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The papers in this special issue make an important contribution to a growing body of work, exploring not only the ways gender and property were co‐constituted in Britain and the British colonies in the long eighteenth century but also the sources scholars must work with in uncovering women's lives and experiences. In this afterword, I explore some of the possibilities and prospects for developing research in this area, highlighting new directions and themes, as well as teasing out some of the wider implications of this persuasive and fascinating collection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Forestry is interestingly situated within British imperial networks of the 19th and early 20th centuries whereby India was arguably the main node. Drawing on Lambert and Lester's concept of 'imperial careering' as a way of exploring imperial networks, this paper further extends its application to foresters as a group of middle-level technical experts as well as carrying it into the 20th century when the British Empire was by some measures at its zenith. The forestry careers of Owen Jones and Hugh Corbin, principally in Australia and New Zealand, are used to illustrate the discussion which concludes with some more general observations about imperial careerists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we trace the history of tropical architecture beyond its supposed founding moment, that is, its institutionalization and naming-as-such, in the mid-twentieth century. We note that many of the planning principles, spatial configurations and environmental technologies of tropical architecture could be traced to knowledge and practices from the eighteenth century onwards, and we explore three pre-1950s moments of 'tropical architecture' in the British empire through building types such as the bungalow, military barrack and labourers' housing in the tropics. Unlike the depoliticized technical discourse of tropical architecture in the mid-twentieth century, this earlier history shows that so-called tropical architecture was inextricably entangled with medical and racial discourses, biopolitics and the political economy of colonialism. We argue that tropical architecture should not be understood as an entity with a fixed essence that is overdetermined by a timeless and unchanging external tropical nature. Rather, tropical architecture should be understood as a set of shifting discourses that privilege tropical nature, especially climate, in various ways as the prime determinant of built form according to different constellations of sociocultural and technoscientific conditions. We thus see 'tropical architecture' not as a depoliticized entity but as a power-knowledge configuration inextricably linked to asymmetrical colonial power relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In the history of Burma's economy, few groups have been as vilified as the Chettiars. A community of Indian moneylenders, the Chettiars were crucial agents in transforming Burma into the rice bowl of Asia. Following the global depression of the 1930s, Burmese agriculture became severely distressed and wide-scale loan default saw the transfer of much of Burma's cultivatable land to the Chettiars, who were demonised and made scapegoats for the vices of colonialism. The paper draws on the ‘information-theoretic revolution’ in economics to reappraise the role of the Chettiars in Burma. We conclude the Chettiars merit history's better judgement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents letters to and from Stephen Fuller, a lobbyist for British settlers in Jamaica, regarding the campaign to abolish the slave trade and Fuller's efforts to lobby against the abolition movement, as well as background information on the letters and their authors.

The article presents letters to and from Stephen Fuller, a lobbyist for British settlers in Jamaica, regarding the campaign to abolish the slave trade and Fuller's efforts to lobby against the abolition movement, as well as background information on the letters and their authors.

Scholars have long documented changes in knowledge regimes and power relations characteristic of state-centric drives to pacify conflicts and govern populations. But the mechanisms through which social conflicts are 'made legible' in routine policy processes - as well as the reasons why some ongoing conflicts are pacified and others are persistent - have remained less clear. I explore these issues through an analysis of the shifting analytic terrain of national-level commissions of inquiry, an historically powerful form of government organization designed to combine publicly-engaged and 'objective' explanation with recommendations for concrete policies of governance. Drawing principally on 19th and early 20th Century British Royal Commissions, I show how investigations into three fields of social conflict - involving prisoners, the working class, and colonial populations - were characterized by cyclical drives to bureaucratize conflict. Yet strikingly, only two of the three substantive fields - prisons and labor - achieved relative bureaucratic closure. Evidence from commission reports is marshaled to explain why some types of conflict have been resistant to incorporation, while others are more readily absorbed into an apparatus of governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents chapter 7 of the book "The House of Lords in the Age of George III (1760-1811),” by Michael W. McCahill, discussing the political dynamics of the British House of Lords between 1780 to 1784. Discussion is particularly given surrounding the events of the coalition government of Lord North and Foreign Secretary Charles James Fox, the deteriorating British position surrounding the U.S. Revolutionary War, and legislation concerning the management of the British East India Company. The events and political alliances behind each of the issues are addressed in turn, highlighting their impact on the political influence of King George III.

Passage of an American stamp tax in 1765 produced a sharp political backlash before the year was out. That new tax was part of a larger programme of imperial reform championed by the Grenville ministry. Now out of power, Grenville and his supporters resisted the growing desire in both houses of parliament to end the imperial crisis by repealing the new tax. During debates that began in early 1766 there were those few, most notably William Pitt, who wanted to discuss constitutional ultimates as part of the move toward repeal. Pitt contended that parliament did not have the authority to tax the colonies directly. Grenville disagreed and warned that if parliament accepted any limit to its supremacy the colonists would eventually claim legislative autonomy. When debating the distinction – if indeed any such distinction existed – between taxation and legislation, and between internal and external taxes, Pitt, Grenville and their parliamentary contemporaries raised questions about authority and power that they could not answer. There were no words to describe perfectly the imperial relationship, a relationship that, as Benjamin Franklin hinted in his testimony to the Commons, was always subject to change anyway. Avoiding constitutional questions had not seemed to work; trying to answer them did not work any better, at least in the contentious atmosphere of that moment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses the phenomenon and failure of war marriages between British women and 'colonial' servicemen, mostly from the settler dominions, to explore the gendered, classed and racialised conditions of migration after the First World War. Positioning this migration of British war brides as part of the continued normalisation of settler occupation, the article demonstrates the patriarchal social expectations to which white women were subject. Fears of 'khaki fever' were extended to the protection of naïve 'colonial' soldiers from the manipulative sexuality of white, particularly working‐class, women and girls. At the same time, 'respectable' women were prepared for frontier life and protected from the indignities of bigamy and desertion. The emphasis on their role as 'daughters of Empire' meant 'undesirable' matches and marital failure, as reported by the press, had consequences for the closeness of the imperial family and the maintenance of white superiority. The mediation of mobility in cases of mixed‐race marriage indicate a more explicit, and sometimes violent, policing of the sexual independence of women and Black and indigenous men of colour. In doing so, the article makes an important contribution to understandings of the legacies of global mobilisation and colonial encounters during the First World War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines an analysis of the characteristics of the largest manufacturing firms in Great Britain, arguing that the form of organization adopted at corporate and plant level in the firms are distinctive. Characteristics and types of productive activities undertaken in the British firms; Identification of a pattern of organization for production at plant level.

Traces the events that led to the American Revolution in 1775. Attitude of King George III of Great Britain towards his American colonies; Influence of George on parliamentary voting; Role of George Grenville in introducing taxation in North American settlement colonies through the Stamp Act of 1765; Comment of George about the Grenville ministry's failure to make adequate provision for carrying out the Stamp Act; Emergence of the Stamp Act Crisis during the second half of 1765 brought by North American resistance to taxation; Role of George in causing Great Britain to loose her North American colonies.

Debates about the British Empire continue to rage, especially those concerned with its impact on domestic affairs during the Victorian and Edwardian periods. The degree to which empire mattered to average Britons at home has tended to generate polarised responses from historians. Some have sought to downplay its overall significance, whereas others have been prone to argue that its effects on society were widespread. The present article speaks into this debate by examining one notable British organisation — the Salvation Army — which came into being in the second half of the nineteenth century. While a number of scholars have addressed the imperialist implications of Army work in the colonies, much less work has been done to scrutinise the empire's influence on Salvationists within Britain itself. Looking at three characteristics frequently associated with imperialist ideology — militarism, racial othering, and devotion to the monarchy — this article contends that the Salvation Army's relationship to the British Empire was remarkably dynamic and complex during the timeframe under review. Demonstrating that Salvationist thinking and practice could both help and hinder the aims of imperialism, it points to the need for more balanced and nuanced approaches to the study of the empire in the metropole. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the political implications of opposition to war, focusing on the example of conscientious objection to military service. Conscientious objection is often treated as a fundamentally ethical issue; however, this article argues for centering questions of justice in analyses of responses to war. There is a risk that starting with ethics takes for granted the social significance of ethical responses and overlooks particular ethical practices in the reproduction of wider inequalities. More specifically, when an issue is narrowly framed in terms of ethics, it can have implications for who is allowed to speak and what they can speak about. Thinking about war as an issue of justice—in the sense of how society allocates the things that it values—allows the broader issues of hierarchy, distribution, and recognition to be in the foreground. The article focuses on the example of an Indian subject of the British Empire who applied for exemption from military service during the Second World War. The valorization on conscience by the British state prioritized a limited form of opposition to bloodshed grounded in personal moral scruples, to the exclusion of anti‐imperial self‐determination, and turned the war into an issue of individual ethics rather than global inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a pioneering feminist article of 1975, US historian Carroll Smith-Rosenberg described middle-class American women’s relations prior to the twentieth century as a ‘female world of love and ritual’ focused on social reproduction in the domestic sphere. This article explores the roles played by the female world of love and ritual among propertied women in British society and culture, but argues that female sociability – far from being restricted to the private sphere – was integral to the making of empire in India. The intertwined histories of a spinster in Bloomsbury and two married mothers in Inverness and Madras in the late eighteenth century illuminate the instrumental function of love and domesticity in forging imperial rule under the aegis of the East India Company. They also underline the extent to which the Indian Ocean and Atlantic worlds overlapped in this period, providing a transnational imperial domain – stretching from the Caribbean to China – within which British women crafted imperial careers for themselves and their children. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An older view among historians, predominant until about 1970, held that British West Indian slave maintenance standards were significantly improved or 'ameliorated' from the later eighteenth century. Subsequent research has disputed this consensus, although uncertainty remains on key details of slave diet, labour, and demography. As an alternative welfare measure, this study examines the reported heights of detained runaway slaves and ex‐slaves held between 1788 and 1838 at workhouses on Jamaica, the most important British West Indian colony. Analytical challenges arise through the limited age data. Also, a disproportionate share of the detainees had an urban background. However, these problems can be overcome with help from local estate records and from eastern Caribbean anthropometric evidence. The mean stature of Jamaica‐born adult detainees clearly rose during the period, and they gained a widening height advantage relative to their Africa‐born counterparts. This offers a useful indicator of trends for the enslaved population at large. The workhouse material confirms 'old school' judgements that substantive amelioration occurred, as a course of deliberate slaveholder policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the relationship between British fascism and Empire during the interwar period. Based on the premise that historians have neglected the imperial dimension of fascist ideology in interwar Britain, a brief review of existing scholarship will be undertaken before an analysis of fascist ideological conceptions of the British Empire. Looking at the three major fascist parties during the interwar era, the British Fascisti (BF), Imperial Fascist League (IFL) and British Union of Fascists (BUF), it will be demonstrated that whilst unequivocal support for the Empire was a consistent theme throughout fascist rhetoric, individual parties adapted their imperial visions according to their respective ideology. For the BF, the Empire was under constant threat from communist subversion at home and abroad. The IFL looked to demonstrate how international Jewry was attempting to destroy the British Empire. The BUF, developing the most sophisticated ideology and policies relating to Empire, believed a unified 'organic' Empire must be consolidated through trade and one ruler if Britain was to remain a global power fit to fight off the pincers of Jewish and communist subversion. This article will conclude by highlighting the need for further enquiry into the relationship between the extreme right and Empire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents letters to and from Stephen Fuller, a lobbyist for British settlers in Jamaica, regarding the campaign to abolish the slave trade and Fuller's efforts to lobby against the abolition movement, as well as background information on the letters and their authors.

This article seeks to build upon recent work on the impact of empire in mid-18th-century Britain by study of the electoral experience of parliamentary candidates who had lived in the West Indies and could boast a direct familiarity with the Caribbean. By 1750, a significant number of rich planters had relocated to Britain, and, in common with the Indian nabobs, their efforts to enter parliament aroused much adverse commentary at the elections of 1754-74. While these attacks were damaging to their interest, and occasioned the most thorough review of Caribbean society to date, the West Indians were able to respond by adapting their political campaigns to assuage metropolitan sensibilities, thereby ensuring that they were not bracketed with the nabobs or rebellious North Americans as imperial sources of domestic upheaval. Their success highlights the possibilities for successful imperial integration in mid- Georgian Britain, although the West Indians could not rely on the same strategies to combat the abolitionist movement after 1787. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The conquest and retention of Gibraltar was a challenge for Britain in the eighteenth century, not only militarily and diplomatically, but also in the context of domestic politics and culture. Gibraltar was a British imperial possession on the edge of Europe, an imposing but isolated outpost, and the centre of a trade network dominated by Muslim Africans and Sephardic Jews. Its largest ethnic group was Catholic and Genoese. Never well understood by most Britons, Gibraltar became an object of fantasy. The British fantasies are revealing, providing evidence, for example, on popular understandings of Anglo- Muslim relations, the place of Jews within the British empire and Britain's relationship with the European continent. Gibraltar defied easy classification and forced the Britons who commanded there, resided there, or contemplated the outpost from afar to reconsider the importance of Protestantism, European heritage and British identity within the framework of the empire. Before 1748 most British commentary on Gibraltar associated the place with Africans, but after the middle of the century it was increasingly viewed as a bastion defending one frontier of Europe. Following the unsuccessful Spanish siege of 1779-83, Gibraltar became a symbol of British strength and endurance, with Britons standing alone against the rest of the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historians have tended to suggest that Britain's colonial officials demonstrated an esprit de corps, and that this is testament to the efficacy of public schooling in generating social cohesion. Examining Britain's officials in seven different colonies in sub-Saharan Africa, this article will argue that differences in working conditions, approaches to work and officials' backgrounds, such as conflicts between officials from 'military' and 'civilian' backgrounds, all caused deep fragmentations in the colonial services. Most significantly, officials were irreconcilably torn between a need for company as a means of maintaining morale, and a desire for freedom from the constraints of colonial society. Living in insular communities driven by gossip and marked by the need to keep up appearances for fear of ostracism from their peers, officials felt unable to experience an 'authentic' Africa and live out the romanticized dreams of individualism that had motivated many to leave for Africa in the first place. This sense of feeling trapped bred resentment towards one's fellow officials. Consequently, public schools were unable to surmount other factors in shaping how officials regarded one other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1792 the British took two young Indian princes as hostages to guarantee that their father, Tipu Sultan, would meet the terms of his surrender. This article analyses the art works that emerged in response to that event, arguing that this seemingly triumphal imagery was an ambivalent phenomenon in which can be found significant undercurrents of anxiety over the morality of the capture of children. I suggest that the hostage imagery's recourse to paternalistic motifs in fact demonstrates the crises of legitimacy that paternalism encountered as it attempted to establish itself as a moral incarnation of an increasingly aggressive imperial power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I draw on research from Jamaica and Dominica to track economic networks through analysis of ceramic assemblages from house yards of enslaved laborers. Ceramics produced in Europe and used by colonial subjects have been used to reinforce narratives in which empires jealously guarded mercantile trade regimes. The presence of local coarse earthenware made and used by people of African extraction allows an analysis of more localized networks-some of which transgressed social and political boundaries. Careful analysis allows us to extend this observation to some European-made ceramics as well. As such, ceramic assemblages speak to how boundaries were enacted differently depending on the status of the actors engaged in these transactions. Attention to the variegated economic practices of colonial residents provides one mechanism to map the distances between how colonies were imagined in the imperial center and the practices of everyday life of people living at the boundaries of empires. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Britain had a unique wage and price structure in the eighteenth century, and that structure is a key to explaining the inventions of the industrial revolution. British wages were very high by international standards, and energy was very cheap. This configuration led British firms to invent technologies that substituted capital and energy for labour. High wages also increased the supply of technology by enabling British people to acquire education and training. Britain's wage and price structure was the result of the country's success in international trade, and that owed much to mercantilism and imperialism. When technology was first invented, it was only profitable to use it in Britain, but eventually it was improved enough that it became cost-effective abroad. When the 'tipping point' occurred, foreign countries adopted the technology in its most advanced form. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

English people were fascinated, disgusted, and frightened by the new American habit of tarring and feathering officials. Eighteenth-century England experienced more riots than America, but English rioters never sought to change the status of upper-class targets with theatrical disfigurements. Polite English folk feared the spread of tar and feathering to England’s underclass and, thus, became convinced that Americans had to be violently transformed or allowed to leave the Empire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, scholars have directed considerable attention to the influence of gender relations and sexual practices on developing racial formations in early British America, the colonial Caribbean and the wider British empire. Understanding that unauthorised intimacies in the imperial world threatened notions of Britishness at home has greatly enhanced our knowledge of the complexity and instability of the process of collective identity formation. Building on pioneering research in early American and British imperial history, this article charts the connection between gendered concepts of 'whiteness' in Anglo-Caribbean contexts and in metropolitan discourses surrounding British national identity, as articulated in eighteenth-century colonial legislation and official correspondence, popular texts and personal narratives of everyday life. It explores the extent to which the socio-sexual practices of British West Indian whites imperilled the emerging conflation between whiteness and Britishness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Evidence on job creation and destruction for the United Kingdom is limited, dated, and refers almost entirely to the manufacturing sector. We use firm-level data from 1997 to 2008 for almost all sectors, including services, and show that firms in the service sector exhibit much higher rates of job creation, but almost exactly the same rates of job destruction as those in manufacturing. ‘Small’ firms account for a disproportionately large fraction of job creation and destruction relative to their share of employment. Jobs created by small firms are no less likely to persist than those created by large firms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historians and social scientists have typically assumed a conflictual or exploitative relationship between empire and ethnicity. On the one hand, empire might be seen (as perhaps Ernest Gellner saw it in Nations and Nationalism) as a superstructure of coercion to which a group of ethnic units were subject. On the other (according to an influential view), empire fabricated ethnicities (tribes or castes) to divide and rule. This article suggests that both of these views are too crude. In the British case at least (and in the modern history of empire, no generalisation that excludes the British case has much value), ‘imperial ethnicity’ was a much more subtle phenomenon. It existed ‘at home’ as one element in a more complex identity. It was a powerful force in British settler societies, where an indigenous identity could not be imagined. And, perhaps surprisingly, it was deeply attractive to some colonial elites in Asia and Africa – at least for a time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Crisis, a London weekly published between January 1775 and October 1776, attempted to join Britain and the American colonies in a transatlantic community of protest. It did so more stridently than virtually anything printed either in the colonies or elsewhere in the London press. King George III, his chief ministers, and their supporters in parliament were all fair game for its caustic commentary. It condemned their imperial policy as self-destructive and their treatment of the Americans as foolishly shortsighted. It condoned American resistance to what it characterized as tyrannical policies and called on Britons to beware that what began as oppression of the colonies could end up threatening rights on their own side of the Atlantic as well. Even so, the men behind The Crisis hoped for a solution to the problems of empire within it, not outside it, and their ardour for the Patriot cause cooled once Revolutionary Americans declared independence. Despite their rhetorical blasts at Whitehall and Westminster, the men behind The Crisis were not looking to turn protest into rebellion nor were they interested in trading monarchy for a republic. They fell silent when their differences with American Revolutionaries became too obvious to deny. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the end of the 19th century, British missionaries campaigned to abolish the India-to-China opium trade, whose profits were crucial for British ambitions in Asia. This challenge by the missionaries had been slow to emerge, however, and focusing only on that well-known opposition masks the preceding half-century of accommodations and compromises with the opium traffic, both on the production end (Bengal) and on the receiving end (in Macau and Canton). Our research addresses the subjective calculus that was at work for the missionaries and asks how their reading of that calculus affected their movement across the spectrum from unconcern to outrage about opium. At the core of their enterprise from beginning to end was their unwavering commitment to the evangelical “Great Commission,” which spelled out the obligation to bring the Christian gospel to unsaved multitudes around the world. We argue that they consistently embraced whatever was pragmatically necessary to advance that goal and resisted whatever threatened to block movement toward it. Beneath changeability on the surface, a thread of value-rational coherence ran through a century of calculated and strategic missionary activity. The same thread is likely to be in evidence in other theaters of global evangelism where missionaries were (are) involved in secular controversies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Until the last third of the twentieth century, Britishness figured prominently in the national identity of Australians. Many scholars of Australian nationalism have assumed an inherent antipathy between British and Australian solidarities; others have appreciated that there was a degree of mutuality between the two; few have explained why. This article offers such an explanation. It focuses on the crucial nation-building period twenty years on either side of the federation of the Australian colonies in 1901. Drawing on ethno-symbolist approaches to nationalism, it argues that Britishness provided the necessary ethno-cultural foundations for Australian nationhood, the only available repertoire of myth and symbol that could fulfil the nationalist aspiration for unity. Yet Britishness in the antipodes was significantly different to that of the British Isles, as were the civic/territorial components of Australian conceptions of nationhood, giving rise to a distinctive British-Australian composite nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article compares the ways in which references to ‘the (British) Empire’ were constructed and used in interview accounts of national identity and domestic politics in Scotland and in England. In Scotland, spontaneous accounts of Empire were typically formulated in conjunction with nationalist moral meta-narratives. Respondents variously inferred heroic national character from Scotland's role in Empire, or cast Scottish history as an enduring struggle between progressive forces of nationalism and atavistic forces of Anglo-British colonialism. The construct of Britishness was often seen to derive from, and to be synonymous with, the history of Empire. In England, the Empire story tended to be framed within anti-nationalist meta-narratives. Imperialism was generally understood to represent a product of excessive nationalism, and tales of Empire were used to draw exemplary moral lessons concerning the deficiencies of Anglo-British national character and of the catastrophic consequences of the pursuit of national self-interest more generally. The existence of Britain, and the construct of Britishness, were generally understood to both predate and postdate the history of Empire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

John A. Hobson made a significant contribution in his economic, social and political analysis of British imperialism. His views on the two leading political imperial issues of the 1880s and early 1900s-the schemes for imperial federation and imperial preference-are examined. Hobson discussed such topics with a substantial degree of balance and objectivity, though he had strong personal feelings on the matters. Since historians of thought have neglected the discussion of imperial topics by Hobson's contemporary economists, Hobson's ideas are considered in relation to those of other economists writing in the period, 1870-1914, including W. J. Ashley, W. Cunningham, H. Fawcett, R. Giffin, W. A. S. Hewins, A. Marshall and J. S. Nicholson. Hobson emerges as the most comprehensive and sophisticated of the group, even though his ideas appear somewhat muddled. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses Great Britain's colonial emergencies of the forties and fifties. The main objective of Britain's colonial emergencies was to neutralize popular national revolts. Military tactics were a means to realize the political objective of destroying popular nationalism and substituting for it parties of conservative collaborators. For the Colonial Office one of the most disturbing aspects of the emergencies was its lack of advance information or warning about the impending conflict. This was particularly the case in Malaya. The root cause of the Colonial Office's failure to understand the issues raised by the emergencies was its underestimation and lack of understanding of the nationalist challenge. In a general sense the Colonial Office understood that the aspiration for national independence might become a major threat to the Empire, the Colonial Office realized they had to control rising nationalist tensions in the colonies. The Colonial Office took an elitist view of nationalism, which it regarded as a movement of the intelligential or the middle classes: it was moderate, respectable and ready to collaborate with the colonial masters.

The article discusses the principle of reconciling different traditions in anthropology that can be extended into a principle of integration and consolidation in Great Britain. It notes that during the British empire, anthropologists has adapted some version of functionalism for their theoretical base and became strongly identified with the study of savage or primitive societies through systematic and long term fieldwork. It stated that the British social history whether local, regional, or national has found much room in the teaching and practice of social anthropology which covers a wide spectrum of innovative research. The author concludes that his reconciliation of stands help to overcome the paradoxical parochialism of the post-Frazerian discipline.

The article reports on the Imperial Forestry Institute in Oxford, England. The establishment of a central training institution like this institute is a proof a great development in Forestry training and research although there were several questions discussed by the British Empire Forestry Conference in 1920. The Institute will be a University Institution with the professor of Forestry as its director and under the control of a Board of Governors representing the University. The Institution will be open to qualified students of any nationality although it is intended primarily to serve the needs of Forestry in the British Empire.