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"What is not prohibited is allowed" is the principle at the heart of international law. Yet the principle is empty. It originates in the Lotus judgment of the Permanent Court of International Justice of 1927 where Turkey was allowed to prosecute a French citizen at the expense of the authority of France to have exclusive jurisdiction. This article recounts the history of "what is not prohibited is allowed" and explains where it has led us astray and where it is in the process of doing so. It recalls that the intention of the creators of the Permanent Court of International Justice was very different, namely that equitable balancing would take place when no specific international law norm could be identified. The article suggests how, through an Advisory Opinion by the International Court of Justice, equitable balancing can be re‐established as the fallback principle when international law is otherwise silent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Louis St Laurent and Dwight Eisenhower came to power during one of the most intense periods of the Cold War. The Soviets had recently developed a nuclear bomb, touching off an arms race, while both the Canadian and American governments ran desperate investigations to purge their ranks of suspected communist sympathisers. St Laurent's victories in 1949, and again in 1953, as well as Eisenhower's in 1952, are often seen as inevitable. This interpretation is rooted in the fact that both men managed to stir overwhelming support from the hearts of their citizens. However, this viewpoint often fails to examine how their campaigns did this – through the projection of a reassuring, paternalistic image that spoke to hegemonic masculine norms in the era. Elaine Tyler May argues that the nuclear family, with the father at the helm, was seen as a form of 'domestic containment' against external ills. This article extends that theory upwards and explores how voters responded positively to the projection of a fatherly image from St Laurent and Eisenhower. At the same time, it examines how their campaigns actively deployed masculine image‐making to discredit opponents and depict them as outside the hegemonic masculine ideal. By voting instead for St Laurent and Eisenhower, citizens could be reassured that their families would come under the protection of a calm father figure, who would guide the nation through the current period of intense instability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the increasing risk of nuclear war and calls on health professionals to raise awareness and take action to prevent it. The current efforts for nuclear arms control and non-proliferation are deemed inadequate, and the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons has progressed slowly. The article highlights the catastrophic consequences of nuclear war, emphasizing the urgent need to prioritize the prevention of nuclear weapon use and the elimination of nuclear weapons. The health community is urged to play a crucial role in reducing the risks of nuclear war and supporting efforts for nuclear disarmament. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses the increasing risk of nuclear war and the role of health professionals in reducing these risks. It highlights the inadequacy of current nuclear arms control efforts and the potential catastrophic consequences of a nuclear war. The health community, particularly organizations like the International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War (IPPNW), has played a crucial role in raising awareness about the medical consequences of nuclear war and advocating for nuclear disarmament. The article calls on health professional associations to inform their members about the threat of nuclear war and support efforts to reduce these risks, including adopting a no first use policy and eliminating nuclear weapons. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses the growing risk of nuclear war and calls on health professionals to raise awareness and take action to prevent it. It highlights the inadequacy of current nuclear arms control efforts and the potential catastrophic consequences of a nuclear war. The health community has played a crucial role in the past in reducing the risk of nuclear war, and it is urged to continue these efforts. The article also calls for immediate steps by nuclear-armed states to reduce the risks of nuclear war and advocates for the elimination of nuclear weapons. [Extracted from the article]

The February 2022 Russian invasion into Ukraine is the largest land attack in Europe since World War II. Threats of the use of tactical nuclear weapons by Russian President Putin has raised the eyebrows of nations throughout the world. The possibility of another world war and prospects for nuclear annihilation has provided an opportunity for non‐governmental international peace organizations to work together collectively to educate citizens about the importance of peace movements as agencies of humanitarian relief. More than opposing war peace movements are reform instruments, which highlight the importance of peace by providing aid and assistance to the innocent victims of armed aggression. Presently, peace organizations are doing their part by providing food, shelter, clothing, first aid, and other forms of non‐lethal aid to the Ukrainian people caught in the crosshairs of this violent conflict. This is how peace movements can demonstrate the real meaning of peace in the current situation and serve the larger task of nonviolence beyond political dialogue and nationalistic rhetoric. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For more than two decades, the nuclear issue has overshadowed Iran's foreign policy, becoming a major crisis in international politics. On the one hand, great powers and some regional countries are concerned about the military dimension of Iran's nuclear program; on the other hand, Iran is pursuing its nuclear rights confirmed by the International Atomic Energy Agency. The challenge has encountered ups and downs in recent years, from the nuclear deal in 2015 to the verge of war between Iran and the United States during Donald Trump's presidency. This background has obscured the future of nuclear Iran's dossier. Accordingly, this research aims to address possible scenarios facing the parties. Based on the current realities, it concludes that the best possible option is returning to the nuclear deal signed in 2015. If both sides fulfill their commitments, it will pave the way for resolving other disputes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Utilizing primarily the information and data compiled by both the editorial board of The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists as well as that of former nuclear war planner, Daniel Ellsberg, this paper discusses a number of heretofore classified or little publicly known dimensions of the nuclear war planning of the United States and other nuclear armed nation states, including policies of first use and command and control, the occurrence of false alarms and accidents, and the dynamics of nuclear detonation that would result in nuclear winter and worldwide famine. As such, the focus on these topics is an attempt to ameliorate both our shared ignorance regarding the once again growing threat of nuclear war, and its consequence—nuclear winter, as well as, the tendency of large groups to engage in collective denial in relation to thinking about the unthinkable, utilizing a definition from psychoanalysis of the defense mechanism of denial. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russia's nuclear saber rattling in the war against Ukraine has increased the risk of nuclear weapons use and the danger of nuclear war. It also undermines global nonproliferation norms. Seeking a negotiated end to the war in Ukraine is an urgent priority for reducing the nuclear danger. Global security depends on renewing the diplomatic agenda for reducing and eliminating nuclear weapons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article questions the hierarchical assumptions of theories of "traveling models" by examining how politicians and environmental activists from the three major regions of the Pacific have contributed to global climate change policy regimes. The Marshall Islands successfully lobbied the international climate change community to ensure that the signatories to the Paris Agreement are committed to keeping the global temperature rise during the current century to "well below" 2°C, while "pursuing efforts" to limit the average temperature increase to 1.5°C above preindustrial levels. In its role as the host of the twenty‐third annual Conference of the Parties to the 1992 UN Framework Convention on Climate Change, Fiji drew on the self‐scaling Pacific speech genre of talanoa to facilitate dialogue and cooperation between the signatories of the Paris Agreement. The successful institution of Talanoa Dialogues at UN climate change meetings was not just a branding exercise, but an ideological project of encompassment. Although the Solomon Islands has a lower international profile, its responses to climate change suggest new ways of thinking about the relationship between local environmental knowledge and scientific models, and provides valuable feedback on new forms of aid focused on adaptation. [climate change, traveling theory, talanoa, Pacific Islands, United Nations] [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) verifies state compliance with the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty through nuclear safeguards. The agency's legitimacy derives from the convincing display of technical authority. The politics of nuclear things, however, constantly threaten to undermine this authority. Nuclear safeguards are made legibly authoritative and credibly technical through bureaucratic objectivity. This epistemic logic and practice is widely shared by projects of technocratic governance in the liberal international order. After the discovery of Iraq's secret nuclear weapons program, the IAEA transformed its accounting‐based knowledge practices. However, these transformations into more detective‐like ways of knowing call into question the presumed technical purity of safeguards reports. This article unearths the historical origins of safeguards as bureaucratically objective knowledge and demonstrates its enduring legacy at the IAEA, as its bureaucrats and diplomats attempt to manage the tension between effectiveness and credibility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that both North Korea's nuclear weapons and Chinese attempts at wedge‐driving between South Korea and the United States represent threats to degrade and perhaps decouple the U.S.‐South Korea alliance. These will intensify regardless of the outcome of current diplomacy on the Korean Peninsula. This puts at risk a component of the San Francisco System that has served as a pillar for Northeast Asian regional security for almost seven decades. We assess what the potential problems will be for the U.S.‐South Korea alliance as they emanate from these two policy challenges, and what actions policymakers in both Washington and Seoul can prioritize in order to modify or neutralize them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers author's opinion on North Korean supreme leader Kim Jong Un's refusal to disarm may be due to memories of the downfall of Libyan dictator Muammar Al Qaddafi. It is mentioned that Gadhafi surrendered his nuclear weapons program in response to Western demands in 2003. The article also discusses the meeting between Kim Jong Un and U.S. President Donald Trump to negotiate better nuclear policies.

Recent discussions about Iran's nuclear issue have not only raised questions about its present and future policies but also over the past. The aim of this study is to identify historical analogies employed on the nuclear issue of Iran from 2003 to 2016. It shows how some senior government officials in Iran dealing with the nuclear issue have been fighting analogical battles, in terms of comparing Iran's current situation with other historical events. Research findings suggest that "Hudaybiyya Peace Treaty," "Peace Treaty of Imam Hassan," "Treaty of Turkmenchay," "Nationalization of Oil," and "Resolution 598" are the episodes that different analogizers have used, as they present their agreement or disagreement with the negotiations over Iran's nuclear policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay takes a new look at the destruction and the rebuilding of the house of commons during the 1940s. It argues that behind the home front bravado of the Palace of Westminster steadfastly enduring the blitz lay secret plans for rehousing MPs away from aerial bombardment, contingency scenarios that were then updated after 1945 in the event of attack on London by atomic weapons. The essay also suggests that threats to the security of parliament, together with the necessity to rebuild the Commons, were turned by the coalition government into an opportunity to refashion parliamentary politics in such a way that the two‐party system was restored, along the traditional lines of government and opposition that had become blurred since 1931. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper builds on recent work on the embodied geopolitics of tourism to investigate the Titan Missile Museum (TMM), a Cold War‐era underground nuclear missile silo and command bunker in the southwest USA. In examining how visitors are not only persuaded to adopt certain attitudes towards the weaponry, but are enrolled in an embodied experience that is active in the formation of subjectivity that emerges from such an encounter, the paper draws on the philosophy of Jean Baudrillard and other non‐representational theorists to argue that this tourism encounter is a negative simulation that can be informed by a better understanding of "hyperreal" spectacle. This spectacle, however, does not simply fall in the realm of representation but is one that engages affect and emotion as important for the emergence of geopolitical subjectivity. While the TMM works to produce what Baudrillard might call a "non‐event" out of nuclear geopolitics, it also takes the risk of getting too close to the bomb by simulating its launch. These dynamics are encapsulated in the highlight of the standard one‐hour tour: the simulation of a missile launch, something that never took place. Drawing on our experience at the TMM and visitor comments left online at Yelp.com, as well as the broader archive of journalism and scholarship on the site, we also sense the possibility of something else emerging out of the embodied and performative materialities that constitute this site of "dark tourism." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) including the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) launched by China and the response of other countries such as Iran on BRI. Topics discussed include Afghan-Pakistan Transit Trade Agreement signed in 2010, Pakistan's refusal to grant India access to its transit routes, petroleum import by India from Iran, withdrawal of the U.S. from Iran nuclear deal, Afghanistan's mining sector, and the War on Terrorism, 2001-2009.

The article discusses the rivalry between Saudi Arabia and Iran by referring to the role of Africa in the rivalry between the countries. Topics discussed include geopolitics in context with regional fragmentation in Iran and Saudi Arabia, Iran nuclear deal, the 1979 Islamic revolution inIran, the onset of the Arab Spring in 2011, and Iran's uranium enrichment program.

The article informs that the U.S. has deployed strategic assets to North Korea to deter Pyongyang's nuclear and missile provocations. It mentions need to establish military and diplomatic channels between North and South Korea and a hotline between Pyongyang and Washington. It also mentions goal of North Korean leader Kim Jong Un to gain the capability to strike the U.S. mainland with a nuclear-tipped intercontinental ballistic missile.

The article focuses on threat raised by North Korea with its nuclear and intercontinental ballistic missile for countries like Japan, South Korea and the U.S. It mentions plans of Pyongyang in North Korea to acquire nuclear-capable intercontinental ballistic missiles that can directly threaten the continental U.S. It also mentions that Chinese Communist Party has also criticized North Korea; and North Korean leader Kim Jong Un promoting advancements in nuclear weapons.

Pyongyang's nuclear progress slowed significantly during times of diplomacy and accelerated during times of threats. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On March 15th the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) in Vienna reported that 2.5 tonnes of natural uranium had gone missing from a Libyan site. IAEA inspectors on March 14th found that "10 drums containing approximately 2.5 tonnes of natural uranium in the form of uranium ore concentrate... were not present" as previously declared at the location, IAEA Director General Rafael Grossi wrote in a report to member states. [Extracted from the article]

The article offers information on the objective of terrorist organizations to use nuclear or radiological weapons. Presidents George W. Bush and Barack Obama repeatedly said that nuclear weapons in the hands of terrorists was the biggest security threat to the U.S. The author says that critical mass for lower-grade uranium relies on the level of enrichment.

The article discusses the South Korean government's response to Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK), or North Korea's, nuclear long-range missile test in early 2016, which consisted of suspending cooperation with North Korean on the joint manufacturing park Kaesong Industrial Complex, North Korea and potentially allowing for the U.S. missile defense system Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) in the Republic of South Korea (ROK). China's concerns about THAAD are discussed.

The article presents the case of Ukraine as a nation that failed to gain full sovereignty and national security despite dismantling its nuclear weapons as part of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). Particular focus is given on Russia's 2014 annexation of Crimea and its implications on the NPT. Other topics include the country's turning over of its nuclear weapons to Russia after signing the 1992 Lisbon Protocol and the sanctions handed to Russia over the annexation.

The author expresses his views on the Iran nuclear deal and its impact globally. It discusses the apprehensions that the deal which could lead to misuse of power by Iran, such as not providing International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) proper access, possibilities of Iran cheating on its nuclear facilities and dealing with it through the help of military.

The article explores how U.S. President Donald Trump has ceded regional economic leadership separately to China. Topics discussed include Trump's willingness to cooperate with Asian allies; failure of U.S. republicans and democrats to embrace the Trans- Pacific Partnership is a tragedy for the U.S. and mentions about North Korean leader Kim Jong Un's commitment to nuclear missile programs.

The more stridently Trump says he is going to stop North Korea, the worse it looks when he fails, and the more Beijing stands to gain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The efforts of the Liberal government led by John Gorton to acquire a locally built nuclear deterrent stretch back into the 1950s when Robert Menzies preferred to rely on the American or British nuclear umbrella for protection. Gorton took a different view and the advocates of an independent Australian nuclear capability rejoiced upon his elevation to the Liberal leadership. We argue that Gorton's ambitions advanced as far as they did in the latter 1960s due to the support, or urgings, from an informal coalition of scientists (particularly Philip Baxter) and discontented fringes of the parliamentary Liberal Party. In particular, the maverick backbencher, W.C. Wentworth, played a key role in mobilising support for Gorton's controversial quest to acquire an independent nuclear capacity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses emerging nuclear program at Iran and its associated concerns in Middle East specially Israel including its implication on relationships of Israel and Arab and inter Arab states. The author mentions that techniques involved in civilian nuclear power and nuclear bomb remains the same and Iran's efforts to enrich uranium to weapon grade seems probable. Further it mentions the need for a comprehensive deal by European Union and U.S to curtail this emerging nuclear power.

China's performance regarding nuclear nonproliferation has experienced a tremendous change. From 1963 to the present, China dramatically moved from opponent of to proponent for nuclear nonproliferation. This literature only pays attention to this phenomenal change, without delineating the incremental stages in different phases that comprise the overall change. This article breaks down the overall change into four incremental shifts and specifically explains each of them. Close examination shows that these shifts were driven by different motives. The analysis leads to the conclusion that China's preferences in its nuclear nonproliferation decision making are driven by rational concerns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nuclear energy continues to be a major component of South Korean energy policy, despite the nuclear accident in Fukushima and several incidents in domestic nuclear power plants in 2011. There is growing unease among the Korean public regarding the safety of nuclear energy, but these grievances do not translate into demands for policy changes. This article introduces how different actors and their preferences affected the public agenda related to nuclear energy, comparing the protests against a nuclear waste storage facility in Buan County in 2003 and 2004 with the reactions to the Fukushima accident and domestic incidents in more recent years. Using agenda-setting theory, this article aims to shed light on the dynamics of these events on actors, the decision-making processes and the reasons for the lack of concerted effort by citizens and civic groups to demand changes in the country's energy policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author explores the threats of nuclear weapons and climate change to humans and explains why he considers the right to survive these dangers as the humankind's first fundamental right. Topics covered include the interplay between justice and survival, the reasons why survival should be protected as a right of humans, and the constitutionalization of human rights.

The article presents a reprint of the article "Why is Rouhani Angry?" by Akbar Ganji. It discusses the attack of Iranian President Hassan Rouhani who try to block the possible agreement between Iran and members of the United Nations (UN) Security Council plus Germany over nuclear program. It highlights Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei as not willing to permit the opening up of the political system in Iran, while Rouhani has full authority for nuclear agreement and eliminate Islamic State.

The article offers the author's insights on the failure of the U.S. National Intelligence Estimate (NIE) to examine the availability and status of the nuclear weapons in Iran. Topics discussed include the country's proliferation issue on the nuclear program after Nonproliferation Center's (NPC's) creation, the control of nuclear-technology transfers to Iran during former U.S. President George H. W. Bush, and the NIE initiated by the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) on its foreign policy.

The article focuses on the relationship between the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) and the U.S. Topics include the fear of the GCC states about abandonment, the Saudi Arabian and GCC policy, critics of American policy like Prince Bandar bin Sultan, Prince Mohammad bin Nawwaf bin Abdulaziz, and Prince Turki Al-Faisal. Also mentioned are the interim agreement on Iranian nuclear program, the U.S. misunderstanding of the Gulf, and the need for a strategic partnership between the U.S. and the GCC.

Information about several papers discussed at Capitol Hill conferences held at the Rayburn House Office Building in Washington, D.C. on January 28, 2011 is presented. Topics include the nuclear weapons facilities in Iran, issues related to the manufacturing of nuclear weapons, and the Iran-Syria connection. The conference featured several speakers including David Albright, Frederic Hof, and Richard Lebaron.

This article focuses on the interaction between the Australian and British governments during the early 1970s over French nuclear testing in the South Pacific. It examines the considerations behind the Australian government's approach to Britain, and Britain's response to initiatives from Australia. Through the presentation of a case study demonstrating how Australia's Pacific interests and Britain's European concerns inevitably led to different perspectives, I argue that the policies of both countries were primarily determined by their consideration of regional geopolitical interests, rather than the lingering links of Empire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses British nuclear culture as related to the James Bond series of books and films. According to the author, nuclear culture played a significant role in the social construction of Britishness during and after the Cold War. It is suggested that the Bond films and stories reflected British nuclear policy and propaganda depicting Great Britain as a nuclear superpower, particular through its representations of the country's nuclear capacity and of the potential effects of nuclear fallout. Other topics include radiation and delivery systems for nuclear weapons.

An essay is presented which discusses the evolution of the Middle East into a weapons of mass destruction-free zone (WMDFZ) in 2012. It explores the historical and global context of a WMDFZ and examines the nuclear weapon programs in Israel and Iran. It also notes the challenges and obstacles in the promotion of WMD disarmament worldwide.

The article looks at the history of foreign relations between Iran and the Balkan countries, with a focus on Iran's nuclear development program. Topics include potential for pro-Iran terrorism from the Balkan peninsula directed at the U.S. and Western Europe in response to any strikes against Iran, the increasing prevalence of Islamic extremist Wahhabi governments in Bosnia, Kosovo, and Macedonia, and the influence of late Islamist president of Bosnia, Alija Izetbegovic.

The article looks at the threat that Iran's growing nuclear weapons program poses as of January 2013. The author suggests that many nations are underestimating the problems Iran could present, as evidenced by satirical reactions to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's 2012 insistence that Israel would be forced to strike on Iran if diplomacy and sanctions failed and Iran enriched uranium to 20% or higher. Topics include Iran's antipathy against Israel and Jews worldwide, the likelihood that a nuclear Iran would provide weapons to Arab terrorists, and the chance of an Israeli strike against Iran in spring or summer 2013.

This paper explains both opportunities and challenges that court disputes over the alleged danger of radioactive fallout from nuclear weapons tests brought to nuclear pacifism. After reviewing the background in which the danger of radioactive fallout came into focus among peace activists, the paper discusses how the litigation in the United States unfolded. It also explores the judicial structures and legal cultures of the Soviet Union and Great Britain to explain why the planned lawsuits in these countries, unlike that in the United States, failed to even take off. In conclusion, the paper reflects on the implications of the first environmental legal challenges to nuclear weapons during and beyond the Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the nuclear program of Iran and Turkey in 2012. It states that Iran's nuclear program was regarded by the parties involved in the Islamic Republic's nuclear program disputes as an attempt to build nuclear weapons. The International Atomic Energy Agency's (IAEA) report states that Iran's program might follow the North Korean model, which serves as non-nuclear-weapons countries' templates. It adds that Turkey supports Iran's right to create its own nuclear program.

The article focuses on the containment strategy of the U.S. to prevent nuclear development in Iran. It references the article related to the containment, alliance management and diplomacy in Iran by George Kennan in the 1946 issue of "Foreign Affairs." It states that many analysts have argued that the U.S. can deter the emergence of nuclear weapons in Iran in the future. Furthermore, the strategy of the U.S. will be difficult to handle due to obstacles within Iran and the U.S.

Warfare today is associated with neoliberal projects for global governance rather than the territorial strategic objectives of nation states. As such, political commentators have routinely begun to insist that the world has seen the end of apocalyptic threats of nuclear war that marked the Cold War era. Yet for all that contemporary war appears as a limited policing action, the world still possesses vast arsenals of nuclear weapons. This article examines one of the few studies to have argued for the ongoing political significance of such weapons, Hardt and Negri’s Empire trilogy. By focusing on the various ways in which they have posited nuclear weapons’ relationship to the global biopolitics of Empire, it contends that a significant continuity can be discerned between their work and earlier postmodern analysis of nuclear deterrence, which saw deterrence as a crucial determinate of postmodern life. Drawing on Carl Schmitt as a key figure in contemporary thought on sovereignty, and offering a re-reading of his ideas via this earlier generation of theorists, it will examine the relationship between air power, atomic weaponry, and the political ordering of a global nomos in order to conceptualise deterrence in the present moment. It argues that this postmodern thought on deterrence continues to be relevant in understanding the biopolitics of Empire, while showing that the principles of deterrence render Empire a more indeterminate structure in world affairs than Hardt and Negri suggest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dating back to Harry S. Truman, a number of presidents and prominent political leaders have tried, in some way or another, to reduce the reliance on nuclear weapons in U.S. foreign policy. Throughout the years, such attempts have prompted countless international debates and spawned a cottage industry of security research related to the eventual elimination of nuclear arms. However, aside from the occasional foray, this research paradigm generally overlooks the domestic political obstacles that policy makers should expect to encounter if national security policy continues down the path toward nuclear zero. In pursuit of this goal, this article empirically examines public attitudes concerning the continued pursuit of nuclear abolition. In doing so, we highlight the beliefs and perceptions that inform public preferences concerning the importance assigned to retaining nuclear weapons today. Desde la época de Harry S. Truman, muchos presidentes y líderes políticos han intentado, de una u otra forma, reducir la dependencia de la política exterior de los Estados Unidos en armas nucleares. A través de los años estos intentos han provocado sinnúmero de debates internacionales y generado una pequeña industria dedicada a la investigación de una posible eliminación de armas nucleares. Sin embargo, este enfoque investigativo generalmente pasa por alto los obstáculos políticos domésticos que los legisladores deberían esperar si la política de seguridad nacional continúa por el camino de la abolición nuclear. En búsqueda de este objetivo, este artículo examina empíricamente las actitudes públicas respecto a la contínua búsqueda de una abolición nuclear. Al mismo tiempo, destacamos las creencias y percepciones que informan las preferencias públicas atribuidas a la importancia de preservar armas nucleares en la actualidad. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), examining the agency's effectiveness and examining its nonproliferation activities. The article provides an overview of the IAEA and the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), examining the agency's investigations into noncompliance in countries such as Libya, North Korea, Syria, and Iran as well as its reaction to the disaster at the Fukushima Daiichi power plant in Japan. The author argues that the IAEA is a valuable institution and presents ways to strengthen its authority with regards to nuclear safety and nonproliferation.