerous farmers.

The article proposes a theory of traditional society where continuing technical progress is occurring. The theory presents a general model of society, and deals with interrelationships among elements of the physical environmental, social structure, personality, and culture. Economic growth has everywhere occurred interwoven with political and social change. The author believes that the economic growth does not occur first and causes the political-social change. Both are mutually dependent. The author presents the case of traditional agriculture society. The typical characteristics of traditional society are: the social structure is hierarchical and authoritarian in all of its aspects--economic, political, and religious; and one's status in the society is inherited. These characteristics of the society as well as its techniques of production are traditional and change very slowly. An important factor initiating change was some historical shift which caused some group or groups of the lesser elite, who previously had had a respected and valued place in the social hierarchy, to feel that they no longer were respected and valued. This derogation in some societies consisted of explicit indication of contempt for the functions or position of the lesser elite.

The article focuses on the value system and economic development in the comprehensive theory of social change with special reference to Japan and Thailand. It supports the proposition that changes in political and social institutions will not bring about sustained economic development, unless the fundamental human values in the society are conducive to development. There are numerous similarities between Thailand and Japan. Both countries possess traditions of selective cultural borrowing over a long historical past, and both are within what might be loosely called the same general oriental culture area. In spite of these similarities, there was a wide disparity in the economic development of the two countries. The Japanese case represents an example of highly successful economic development involving a large part of the nation. In order for economic development to come about, it is essential that the value system fulfill two functions: it has to provide goals, either public or private, which can be promoted by increased production; and the value system must generate the propensities and the activities associated with them. The components of the value system may be identified primarily from religious and ethical teachings. The Thai value system centers around personal values as opposed to the Japanese emphasis on political values. It requires very little in terms of obligation or commitment to other individuals or institutions.

The article focuses on refining the Weberian thesis about the differential effects of Protestant compared with Catholic religious orientations in the sphere of economic activity. The work of Max Weber, especially the so-called 'Protestant Ethic hypothesis,' continues to exercise an impressive influence on current research in the social sciences. The article devotes a selective consideration of several different approaches to the problem with a view to determining some of their possibilities and limitations. Perhaps the commonest approach has been to interpret the Weber hypothesis in terms of the economists' emphasis on the importance of entrepreneurship in the process of economic development. Weber's 'Protestant Ethic' is seen as an ideological orientation tending to lead those who hold it into an entrepreneurial role where they then contribute to economic growth. The consequences for economic development depend as much on the institutional channeling of motivation as on the presence or absence of certain kinds of motivation.

This paper discusses various ways to be followed for conducting a social research in a particular country. It is natural to turn to the methods of empirical social research which lends itself to the investigation of the motives, opinions, behavior patterns and reactions of populations and attempt to apply them to the peoples of Asia and Africa, the young countries which are now being industrialized. In this way it is hoped to gain some insight into the way of thinking of those people, and to discover what they expect from cooperation with the older industrial countries and in what fields they would prefer to receive help from the Eastern or Western lands. A further aim is to discover their opinion of the cultural and economic measures introduced in connexion with development aid. If empirical social research is to produce objective results, it must have a competent institute on hand to do the work. It may be taken as a general principle that whatever country is to be investigated, no social survey of this kind can be conducted from abroad. In market research, for instance, interviewers are instructed to discover where the dividing line comes between state and private enterprise, particularly in the economic sphere. Light must be shed on the money market, the distribution of income among the population, the level of technology, the structure of the labor market and the level of education and vocational training.

The article provides information on the conference on unemployment, sponsored by the Institute of Industrial Relations and the Department of Economics, University of California in Berkeley in 1963. The first day was focused on "Retraining and Labor Market Policies." Speaker Seymour L. Wolfbein said that higher economic growth rates are essential. The following day was concerned with "The Problem of Expanding Economic Activity."

This article focuses on the increased attention given in developing countries towards the continued availability of qualitatively and quantitatively adequate managerial manpower in various spheres of society as one vital factor in assuring balanced socio-economic growth. This concern is doubtless in part, as a result of analyses of growth in a number of countries. It is reflected in an increasing number of publications of very divergent quality on a great variety of subjects and in multifarious efforts in education and research designed to promote the development of various categories of managers. The advancement in knowledge, insight and skills in the field of management and management education and development has, unfortunately, not always kept pace with the rapid proliferation of educational activities in a number of countries. This statement should be interpreted as an encouragement to increase the required knowledge, rather than to abandon substantial educational efforts owing to their inadequacy. Management education and development may be approached from at least two points of view, the great variety of needs for these efforts and the provision of the very numerous services required in this field.

The Council on Economic and Cultural Affairs maintains three programmes related to rural economic and cultural development in Asia. The largest programme is intended to help Asian scholars and administrators increase their competence to deal with problems of rural development. The council has done this primarily through making available visiting professors of agricultural economics or rural sociology to faculties of agricultural economics in Asian universities. These visiting professors have been either associates of the council or on leave from American universities. Since 1954, visiting professors have been attached for periods varying from one to six years at National Taiwan University, Taipei, Taiwan; Chung Lising Provincial University, Taichung. Taiwan; College of Agriculture, University of the Philippines, Los Banos, Philippines, etc. Visiting professors have helped these institutions undertake research and improve their instruction in agricultural economics, rural sociology, and community development. The council has made a number of grants in support of agricultural economics research and to support meetings concerned with agricultural economics. Of particular note are a group of related grants in Japan to encourage empirical studies of agriculture. These have been made to University of Tokyo, National Research Institute of Agriculture and the National Institute of Agricultural Sciences, Tokyo; Kyushu University, Hokkaido University, Tottori University, and Kyoto University.

The article presents a list of articles related to industrial relations published in various journals. Some of the articles included in the list are: "Executive Compensation: A Growing Problem for International Companies," by John G. McDonald, published in an issue of Management International; "Economic Development and the Sectoral Expansion of Employment," by Walter Galenson, published in the June 1963 issue of International Labour Review; "Facts and Observations on Labour Productivity in Western Europe, North America and Japan," by Angus Maddison, published in August 24, 1963 issue of Productivity Measurement Review; "International Comparisons of Unit Labor Cost: Concepts and Methods," by William C. Shelton and John H. Chandler, published in May 1963 issue of Monthly Labor Review; "A Progress Report on the Status of Women," by Gladys A Tillett, published in July 22, 1963 issue of Department of State Bulletin; and "Job Reinstatement: France and the United States," by Frederic Meyers, published in May 1963 issue of Industrial Relations.

The article assesses financial innovation and structural change in the early stages of industrialization based on the experience of the financial sector in Mexico from 1945-1959. A description of a traditional economy is included as is the transformation by which such an economy can become a developing economy through alterations in the production function. There are five ways, the article states, for financing innovation in developing economies, including self-financing, tax increases, direct financing, government securities, and indirect financing.

This article focuses on the adequacy of the growth record of the American economy in recent years. Within the past several years the question of whether or not the economy is advancing at a rapid enough pace has become a matter of serious interest to the general public as well as the economic specialist. This is true to such an extent that the economy's allegedly inadequate growth rate became one of the major issues in the 1960 presidential election campaign. The question of the adequacy of the growth performance of the American economy has been brought forcefully to public attention from a number of responsible and professionally competent sources. The central question in any discussion of the adequacy of the growth record of the economy is that of criteria. Evidence based upon per capita data rather than growth rates suggests that the economy's performance from 1944 through 1960 was relatively unsatisfactory. Real gains of sizable proportions were recorded in living standards as reflected in per capita consumption outlays, but the primary source of such gains was not the sustained growth iii the economy as a whole, but a large-scale shift in the end-use of the nation's total output. As the 1950's drew to a close, however, the possibilities of further progress in living standards from this particular source were becoming exhausted. The same holds for any future increases in the other major components of the output total, particularly investment outlays. In retrospect, therefore, the era 1945-1960 was primarily one in which the fruits of the economy's massive ware tune surge of growth were adapted to peacetime uses. It was not, an era of satisfactory growth.

The article discusses various books on finance, accounting, & taxation. The book "Government Revenue Shares in Developed and Less Developed Countries," by Harley H. Hinrichs and Richard Bird presents a critical re-appraisal of the relationship between government revenues and the Gross National Product of various countries, and of the need for reform of the tax systems of less developed countries as a stimulus to growth. The book "Counter-Speculation in the Forward Exchange Market: Some Further Comments," by Henry Goldstein presents a continuation of a discussion of the title subject. The book "The Mad Canadian-American Money-Go-Round," by R. M. Baiden discusses the Canadian stock market and its deservedly bad reputation and an attempt to cut down on U.S. control of Canadian business. The book "Money for the Asking," by E.C. Gould presents a report on the operations of Charterhouse Canada Limited and some advice on how to get money from it. The book "Where is the Market Headed?" by Tom Ford presents an analysis of Canadian economic, especially stock market, conditions. The book "Economic Development in Latin America," by T. Graydon Upton discusses the ways of financing private investment in Latin America. The book "Pool for Ventures" presents a description of a new company, with backers in the U.S. and Europe being organized to provide investment funds for private ventures in South American countries.

This article presents information on the development of the Dutch agricultural population during the 20th century. The male agricultural population in the Netherlands has declined from 40 % of the total working population in 1859 to approximately `a % in 1959. After World Wax II there was also a decline in the absolute number. This study contains a careful analysis of census data in order to find which parts of the country and which categories of the agricultural population played the most important roles in this process. It appears for instance, that in 1899 the number of dependent workers was twice that of farmers, while in 1956 the former group was only 90 % of the latter. Further the earliest and strongest decline is seen in the provinces which have had the greatest increase of total population (by industrialization and urbanization). This means that there is a congestion of agricultural population in a number of districts at greater distances from the industrialized centers. Although these districts show the highest emigration figures, emigration does not prevent this congestion.

The impact of rapid development on social structure and patterns of mobility must be explored. Yet, there is little relationship between mobility patterns and development. Recent findings show a considerable similarity of career aspirations in very divergent settings. Status concomitants linked to education may vary with the proportion and absolute size of the educated population. Educational attainments should also increase the amount of high achievement orientation. Downward mobility is a feature of emerging industrialization, but little is yet known about its effects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information about the Overseas Development Institute in Great Britain. It was founded towards the end of 1960 by a group of people who consider that the economic development of the countries of Asia, Africa and South America, and their relations with the industrially developed areas of the world, are of material importance. Its funds were received from the Ford Foundation, from British industry and commerce, and from the Nuffield Foundation. The institute is non-profit-making and its policies are decided by a council which is independent and non-governmental.

The article announces on the establishment of the Institute of Public Administration (IPA) by the Department of Government of Indiana University, effective September 1, 1963. Except for overseas contract administration, the IPA will be responsible for the research, consultation, and training activities of the Bureau of Government Research and the Institute of Training for Public Service. York Willbern will serve as director of the IPA, and Dwight C. Smith, Jr., as coordinator of Government Department Contracts.

SUMMARY A balance of payments adjustment mechanism should be defined as 'any balance of payments disturbance which can be deliberately initiated in order to correct some other disturbance'. The traditional mechanisms, based on changes in exchange rates, prices and incomes, can no longer be applied effectively because they are domestically impalatable. Consequently, governments have come to rely on new ways of initiating countervailing disturbances, among them (a) pressures on surplus countries; (b) changes in foreign tastes; (c) stimulating economic growth; and (d) forming or joining a customs union. In the present disequilibrium system, new adjustment mechanisms like these are being widely used, and are in fact becoming the only effective means for maintaining international equilibrium. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

rrow, K. J., K arlin, S., and S carf, H. (eds.). Studies in Applied Probability and Management Science. i B ailey, M artin J. National Income and the Price Level. B esson, J ean-F ranÇois. Les groupes industriels et l'Europe. B rus, W. Ogólne problemy funkcjonowania gospodarki socjalistycznej. C airncross, A. K. Factors in Economic Development. G ottfurcht, H ans. Die internationale Gewerkschaftsbewegung im Weltgeschehen. H aroldsen, E dwin O. (ed.). Food-One Tool in International Economic Development. H irschman, A lbert O. Journeys toward Progress: Studies of Economic Policy-Making in Latin America. H omer, S idney. A History of Interest Rates - 2000 B. C. to the Present. J ohnston, T. L. Collective Bargaining in Sweden. K ahn, H ilda R. Salaries in the Public Services in England and Wales. K rauel, W olfgang. Betrachtungen über geistige Strömungen im modernen Brasilien. M eier, G erald M. International Trade and Development. P aish, F. W. Studies in an Inflationary Economy. P almer, G ladys L. and others. The Reluctant Job Changer: Studies in Work Attachments and Aspirations. R obbins, L ord. Politics and Economics - Papers in Political Economy. R osenbluth, G. and T horburn, H. G., Canadian Anti-Combines Administration 1952-1960. W asserman M ax J., H ultman C harles W., Z soldos L aszlo. International Finance. W rigley, E. A. Industrial Growth and Population Change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the months of May, June and July, when the demand for tomatoes is at its highest, British consumers' needs are met by supplies coming from heated glasshouses in South Holland, in Guernsey, and in England and Scotland. The island of Jersey also sends a small amount of glasshouse tomatoes, but for all practical purposes Southern England and the two off-shore territories command the supply. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information about the nature of the Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organization, one of the large government-sponsored research organizations in the world. The organization has an enviable reputation in international science and has an impressive record of significant contributions to the economy and development of Australia. It is also a statutory corporation operating under the Science and Industry Research Act. Thus, the principal function of the organization is scientific research.

The article analyzes whether capital accumulation is compatible with economic progress and stability. Institutionalism is a way of thinking to which many thinkers within the last generation have been shifting. It is essentially a movement away from the classical conception of the economy toward a scientifically oriented set of doctrines which emphasizes and develops the machine as being the material basis of production. There is evidence that supports the thesis that there are two distinct brands of institutionalism, the basis for distinguishing between them being the extent to which certain economists were obviously influenced by philosopher Thorstein Veblen and disseminated the tenets of his philosophy in their own works. Such a distinction is not as arbitrary as it may appear. The problem of institutionalism then is basically the problem of influencing society to do something unpleasant, to give up cherished and long-held notions in order to effect a cure. The real problem is the neurosis of the complex of capital which supports the arbitrary institutional structure of capitalism. The accumulation of funds makes no creative contribution to the progress of society.

This article examines the nature of the transitional society in the developing nations and reviews the role and problems of bureaucracy in the tasks of nation-building. Eight major characteristics of bureaucracy are identified, and its problems in the context of t fie culture of politics, the emerging ethos and the expanding sphere of Stale activity and new institutional arrangements are analysed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Levels of economic development are characterized by differences in kind and complexity of economic organizations and productive units. Even similar basic needs are nut in varying ways, according to the available resources. Class stratification and socio-psychological action patterns form strategic variables linked to development levels. Underdeveloped countries typically display sharp social polarities, steep ranking, low mobility, a disregard for economic performance as status-conferring. Ascription-achievement and diffusion-specificity are key dichotomies. The effect of specificity on productivity reflects back on stratification, while achievement-orientation makes individual mobility across groups possible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For many underdeveloped countries, the main problem of economic development is not so much the acceleration of investment in material capital for the ‘take-off’ as the building of the runway for a future take-off. But discussions of ‘pre-investment’ in human capital for this purpose are vague and unsatisfactory. In particular, it is not clear whether investment in education is to supply the ‘missing components’ of skills within a given framework or to supply a dynamic catalyst which will radically change the framework itself. These two different concepts of education illustrate the conflicting requirements of social discipline and social flexibility as a prerequisite of economic growth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article deals with a colonial type of situation where attempts at economic advancement have taken place within a wider institutional framework designed to preserve the traditional social order as a basis for administrative control. The traditional chiefs, who enjoy advantages under this arrangement, have a vested interest in its continuation. But the arrangement involves a bureaucratic direction which is not conducive to sustained individual effort. The rise of an educated middle class has drawn attention to the feasibility and desirability of long-needed change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The increase of the capital coefficient in (lie course of economic development and its subsequent decrease is called ‘moving over the threshold’. Three industrial revolutions are identified: each passes through a stage of increased capital coefficient, followed by a decline. Changes in capital coefficient are due to variations in the longevity of capital, the capital mix, and principally technical progress. Important social pre-conditions affecting changes in the capital coefficient: population increase; inability of the governing classes to maintain effective control; outside pressures; increase of the investment quota, followed by voluntary and compulsory saving. Technological progress also implies a change from old to new élites using new techniques of social control and requiring new methods of education. During the climb to and the descent from the threshold of development, turning points are usually readied in economic policy depending on trends of economic development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social progress is closely interlinked with economic development. Many aspects of social progress are prerequisities to economic development. Alternatively, the level of economic growth defines to a large extent the character of the social problems which arise. The article studies the interrelation between social and economic aspects of development as they are reflected in programmes and plans of national development in different countries. Special reference is made to the different indices by which social processes are measured in such programmes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

SUMMARY It is the purpose of the present paper to replace the traditional theory of industrial stages by a better model based on the criteria of capital and control. In constructing the new model we became aware of the fact it is necessary to distinguish between 'capital'-intensive and 'capital'-extensive industries and again within the latter between those which worked for local consumption and for the export trade, respectively. Only for the 'capital'-extensive industries working for the export trade something like stages in the industrial development can be discovered. In fact, the stage reached in these industries in the eighteenth century brought them organizationally close to the older 'capital'-intensive industries, so that for that period we subsume both under the head of protofactory. The protofactory of the model based on capital and control shows the essential characteristics of the factory, although in reality there were some elements distinguishing the protofactory from the full-fledged factory. In the second section of the paper we describe in detail the organizational features of the protofactory after clearing up the etymological confusion in that ZUSAMMENFASSUNG Der Beitrag zielt darauf ab, die traditionelle Theorie der industriellen Stufen durch ein auf den Kriterien ≪Kapital≫ und ≪KontroIle≫ basierendes, besseres Modell zu ersetzen. Beim Aufbau dieses neuen Modells zeigte sich die Notwendig-keit einer Unterscheidung zwischen kapitahntensiven und kapitalextensiven Industrien, welche letztere wiederum unterteilt werden mussen in solche, die fiir den einheimischen Verbrauch arbeiten, und solche, die fiir den Export produ-zieren. Nur fiir die im Export tatigen kapitalextensiven Industrien lasst sich so etwas wie Stadien der industriellen Entwicklung entdecken. In der Tat brachte das Stadium, welches diese Industrien im 18. Jahrhundert erreicht hatten, sie organisatorisch in enge Verbindung zu den alteren, kapitahntensiven Industrien, so dass fiir jene Periode beide unter dem Oberbegriff'Ur-Fabrik' (protofactory) zusammengefasst werden konnen. Das auf ≪Kapital≫ und ≪K.ontrolle≫ aufge-baute Modell der Urfabrik bringt wesentliche Merkmale der Fabrik zum Aus-druck, obwohl sich in Wirklichkeit die Urfabrik von der fliigge gewordenen Fabrik in einigen Punkten unterschied. Im zweiten Teil der Arbeit werden die organisatorischen Grundziige der Urfabrik im Detail beschrieben; zuvor wird die in diesem Bereich herrschende etymologische Verwirrung geklart. Abschliessend wird gezeigt, dass weder der im organisatorischen Aufbau der Industrie tatige Geschaftsmann noch der zeit-genossische Okonom erfasst hatten, was sich vor ihren Augen abspielte. Es brauchte Jahrzehnte, bis der Industrielle die Notwendigkeit regelmassiger Ab-schreibungen erkannte, und der klassische Okonom lehrte noch lange die inverse Korrelation zwischen Lohn und Profit und die Vcrschiebbarkeit des Kapitals von Industrie zu Industrie, nachdem diese beidenfiir das putting-out system typischen Wesensziige mit dem Erscheinen der Urfabrik verschwunden waren. RÉSUMÉ Cet article a pour but, de remplacer la théorie traditionelle des stades industriels par un modèle meilleur, basé sur les critères de capital et de contrǒ1e. En construisant ce nouveau modèle, nous nous rendons compte de la nécessité, de distinguer entre industries intensives en capital et celles extensives en capital et ces dernieres de nouveau, en celles qui travaillent pour la consommation interne, et celles qui produisent pour l'exportation. C'est uniquement pour les industries extensives en capital produisant pour l'exportation, qu'on peut d^couvrir des soi-disants stades du developpement industriels. En fait, le stade atteint dans ces industries au dix-huitieme siecle les amenait du point de vue de I'organisation en relation étroite avec les industries plus vieilles et intensives en capital, de facon a ce que pour cette periode, les deux pouvaient ětre résumés sous le terme de ≪protofabrique≫. La protofabrique du modele, basee sur le capital et le contrdle met en relief les principales caracteristiques de l'usine, malgre que la protofabrique se distingue en realite en beaucoup de points de l'usine evoluée. Dans la deuxieme partie de cet article, les elements organisateurs de la protofabrique sont decrits en detail, apres avoir eclairci les confusions etymologiques. Finalement l'auteur montre, que ni le commercant actif dans le developpement organisateur de l'industrie, ni l'economiste classique contemporain ont saisi ce qui se deroulait devant leurs yeux. II a fallu des dixaines d'annees jusqu'a ce que I'industriel reconnaisse Futility d'amortisations regulieres, et l'econome classique enseignait encore longtemps la correlation inverse entre le salaire et le profit et Pajustement du capital d'une industrie a l'autre, malgre que ces deux faits typiques par le 'putting-out system', avaient disparu avec l'apparition de la protofabrique. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

SUMMARY Many of the central problems surrounding economic development require a broader analytic context than that provided by traditional Western economic theory. The value of the institutionalist tradition has been referred to with increasing frequency in this regard. The contributions and shortcomings of this tradition are well illustrated in V eblen's thought. The shortcomings, the principal subject of this paper, include (a) an inadequate treatment of economic motivation (b) a tendency to view the study of economic institutions as a substitute for, rather than a complement to, price theory (including the related disciplines of mathematical economics and econometrics) and (c) an inadequate exploration of the nature and significance of alternative institutions in their relation to economic development. In each of these respects the concepts and comparative analyses of M ax W eber provide valuable additions to both methodology and theory. Weber's legacy deserves the attention of all those who believe that (to paraphrase Whitehead) economics should be a survey of possibilities, not a quarrel among irritable professors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

braham-F rois, G. Essai sur les Problèms d'investissement en Pays sous-développés. B auchet, P ierre. Propriété Publique et Planification B aumgarten, E duard. Max Weber - Werk und Person. Dokumente ausgewählt und kommentiert D antzig, G eorge B. Linear Programming and Extensions D uckworth, W. E. A Guide to Operational Research G rossman, G regory. Soviet Statistics of Physical Output of Industrial Commodities; Their Compilation and Quality H ackett, J ohn and A nne-M arie. Economic Planning in France H andlin, O scar, and B urchard, J ohn (eds.). The Historian and the City H arrod, R oy. The British Economy H arrod, R., and H ague, D. C. (eds.). International Trade Theory in a Developing World H esch, R olf. Wirtschaftsstatistik - Methoden und Aussagen K indleberger, C harles P. International Economics M acrea, N ormann. Sunshades in October M orgenstern, O skar. On the Accuracy of Economic Statistics N emtchinov, V. S. Ekonomiko-matematitcheskie metody i modeli (Economico-mathematical Methods and Models) S Ölter, A rno. Markenpreisbindung und Marktintegration. Zugleich ein Beitrag zur GWB-Novelle. Schriftenreihe Der Betrieb S ommer, F. Einführung in die Mathematik für Studenten der Wirtschqftswissenschqft S wanson, D onald F. The Origins of Hamilton's Fiscal Policies T amagna, F rank. La Banca Central en América Latina [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article present information on the feasibility of the GATT doctrine. The consensus on the principles and rules that ought to govern international trade which dominated the policies of the major countries outside the communist part of the world from the end of the second World War up to, roughly, 1963, no longer exists. The U.S.-British view is essentially a reaffirmation of the GATT doctrine. But if the U.S. President John F. Kennedy round does not come out reasonably well for the Americans, the long period of U.S. adherence to the principle of non-discrimination as the basis of trade policy, and with it the GATT system, is likely to come to an end. The Committee for Economic Development has already suggested that the U. S. consider abandoning the unconditional most-favoured-nation principle, in order to make tariff arrangements with other countries that would exclude the Common Market from their benefits. The less developed countries believe that no matter how many rounds are dealt under the GATT rules the deck will always be stacked against them. Governments have refused to place this trade under the GATT rules. They have shown no signs of being prepared to give up either their subsidy systems, their protected home markets or their "traditional" exports.