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This article discusses research as a social process in Great Britain. One of the central problems of British society is that of organizing its scientific and technically trained manpower in such a manner that the welfare and security needs are met. The present organization of British science does not contribute much to economic improvement. In the nineteenth century new developments were started because inventors with imagination and energy set about solving practical problems. The aims of contemporary research organization are generally stated in a qualitative fashion. The origins of each new product or process can usually be traced to a few key sources in widely separated areas of fundamental science. The foregoing description of the process by which science is put to use emphasizes the interrelationships which exist at the present stage in the evolution of social organization in research. A complete and balanced managerial set-up for translating fundamental research into new technology and social services can be conveniently sub-divided into a series of essential functions. Each of the functions of research organization requires a special combination of skills and differentiated emphasis in the training of technical workers. The exact relationship and emphasis applied to various functions of research and development varies from industry to industry but.

This article focuses on the social history of Great Britain. The author remarks that the second Boer war was a disaster for Great Britain. She might have recovered from its consequences if Campbell-Bannerman had been spared for a few more years. The last months of the British Queen Victoria's long reign were clouded and dreary. The change, in three or four years, from the rejoicings of 1897 was so startling that shrewd parliamentarians. It was then she realized, at first reluctantly, that her trade in the markets of the world was threatened by the growth of American and German industries. The cross purposes of the U.S., Germany and Great Britain for this period are so patent in the records that a reflective reader might ask if their spokesmen knew from one day to another what new shift would cancel out the aim of yesterday. While Great Britain was smarting under the affliction of the war in South Africa, the work of peaceful penetration was going on apace in Morocco. Both Great Britain and Germany maintained that their interests in Morocco were commercial only and, although English and German individuals were represented upon the directorates of the great concessionaire companies, they were in no way acting in the interests of their governments.

The article discusses the method of control of capital issues adopted by Great Britain. The author states that an increasing number of economists have focused their interest on the problems associated with secular acceleration. These problems include a long-run tendency for planned investment to exceed planned savings, rather than on the main concern of the 1930's, which was secular stagnation. The article also discusses the scope of controls, the argument of the "bonus-issue," and problems with hiring and purchasing.

The article offers information about the Overseas Development Institute in Great Britain. It was founded towards the end of 1960 by a group of people who consider that the economic development of the countries of Asia, Africa and South America, and their relations with the industrially developed areas of the world, are of material importance. Its funds were received from the Ford Foundation, from British industry and commerce, and from the Nuffield Foundation. The institute is non-profit-making and its policies are decided by a council which is independent and non-governmental.

During the months of May, June and July, when the demand for tomatoes is at its highest, British consumers' needs are met by supplies coming from heated glasshouses in South Holland, in Guernsey, and in England and Scotland. The island of Jersey also sends a small amount of glasshouse tomatoes, but for all practical purposes Southern England and the two off-shore territories command the supply. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reviews the economic impact of England on Nigeria during the period in which Nigeria formed part of the British Empire. Observers differ sharply in their evaluation of this impact. A vigorous defense of Great Britain's role in terms of the economic welfare of Nigeria may be found in the writings of various historians, political observers, and economists. On the other hand, critical voices have been raised against the economic consequences of English rule-most significantly from within Great Britain and Nigeria and in recent years from behind the Iron Curtain. Observers who allege Nigeria's economic betterment under British rule tend to stress the commercialization and over-all economic growth, which took place. Their antagonists focus attention instead on alleged allocational injustices in Nigeria's terms of trade. Because the controversy is nourished in part by omissions of pertinent data, an attempt is made in the following pages to facilitate objective evaluation by providing a more complete statement of factual evidence than is usually available.

This paper arises out of my practical concern for 3½ years with the industrial work of the National Economic Development Office, and in particular the establishment of some 20† Economic Development Committees, a number that is likely soon to rise to 25. These immediate concerns are, however, supported by 17 years previous experience in handling aspects of the relationship between industry and Government. I have therefore a special interest in the opportunities these committees may create for Government to improve its general relations with industry and, no less important, for industry to ensure that Government is more continuously and effectively informed of industrial needs and conditions. I shall describe how these committees came into existence and outline their formal composition and structure. This will lead to consideration of their functions, potentialities, and limitations. As for their potentialities, I shall allow myself to speculate on whether we have somewhat unwittingly stumbled on a method of providing a missing link in our industrial economic structure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses Great Britain's Department of Economic Affairs (D.E.A.) and Economic Planning during the 1960s. The role that the D.E.A. plays in the British economic planning, including in regard to public expenditures and in relation to the control that the government has over the British economy, is discussed. An overview of the British government's efforts to enhance economic development, including its creation of the National Economic Development Council (N.E.D.C.), is provided. The D.E.A.'s relationship with British industries is also discussed.

The article compares the responses of handloom weavers to Chartism in Great Britain. The response of the working classes to the Chartist Movement of the 1830's and 1840's has perhaps too often been seen in the light of revolt against economic distress. It has been assumed that poorly paid and ill-fed workers, struggling under the pressure of the new industrial capitalists or, in the handwork trades, against the competition of machinery, saw in Chartism the opportunity to improve their economic condition and therefore gave it their wholehearted support. To a large extent this is undoubtedly true, since there is considerable correlation, during the relevant period, between economic distress and radical activity. Certainly individual Chartists and neo-Chartists encouraged their listeners at public meetings by suggesting that the attainment of the "People's Charter" would revolutionize the existing society and ensure that the labouring man obtained his due. But this is not the whole story, for many groups in dire economic distress ignored the movement.

The object of this article is to demonstrate that economic analysis used in conjunction with the data employed by researcher R.B. Sheridan yields the conclusion that the possession of the British West Indies actually had the effect of retarding the growth of Great Britain. Sheridan contends that the West Indies in general, and Jamaica in particular, yielded an economic surplus, which contributed in no small way to the growth of the metropolitan economy. In the course of his argument, Sheridan constructs an estimate of the wealth of Jamaica during the 1770's and expands it to include all the British West India sugar colonies. Sheridan's argument contains two types of error that, when corrected, vitiate his conclusion. One type of error, an error of measurement, occurs both in his attempt to measure the wealth of Jamaica and in his acceptance of an estimate of income generated by this wealth. The more serious mistake, however, is an analytical error. Sheridan implicitly considers the extensive growth of the sugar colonies as a measure of their contribution to the economic growth of the mother country.

This article paper is concerned with the similarity of the growth performance of the British economy during the nineteen-twenties and nineteen-thirties and with the usefulness of the "new-old" industry dichotomy in illuminating the trends of the inter-war period. The inter-war years emerge as a period of growth almost as rapid as any of comparable length in British measured history. The exact rating of the performance naturally varies slightly with the growth criterion adopted and the termini used for the other periods; the simplest way to establish the validity of the conclusion and at the same time leave it open to the reader's judgment is to draw in the inter-war trends on the Matthews graph. The similarity of the growth performance in the nineteen-twenties and nineteen-thirties is largely maintained even when activity is divided into Goods production and Service production. Services get their unity partly from their physical intangibility as final products, partly from supposed differences in income demand elasticities or productivity improvement possibilities, partly, and increasingly, from the statistical difficulties of arriving at satisfactory real output series.

This paper is concerned with the estimation of an econometric model designed to test the Modigliani-Miller (henceforth MM) hypothesis. The primary interest is not in the theoretical validity of the hypothesis. The major sources of theoretical disagreement with Modigliani and Miller arise from the key role they impute to the arbitrage process and the effect of leverage on the expected value of the returns to equity through the increased probability of bankruptcy. These issues have occasioned a number of important contributions in recent years (see especially [2] and [23]). The first section of the paper provides a skeletal outline of the MM hypothesis and discusses the problems of formulating an appropriate econometric model. In the second section an econometric model is developed, which, while drawing on the ideas of several
1 This study is part of a continuing program of research into company financial behavior financed by a grant from the Social Science Research Council. I am indebted to Mrs. Eileen Sutcliffe of the Institute of Social and Economic Research, University of York, and Milton Chen of New York University for assistance with data collection and computer processing, and to the personnel of the SRC Atlas Computer, Chilton, the University of York Computer Center and the New York University School of Commerce Computer Center.
2 References in square brackets are listed on pp. 161-2, below.
3 In terms of the implicit aggregation procedures, the old Liquidity-Preference/ Loanable-Funds controversy has yet to be satisfactorily resolved.
different writers, has certain elements of originality in the way it seeks to incorporate growth and leverage. Finally, in the third section the results of the econometric tests are evaluated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports that regional development policy has become an essential component of full employment and welfare policy in Great Britain. The established policy contributed to the spread of opportunities and facilities between regions. Moreover, the approaching completion of the traditional industries and inflation problems points to the need for a clearer investigation on regional issues.

The article reports on the study concerning the methods of investing large sum of public money in the capital developments by the Great Britain Select Committee on Nationalized Industries. The sum involved about £2,000 million a year, which is equivalent to that of a manufacturing industry. The Committee contends that the sum is not enough to ensure a rational allocation of national resources, and recommends corporate planning for an overall view of the organization as a whole.

There has been much speculation about the meaning of the residual factor in economic growth. Few economists would defend it as a perfect measure of technical change, preferring to hedge their bets by describing it as part of the growth of output not explained by the growth in the labour force and capital accumulation. Others have been more forceful in their opposition claiming that the residual merely shows the degree of our inability to measure accurately, and the omission of relevant variables, and have demonstrated their views. The view of the present author is that, while the residual when properly measured must theoretically be zero, a detailed examination of the residual as normally measured is useful in providing information on the causes of economic growth and possibly thereby producing policy implications for raising the growth rate. Therefore, this paper seeks to establish how much of the residual can be explained by incorrect measurement and specification, and to see what implications for policy, if any, can be drawn. The analysis is carried out for Great Britain. Manufacturing over the period 1956-65 and provides estimates of the residual at successive stages of purity.

The article measures the effect of public finance during the period 1793-1815 on the rate and direction of Great Britain's economic development. It explores the country's involvement in war during the period. One aspect of the war which has intermittently attracted economists" attention from the time of the "bullionist" controversy is the effect of the expedients that were adopted in the field of public finance. The article describes the sources of data which economic historian can use to be able to fairly measure the effect of the country's finance on the rate and direction of economic growth. An analysis on the economic indicators during the period is presented.

This article presents the Hudson report on economic condition of Great Britain. According to the standard economic indices, Britain's growth rate averaged a mere 2-8 per cent, over the last eighteen years, comparable with that of the U.S., but well below that of France, Italy, Germany and Japan. If the problem is not solved, say the authors, Britain is headed for "a social and political upheaval". There is no shortage of explanations for Britain's relative decline, though it is hard to tell from the writing which is cause and which is effect.

Copyright of Population & Development Review is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article focuses on typologies and evidence that serve as a guide to economic growth in Europe during the nineteenth century. There has also been increased reliance on comparative methods by historians seeking to achieve a cross-fertilization of explanatory ideas. For both purposes it is desirable, for the first purpose essential, that any historical generalizations called into aid should be not only true of several particular instances but also should be very widely applicable. It could be harmfully misleading if what looked to be proclamations of universal relationships turned out to be no more than accounts of one or two highly individual cases, disguised in the language of generality. All the chief schemes expounding alleged universalities in the history of economic growth have received plenty of criticism, both appreciative and hostile, but it is doubtful whether they have often been starkly confronted by the question whether the evidence they use is comprehensive enough to provide a secure foundation of genuine history for edifices as vast as they have grown to be. They have been challenged on grounds of unclarity or inappropriateness in their basic concepts, or because they have been inaccurate on some specific points, or because some particular case may be more convincingly interpreted by postulating a different chain of causation.

Focuses on the impact of political planning on social and political consensus that may lead to economic growth in Great Britain. Failure of materialist policies and planning to enhance the quality of life as measured by indicators of crime, delinquency and psychiatric disorders; Details on the terms of inadequacies of statutory planning organization; Scope of participatory democracy and the promotion of openness in public policy processes.

Kaldor (1966) asserted that the slow rate of economic growth of the United Kingdom was due mainly to the shortage of labor resulting from "economic maturity". Kaldor (1975), in a subsequent comment on Rowthorn's (1975a) article, abandoned this reasoning and presented the strict Verdoorn law as
(1) p=+q with >0
and his own presentation of Verdoorn's law as
(2) e=+q with 0<<1 and e=q-p
where p is the rate of growth of productivity, q is the rate of growth of output, e is the rate of growth of employment, and ,, and are parameters.
The main purpose of this paper is to argue that both sets of results are subject to simultaneous equations bias and that mis-specification of estimated equations leads to incorrect estimates and wrong conclusions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the interpretation on the concept of "The White Paper on the Nationalized Industries." The Paper declares the governmental policy of the nationalized industries following the investigation into the role of the nationalized industries and the corresponding relationship with government undertaken at the Government's bid. The Paper also provides the Government's response to the recommendation in the report published on November 18, 1976. The discussion includes the drawing of attention towards the important aspects in the Paper, to remark major departures from the last White Paper and to comment upon the probable effectiveness of the new proposal.

The article deals with the implementation of the rule by the Advisory Council on Public Records under the provisions of the Public Records Act of 1967 in Great Britain. Most contemporary historians saw the First World War as a historical watershed from which time onwards the activity and potential role of governments in influencing British economic and social development were much enhanced. As a result, particular areas of historical research, such as diplomatic history and historical studies of social and economic policy, were given enormous stimulus. For all historians access to records is essential. New records are almost always welcome and any restriction on access to information is generally deplored or regretted. In the initial euphoria at the release of so much new material comparatively little attention was paid to the status of the public records as research evidence. In 1970, however, doyen of British interwar historians, the late G. L. Mowat, referred to a part of the new material with characteristic shrewdness.

The article criticizes the exchange rate crisis of July 1917 in Great Britain. Interest in economist J.M. Keynes has, not unnaturally, centered on the development of his theories and their influence on policy-makers and the years before 1919 have not attracted the same attention as the later period. It has been taken for granted that the practical problems of the war years must have influenced Keynes's development. Keynes's main duties during the war were concerned with external finance, essential in particular to Britain's overseas purchases. In this capacity he had to come to terms with Britain's growing dependence on the U.S. and the influence that the latter could bring to bear on the British exchange rate. It has been noted that Keynes was deeply committed to the policy of the peg, that is, to paying out the gold necessary to keep up the exchange rate of the pound against the dollar; this contrasts with the attitude he assumed in the 1920s against the return to the gold standard at the prewar parity of 4.86.

While it is frequently asserted that British industry has earned an inadequate return on investment, there has been little agreement among economists as to what exactly this rate has been in recent years. This note provides striking new evidence that the profitability of British industry is currently much lower than anyone had previously supposed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the historical patterns of reaction to urbanism in Great Britain. The article is based on two assumptions. The first is that modern industrialism, as an economic and technological system based on inanimate sources of energy has, or had, an inherent spatial logic, and this logic is expressed in the existence of the industrial city and large-scale urbanization. Second, whilst modern industrialism, as an economic and technological system, results in similar and comparable urban forms, the extent to which the social, physical or spatial forms of such cities differ results from two variables--culture and power. The first part of this article deals with the historical patterns of reaction to urbanism in Britain at the height of the urbanization process in Europe. In the second part, the phenomenon of "temporary escape" from the city and its expression in the institution of the "vacation home," "residence secondaire," "wochenend haus" or "country cottage", a research topic previously monopolized by geographers and conceptualized by one of them as "seasonal suburbanization" is being highlighted.

Discusses the myth of industrial revolution in Great Britain. Axiom of the theory of economic development; Importance of the factory system in the course of industrial revolution; Propositions about discontinuity in the history of technical change; Degree of autonomy or distinctiveness in human society.

The article outlines a transition from active intervention to a more passive response by the British Government in its grain market of the seventeenth century. It is often easier to assess the reasons for government action than for government inaction, since action is frequently accompanied by justifications whilst inaction is cloaked in documentary silence. Much has always had to be inferred, but some inferences are perhaps more soundly based than others. It is wrong to think that the Privy Council was losing faith in intervention before the end of the sixteenth century; the early 1630s saw the most intensive (and last) attempt to intervene comprehensively. Nor, possibly, can one argue that the subsequent disappearance of the old-style dearth program can be explained in terms of the disappearance of the Privy Council. An opportunity for the latter to intervene was presented in 1637/8, before its abolition, and small executive councils never totally disappeared. There is not very convincing evidence for the view that changes in London's needs and role influenced directly the timing of the policy changes.

The article discusses the total factor productivity growth in Great Britain after 1870. The confusion over which industries witnessed entrepreneurial shortcomings remained until the use by new economic historians of geometric and arithmetic total factor productivity indexes to test directly Aldcroft's hypothesis that Britain's rate of technical progress was inferior to that of America or Germany. Productivity indexes measure output per unit input. Unlike partial productivity indexes, principally the output-labor ratio, total factor productivity indexes measure the rate of growth of output not accounted for by the growth of all factor inputs. After subtracting the rate of growth of weighted factor inputs from the rate of growth of output, what is left unexplained is labelled technical change or productivity. In this case, the index is a residual and, more properly, has been called a measure of our ignorance. By comparing total factor productivity growth in Britain after 1870 with best practice American efficiency growth, both lagging British productivity and the entrepreneurial failure thesis were subjected to an unambiguous test.

The purpose of this paper is to provide additional empirical evidence on the hypothesis that only unanticipated money growth affects real variables by applying a framework similar to Barro's to the United Kingdom. Differences in institutional arrangements between the United States and United Kingdom preclude an exact replication of Barro's model.
Before proceeding to test the hypothesis that only unanticipated money growth has real effects, movements in money supply growth must first be decomposed into expected and unexpected components. Accordingly, Section II presents our specification of the policy rule for money supply growth for the United Kingdom from 1946-1977. Measures of anticipated and unanticipated money supply growth also are presented. Sections III and IV examine the empirical relationships between unanticipated money growth and two real variables: the unemployment rate and real output, respectively. Section V is devoted to an investigation of the relationship between unanticipated money growth and the price level. The conclusions of the paper are presented in Section VI. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers information regarding new manufacturing firms in the U.K. regions. There has been a considerable growth of interest in the role of entirely new businesses in regional economic development. As the opportunities for drawing mobile plants to the depressed regions have declined, attention has been focused on the potential for indigenous industrial growth within these regions. Data from the Department of Industry reveal that formation activity in manufacturing differs considerably across U.K regions.

The purpose of this paper is to investigate appropriate methods of modelling the business cycle theory of trade union growth, and to develop and estimate a specification of the business cycle model. In so doing, the paper draws on the important pioneering work of Bain and Elsheikh (1976) for the United Kingdom. (The results of extension of the Bain and Elsheikh model to 1980 are shown in Appendix A.). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the effect of rearmament policy on the economic condition of Great Britain in 1930s. The author remarks that the role of rearmament in the interwar economy has aroused little controversy. It was claimed that Britain's rearmament programme is the greatest public works programme ever devised in time of formal peace. Nevertheless, the rearmament boom is generally regarded as having had a beneficial effect on the level of economic activity, especially during the minor slump of 1937-8. According to the author, no great speed for the general tenor of the programme was gradual, limited by the belief of the government that financial and economic risks were more dangerous than military uncertainties, and were likely to be accentuated by increased public expenditure. The major advantage of rearmament over an alternative public works strategy based on the construction industry appears to have been its strong linkages to the staple industries and, through this, to the depressed regions.

Explores the implications of trade-unions for industrial operations and productivity in Great Britain. Monopoly power of trade-unions; Emphasis on the printing, railways, medicine and music industries; Allocative costs of unionism; Negative implications for economic growth.

The article focuses on the economic, social, and political changes that occurred as European societies ceased to be primarily agrarian in economic structure and devoted proportionately more of their resources and labor to the production of non-agricultural commodities and services. Industrialization is not identical either with economic growth or economic development, although it is closely associated with both. The process of economic growth, including in the modern era the special case of industrialization, involves the interaction of four broad classes or categories of factors--population, resources, technology, and institutions. In conclusion, there was not one model for industrialization in the nineteenth century. Coal and human capital were the two basic ingredients, but in combination with one another and with other elements they produced a variety of patterns of industrialization. The customary depiction of an industrial revolution in Great Britain and its repetition in continental Europe and elsewhere distorts the historical record.

This research investigates the characteristics of 354 directors of Britain's largest companies. Three sections of independent variables were analysed: those relating to the economic environ; those relating to the domestic environ—family background and educational experiences; those relating to self-concept. Directors were categorized according to the economic performance of their industries—GOGOs (industries in growth); YOYOs (industries in turbulence); and DODOs (industries in decline). Several differences emerged between the characteristics of directors and the economic success of their industries for which they were strategically influential. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the historical origins of the depressed areas in Great Britain before 1914. The depressed areas are those regions of Britain whose persistent economic difficulties have, for most of this century, constituted the regional problem. This is examined through an analysis of alternative sources of early regional unemployment statistics. Patterns of unemployment in the pre-1914 period are then related to census-derived statistics of regional growth and employment structure. Before 1914, the north was the region of high growth, based on the prosperity of the export-oriented industries created by the industrial revolution, especially engineering, shipbuilding, textiles and mining. Unemployment was primarily a problem of the south, with its stagnant agricultural sector and of London, where the old handicraft industries were making their final stand. Following the war, shifts in world trade caused a sudden drop in export demand, mainly affecting the staple industries of the north. This shift in trade was a clear exogenous shock to the British regional economic system, causing a sudden drop in demand for labour in previously prosperous areas and a reversal in the pre-war pattern of unemployment.

This article focuses on the impact of economic conditions on the industrial relations in Great Britain. The year 1988 was a year of strong economic growth. Most macroeconomic forecasts at the end of 1987, including those of the Treasury. had been anticipating a significant slowdown of economic expansion in the year to come. Outside the labour market, inflation began to rise somewhat by the mid-year and the current account of the balance of payments went steadily deeper into deficit. Most of the labour market indicators in 1988 show a continuation of trends that started earlier and accelerated in 1987. The rate of decline in unemployment seems to have peaked in the second half of 1987 but was still high in 1988, unemployment is estimated to have fallen by almost 360,000, nearly 12 per cent of the total, in the first ten months of 1988. Firm official estimates for the number of self-employed go upto June 1987. Estimates for more recent periods are based on the assumption that the average rate of increase between 1981 and 1987 has continued.

If a decent childhood, and a good start to adulthood, depend on a secure -- and financially sound -- family life, then very many children in Britain are in serious difficulties. This major theme is presented in the context of a review of social and economic developments affecting all families with children. The paper also briefly discusses issues concerning the rights and responsibilities of families, at a time when these issues are coming to the fore in British politics, with interest in the concept of 'active citizenship' and the responsible community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Argues that the economic revolution of the 1980s, brought about the administration of Margaret Thatcher, represents a genuine structural improvement in the British economy. Fundamental structural improvement; Medium-term control of the budget deficit; Attitudes to trade unions; Reform of taxation and benefits; Overmanning in industry; Wider share-ownership.

The paper represents both a critique and a development of recent attempts to assess capital penetration in agricultural production relations. It applies new empirical material from upland Britain in order to provide a wider spatial basis for an assessment of the uneven nature of agrarian development. By incorporating aspects of the social reproduction of farm families into the analysis of subsumption, it exposes the complementary rather than contradictory nature of social reproductive and external capital relations in reproducing different forms of agrarian change. This raises important questions concerning the variable social sustainability of commodity relations in a post-productivist agrarian context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The long relative decline of Great Britain's industrial economy has produced a voluminous literature, both polemical and academic, seeking to illuminate its causes. Recent contributions have stressed the deleterious effects of inappropriate and inconsistent government policies, in particular the deadweight of an inefficient public sector, and the contempt for industrial production on the part of a Treasury-dominated civil service elite obsessed with macroeconomic issues. They have also cited the anti-modernization ethos of the post-1945 political consensus. In a longer term perspective great stress has also been laid on the socio-cultural environment antipathetic to the industrial spirit, which, supposedly, had animated the business and investing classes in the pre-1850 phases of industrialization. The purpose of this paper is to examine the validity of the new institutional approach as an explanation of Great Britain's relative economic decline in the twentieth century. The discussion will focus on economists B. Elbaum and W. Lazonick thesis as a reference point for assessing alternative formulations of institutional rigidities.

The article presents a restatement of the economists N.F.R. Crafts and C.K. Harley's views on the output growth and the British industrial revolution. Authors stress that the considerable volume of work since their original papers does not provide any serious quantitative challenge to their main findings nor does it go any distance towards reinstating economists P. Deane and W.A. Cole's view, which was the previous orthodoxy. The authors accept that measurement of growth yields only a range of best guess estimates. Nevertheless, it is important not to overstate the degree of uncertainty. The authors have made revisions to their earlier estimates in the course of the paper; these are generally fairly small and tend to reduce slightly the estimated growth rates. They demonstrate that total factor productivity estimation is much less problematic than the critics claim. They also accept that their approach to the industrial revolution has been shaped by the pursuit of particular questions and that other approaches are both valid and potentially important. Finally, they reaffirm the importance of the industrial revolution as an historical discontinuity.

Over the past four decades, spending on health care in the United Kingdom has accounted for a rising share, both of total public spending and of the total output of the economy. Other industrial economies hare had similar experiences, although the peculiar nature of the UK health service makes the general explanations offered for such expenditure growth inappropriate. Health spending growth in the UK, for the period 1949-89, is found to be strongly associated with output growth, and reasons to explain this relationship are advanced. The relationship's continued stability, in the light of the 1989 health service reforms is questioned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This report evaluates research in development studies in the United Kingdom, primarily over the period 1980 to the present. It focuses on the content, quality, relevance and impact of both economic and non-economic research studies. On the basis of these considerations, it offers numerous recommendations for improving future performance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports on the campaign for companies in Great Britain to adopt employee participation schemes to gain a competitive edge. The establishment of an environment of mutual trust can secure loyalty and commitment to the goals of the organization. The Trades Union Congress has stated that securing the motivation of employees as a requirement for economic success does not provide a framework.

This article explores why Great Britain became an industrialized and urbanized economy long before France. On the eve of the Great War, agriculture, according to official censuses of population, continued to provide employment for up to 41 per cent of the workforce in France and generated around 35 per cent of the country's national income. In Britain only 8 per cent of the workforce could be officially classified as employed on the land, and agriculture accounted for a mere 5 per cent of gross domestic product. Around 1911, 35 per cent of the population of France resided in towns containing populations of 3,000 and above, while the comparable proportion for Britain was 78 per cent. Structural change in France was in large measure predetermined by a combination of geographical endowments and a system of property rights inherited from its feudal past. Both constraints, operating within the context of pre-chemical and pre-mechanical agricultural systems, so limited the scale and scope of French endeavours to follow the path taken by Britain between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries, became almost irrelevant to conditions in France.

There is a growing body of literature that suggests that advanced economies are experiencing an economic restructuring such that the engines of economic development are smaller, more independent, firms acting in an increasingly cooperative manner. In assessing whether the UK economy is actually experiencing such a shift in inter-firm relations, the paper firstly assesses the existing evidence. This evidence suggests the continued dominance of large firms and only limited and uneven movements away from a low-trust system. Secondly, the paper presents evidence on the nature of inter-firm relations in the UK engineering construction industry in the 1980s and 1990s. The research shows considerable improvement in performance against schedule associated with the emergence of management contractors. Management contractors can improve performance either by adopting a high-trust route in which they seek to make overall efficiency gains by integrating design and construction, or by adopting a low-trust route in which they seek to reduce scope for opportunism by rigidifying design, and by passing on risk. Evidence is presented which shows that management contractors in the UK have so far predominantly adopted the low-trust route to improved performance. Cumulatively, the evidence suggests the dominance of the 'top down' control of inter-firm relations in the UK. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Orientation to the diverse interests of stakeholder groups is central to strategic planning, and failure to address the interests of multiple stakeholder groups may be detrimental to company performance. However, some companies may be unable to address all these interests, owing to a scarcity of resources, and the impact of multiple stakeholder orientation may be influenced by the environment. Despite calls by leading writers in the literature, there is no empirical evidence about the potential association of orientation to multiple stakeholders with company performance. The results of a study of UK companies designed to elucidate this association are reported in this paper. Although the results give some support to the proposition that orientation to multiple stakeholders is positively associated with performance, such associations are contingent on the external environment, as they are moderated by competitive hostility, after controlling for the intervening effects of market growth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Population & Development Review is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)