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Because of the recent public concern over the brain drain, this study attempts to measure the U.S. gain of highly skilled manpower. The paper discusses the serious shortcomings of the data on gross immigration of scientists and engineers provided by the U.S. immigration authorities as a measure of true U.S. gains. In a case study of Swedish scientists and engineers it was found, for example, that whereas the U.S. data showed a gain of 106 Swedish scientists and engineers over a number of years, the net figure was only 26 after adjustment for remigration and the application of the proper OECD education criteria. The paper then reports the findings of a statistical study which uses the stock data on U.S. scientists in the National Register of Scientific and Technical Personnel to estimate the number of foreign born in this stock and analyse their characteristics with respect to age, educational attainment, and employment preferences. It was found that nearly 7 percent of all U.S. scientists are of foreign origin (foreign born and foreign secondary education), whereas 11.5 percent of all scientists with a Ph.D. are of foreign origin. The percentage among Ph.D. holders is highest in meteorology (22.3), followed by linguistics (18.7), physics (17.1) and statistics (14.6). The greatest percentage of scientists comes from Canada (10.4 per thousand), followed by Germany (8.3 per thousand) and the United Kingdom (6.7 per thousand). However, after adjustment of these data for the different sizes of the total foreign born population from each country in the U.S., it turns out that by this measure the greatest shares of scientists are supplied by the Japanese, followed by the Austrian-Swiss, Benelux and Canadians. The analysis of the age composition of all foreign born reveals that in the age groups that were 20–29, 45–54, and 65 and over in 1964 foreigners represent a smaller than average share, probably reflecting war casualties and education completed at a later age. Germans and Austrians are heavily concentrated in the group 55–64 years old in 1964, suggesting that a great share of scientists from these countries may have been victims of a brain push. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many rural communities throughout the United States have experienced brain drain or the out‐migration of educated young people. Explanations for why college‐educated adults leave rural communities have relied on economic rationales; however, the effects of social identities, community context, and place attachment have also been shown to influence migration decisions. Using data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health (Add Health), this study examines factors experienced during adolescence as well as postsecondary characteristics that promote college graduates' return to their rural communities when they are between the ages of 34 and 43. We find that among college graduates who had attended a rural public K‐12 school, those who had higher levels of school attachment were significantly more likely to return home compared with graduates who had lower levels of school attachment. The findings also suggest that graduates who came from a lower college‐educated community were more likely to return home than those from average or highly college‐educated communities. By analyzing long‐term outcomes, this study extends our understanding of the strengths of adolescent experiences and neighborhood context influencing the pull to return home and the support for policies strengthening rural communities as there may be long‐term effects to returning home, even if youth leave for college. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Highly skilled people are among the most valuable factors of production in the contemporary world economy. Some have characterized the competition among nations for these people as a “brain drain” or “war for talent,” which imposes significant costs on the countries of emigration. However, the distribution of costs and benefits that results from high-skill migration is not necessarily zero-sum or fixed. It may be altered through international cooperation, producing a self-reinforcing “win–win” scenario for sending and receiving countries. Bilateral cooperation, focused on specific sectors affected by migration, is the most promising approach for realizing such a scenario. This paper explores the prospects and potential for such cooperation between India and the United States, which comprise what is probably the world's largest high-skill mobility relationship. After sketching the broad contours of the relationship, we explore the prospects for mutually beneficial cooperation in three specific fields of high-skill migration: information technology services, medicine and nursing, and graduate education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: The critical shortage of surgeons in many low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) prevents adequate responses to surgical needs, but the factors that affect surgeon migration have remained incompletely understood. The goal of this study was to examine the importance of personal, professional, and infrastructural factors on surgeon migration from LMICs to the United States. We hypothesized that the main drivers of surgeon migration can be addressed by providing adequate domestic surgical infrastructure, surgical training programs, and viable surgical career paths. Methods: We conducted an internet-based nationwide survey of surgeons living in the US who originated from LMICs. Results: 66 surgeons completed the survey. The most influential factors for primary migration were related to professional reasons ( p ≤ 0.001). Nonprofessional factors, such as concern for remuneration, family, and security were significantly less important for the initial migration decisions, but adopted a more substantial role in deciding whether or not to return after training in the United States. Migration to the United States was initially considered temporary (44 %), and a majority of the surveyed surgeons have returned to their source countries in some capacity (56 %), often on multiple occasions (80 %), to contribute to clinical work, research, and education. Conclusions: This study suggests that surgically oriented medical graduates from LMICs migrate primarily for professional reasons. Initiatives to improve specialist education and surgical infrastructure in LMICs have the potential to promote retention of the surgical workforce. There may be formal ways for LMICs to gain from the international pool of relocated surgeons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We develop a model to analyze migration of highly talented individuals within and into Europe. First, we show that if transferability of human capital is endogenous, i.e., if high migration flows and high human capital transferability are mutually interdependent, Europe might be trapped in a low-migration equilibrium. Second, we show that high mobility within a Federation is necessary to attract highly talented immigrants into the Federation. We study in how far and in what way the European public policy behind the Bologna and the Lisbon Process can contribute to higher mobility in Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Diversity Visa (DV) programme is designed to improve the multicultural composition of the U.S. 'melting pot' beyond the traditional source countries in Europe. In pursuit of this objective, the basic eligibility requirement for participation in the programme is a high school diploma. Despite its salutary objective and design, the programme's implications for the African brain drain may not all be benign. The 'tired, poor, huddled masses' from Africa are defined in more restrictive terms, and the obstacles they face are more economically and administratively onerous than those encountered by their early European counterparts. The costs of transforming a lottery win to an actual diversity visa and Green Card are so high that only Africans in well-paying jobs, who are likely to be professionals rather than mere high school graduates, are likely to be able to afford the full costs of programme participation. In this sense, the programme has an in-built, skills-selective mechanism. The main objective of this study is to examine the extent to which the DV has facilitated the movement of professional, technical and kindred workers (PTKs) from Africa to the United States, and some of the economic and policy implications of the process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents an intergenerational self-selection model of migration and education that is capable of explaining the evolution of earnings and education across three generations of immigrants. By structurally estimating the model, it is possible to quantify the sacrifices made by the first generation of Mexican immigrants for the benefits of future generations. In particular, the estimation results suggest that there is a significant one time loss of human capital of immigrants upon migration, that migrants are positively selected from the ability distribution, and that they transmit substantial human capital to their children. Finally, the model is used to evaluate the effects of social policies designed to reduce the 'brain drain' from Mexico to the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The brain drain issue used to revolve primarily around migration from developing to developed countries. In recent years, there is an accumulation of evidence that this is an issue that should interest developed countries as well. Recently published numbers by the European Commission and the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development indicate a nonnegligible flow of European academics to American universities. This article provides the first case study conducted on the most massive out-migration of academics on record. At a time when Europe and other developed countries have begun to express concern about the phenomenon, the rate of academic emigration from Israel to the United States is already four to six times the European emigration rate. The particular focus here is on the area of economics, in which the exodus of younger academics from Israel coupled with a heightened retirement rate among the older academics has brought Israel’s top economics departments—among the best in the world, until now—to the brink. Countries wanting to create conditions for fostering and nurturing the necessary productivity advances underlying economic growth must become aware of how far and how quickly an academic implosion can occur, if left unchecked. The findings brought forth here should help increase the level of this awareness. ( JEL A11, F22, H52, H83, I23, J31, J61, O15) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rural communities are increasingly being faced with the prospect of accepting facilities characterized as "opportunity-threat," such as facilities that generate, treat, store, or otherwise dispose of hazardous wastes. Such facilities may offer economic gains through jobs and tax revenue, although they may also act as environmental "disamenities." This analysis examines the possibility that the presence of such facilities equates with lower loss of rural human capital, a question as yet unexamined on a national scale within the academic literature. Making use of secondary data from several different sources, we examine the association between age- and education-specific outmigration and 1) the number of hazardous waste facilities, 2) the number of large quantity hazardous waste generators, and 3) the number of hazardous waste landfills and incinerators across rural counties within the 48 contiguous states. Our findings suggest that the presence of hazardous waste facilities does not clearly equate with reductions in rural "brain drain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brain drain, the international migration of scientists in search of better opportunities, has been a long-standing concern, but quantitative measurements are uncommon and limited to specific countries or disciplines. We need to understand brain drain at a global level and estimate the extent to which scientists born in countries with low opportunities never realize their potential. Data on 1523 of the most highly cited scientists for 1981-1999 are analyzed. Overall, 31.9% of these scientists did not reside in the country where they were born (range 18.1-54.6% across 21 different scientific fields). There was great variability across developed countries in the proportions of foreign-born resident scientists and emigrating scientists. Countries without a critical mass of native scientists lost most scientists to migration. This loss occurred in both developed and developing countries. Adjusting for population and using the U.S. as reference, the number of highly cited native-born scientists was at least 75% of the expected number in only 8 countries other than the U.S. It is estimated that ∼94% of the expected top scientists worldwide have not been able to materialize themselves due to various adverse conditions. Scientific deficit is only likely to help perpetuate these adverse conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]