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Two cross‐sectional studies were conducted with undergraduate and graduate students (mean age = 22 years) in two university campuses in different regions of Turkey to investigate confrontations between conservative religious people and secular‐liberal people and the roles of fundamentalism and authoritarianism for these groups. Study 1 investigated the connections between traditional religiosity and liberties and the impact of religious fundamentalism with a sample of 482 participants. Using hierarchical multiple linear regression and bootstrapping analysis, religiosity was seen as negatively connected to three components of liberties. It was shown that religious fundamentalism had an indirect effect on this connection. In Study 2, with a sample of 260 participants, the negative connection between traditional religiosity with liberties was confirmed. Further, it was found that particularly the conservatism dimension of right‐wing authoritarianism played an explanatory role in this connection. In addition, as an extension of the two studies, it was observed that secular‐liberal participants supported civil liberties in general, but they expressed opposition to freedom of religion in particular, indicating that the antagonism between religious and secular people may also stem from secular‐liberal people. It was found that dimension of aggression of left‐wing authoritarianism played an explanatory role in connection to this aspect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers why despite mass displacement significantly affecting people from Muslim majority countries, Islamic understandings of refuge, protection and assistance remain de‐centered and made peripheral in formulations of asylum and refuge. The paper begins with an interrogation of how knowledge production on Muslim life‐worlds a priori gives emphasis to certain essential characteristics identified as Muslim. It is argued that this collapses understandings of the diversity of being and 'doing' Muslim in ways that make less visible everyday lived experiences attuned to the materiality, affect and emotion prompted by readings of Islamic tradition in displacement settings. To do so, I draw on Syrian experiences of displacement in Turkey and Greece to parse out the implications of this (in)visibility for Muslim responses to mass‐displacement and question whether they can be substantively different to modalities of humanitarianism and development anchored in liberal European ontologies. It is argued that by being attentive to the structures of feeling prompted by Islamic traditions pertaining to refuge and protection reveals ways of being and doing Islam outside of statist readings of humanitarianism. Here, the Islamic tradition of jiwār (a right of and to neighbourliness) provides a decolonial vocabulary to respond to state‐defined patterns of hospitality rooted in European knowledge production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers why despite mass displacement significantly affecting people from Muslim majority countries, Islamic understandings of refuge, protection and assistance remain de‐centered and made peripheral in formulations of asylum and refuge. The paper begins with an interrogation of how knowledge production on Muslim life‐worlds a priori gives emphasis to certain essential characteristics identified as Muslim. It is argued that this collapses understandings of the diversity of being and 'doing' Muslim in ways that make less visible everyday lived experiences attuned to the materiality, affect and emotion prompted by readings of Islamic tradition in displacement settings. To do so, I draw on Syrian experiences of displacement in Turkey and Greece to parse out the implications of this (in)visibility for Muslim responses to mass‐displacement and question whether they can be substantively different to modalities of humanitarianism and development anchored in liberal European ontologies. It is argued that by being attentive to the structures of feeling prompted by Islamic traditions pertaining to refuge and protection reveals ways of being and doing Islam outside of statist readings of humanitarianism. Here, the Islamic tradition of jiwār (a right of and to neighbourliness) provides a decolonial vocabulary to respond to state‐defined patterns of hospitality rooted in European knowledge production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Voting is key to political integration of immigrant‐background minorities, but what determines their voting preferences remains unclear. Moreover, dual‐citizen minorities can vote differently in their country of residence and origin. Using a representative survey of Turkish‐Muslim minorities in two cities in Belgium (N = 447, M_age = 36.3), we asked whether left‐right ideology or religious identity predicted their voting in their country of residence and origin, besides typical predictors of right‐wing voting (i.e., efficacy, deprivation, and authoritarianism). Authoritarianism, low political efficacy, and high deprivation predicted voting for right‐wing parties in Turkey, whereas the latter two, surprisingly, predicted voting for the left in Belgium. Latent class analyses of their religious practices distinguished "moderate" versus "strict" Muslims. While "strict" Muslims voted for right‐wing parties in Turkey, ideology did not predict their voting. Conversely, in Belgium, while Muslim identity did not predict their voting, ideology did. Analyzing their combined effects, "moderate" Muslims voted based on their ideology—right‐leaning voting for the right, whereas "strict" Muslims voted according to their interests as a disadvantaged minority in Belgium—thus voting for the left—or as a devout Muslim in Turkey—thus voting for the right. Our results elucidate processes underlying the voting behaviors of European‐Muslim minorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study tested the levels and consequences of positive religious coping among a multinational sample of Muslims. The sample consisted of 706 university students recruited in three Muslim countries: Israel/Palestine, Turkey and Malaysia. Participants' average age was 22.61, and 65% of them were females. This investigation applied a cross‐sectional comparative methodology. Measures used: demographics, positive religious coping, satisfaction with life and depressive symptoms. The findings indicated that (a) participants reported high levels of positive religious coping usage, and Malaysians scored significantly higher in this regard than both Palestinians and Turks; (b) positive religious coping correlated positively with satisfaction with life but was not linked to depressive symptoms and (c) the magnitude of correlation between positive and satisfaction with life was significantly higher among Malaysians than among both Palestinians and Turks. The findings suggest that to understand the implications of positive religious coping for the health and well‐being of Muslims, a detailed and nuanced analysis is needed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports on the authors views on the politics in the reformation on the nature of the sociopolitical impact the Ottomans had on the European Reformation. The issues discussed includes External Perspectives in relation to Attempts to Convince the rulers for the change and Ottoman-Lutheran Relationship and Protection of Protestantism by the Ottoman State.

The article reports that Martin Luther wrote directly about Islam or Muslim religious beliefs and practices on only six occasion. Martin Luther's sources on Turk and Islam in the midst of the fear of Ottoman imperialism and role of Turks in the political and social and theological conditions of Europe and his views on Quran are mentioned.

The article repoprts on the view of the author on the sixteenth century travel of the french travelers to the Ottoman empire and also the impact of travels in the ottoman empire on the Guillaume postel and philippe Canaye"s views on the reformation. The view and contour of the scoiety on their travel are discussed.

The article reports on the condition of the society in the Ottoman empire and the change in the patriarchal culture in turkey and also presents views of kyrillos Loukaris on the changes brought upon the society by the rulers. Renewal, Innovation and Tradition as a matter of common discourse in Early Modern Ottoman Empire are also discussed.

Revolutionary ideologies such as Marxism and Islamism often aim to transform dominant local structures, leading their proponents to find themselves torn between global ideologies and local politics. A critical question arises: What does happen when a revolutionary movement's ideology drastically contradicts with the movement's local pragmatic purposes? Analyzing Kurdistan Workers' Party ( PKK) in Turkey, this article explores the complex process of ideological transformation under the forces of local competition. Drawing on Mikhail Bakhtin's dialogic approach, I introduce the concept of symbolic localization to understand how revolutionary ideologies evolve through pragmatic concerns. Symbolic localization refers to a discursive process of collective reputation work in which social movement activists blend local cultural repertoires and their 'we' identity in order to build recognition, legitimacy, and prestige in the eyes of local population. Three major mechanisms of the symbolic localization process are identified: moral authority building, public symbolism, and memory work. Symbolic localization suggests analyzing movement ideology as a discursive process and illuminates how political activists are shaped by relational local engagements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Terrorist attacks committed in 2003 by Turkish Islamist extremists threatened the social identity of Turkish Muslims by associating them with terrorism. Using a 2 × 3 experimental design, we categorized Turkish respondents and terrorists as members of a shared superordinate group (' Muslims') or as members of separate subgroups. When sharing superordinate group membership with terrorists, less identified Turkish respondents experienced ambivalent identification, i.e., they sought to maintain attachment to their group while simultaneously seeking distance from it. Ambivalent identification was reduced when respondents emphasized their typicality as members of a Muslim subgroup that did not include terrorists. The discussion focuses on ambivalent identification as a response to identity threat, and the implications for Islamist terrorism for the social identity of Muslims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One approach within the Islamic camp treats Islam, which emphasizes overarching notions such as the ' Islamic brotherhood' and ' ummah', as incompatible with ethno-nationalist ideas and movements. It is, however, striking that in the last decades, several Islamic and conservative groups in Turkey have paid increasing attention to the Kurdish issue, supporting their ethnic demands and sentiments. Even more striking, the leftist, secular Kurdish ethno-nationalists have adopted a more welcoming attitude toward Islam. How can we explain such intriguing developments and shifts? Using original data derived from several elite interviews and a public opinion survey, this study shows that the struggle for Kurdish popular support and legitimacy has encouraged political elites from both camps to enrich their ideological toolbox by borrowing ideas and discourses from each other. Further, Turkish and Kurdish nationalists alike utilize Islamic discourses and ideas to legitimize their competing nationalist claims. Exploring such issues, the study also provides theoretical and policy implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the Nur movement, which was founded by Bediuezzaman Said Nursi to pose state modernization challenges in Turkey, which elaborated in scholarly studies. It mentions that Nur community's belief in Qur'an constructs the Muslim identity emerged into renewalism, which is a traditional Islamic concept. It suggests studying Nursi's life to understand the development of his approach to politics and Islam.

istanbul—The effort to forge new forms of non-Western modernity in the Muslim world has pushed Iran into sometimes bloody civil strife while Turkey swirls with persistent rumors of military plots against the Islamist-rooted government. The great historical question is whether, in the years to come, Iran will look more like Turkey, or Turkey like Iran? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the life and thoughts of Mehmed Emin Bozarslan, a Kurdish mullah from Turkey. He was born in 1934 in a village in the district of Lice in Diyarbakir. Bozarslan's father was also a village mullah. His life story was described as a commitment to voicing his people's problems. He is said to be exceptional because he had a critical and oppositional voice and was in dialogue and debate with various social and political agents and institutions such as sheikhs, tribal chieftain and muftis as well as leftist intellectuals in Turkey. Bozarslan refers Islamic teachings based on the Qurʾān and the sayings of the Prophet as egalitarian in characteristic. Several books published by Bozarsland which earned hostile reactions from other Muslim leaders are mentioned.

The article looks at the global vision of Turkey's Presidency of Religious Affairs (PRA), or Diyanet. The vision of Diyanet is to become, through its services, an institution highly esteemed not only by Muslims but also by non-believers and agnostics as well. Diyanet is an institution that stands for all Muslims in Turkey. It constructed its self-image with respect to the religious needs and services of Turkish society, which itself has gone through a radical process of reform affecting practically all dimensions of social life.

The article considers the fact of Turkey-religiosity and its relationship with the Presidency of Religious Affairs (PRA) in detail, along with the influence of the PRA, which has important functions in the determination of Turkey's religious politics. In general, religiosity can be understood as a fact that expresses a religious attitude, experience and style of behavior. For religious Muslims, Islamic practices and worship are criteria for believers to be described as religious or devout. The article discusses PRA activities such as the administration of mosques, the hajj and umrah organizations.

The article offers information on the Turkish Diyanet Foundation (TDF). Founded in 1975, TDF is a juristic entity under the supervision of the General Directorate of Foundations. Its aim is to help and support the Presidency of Religious Affairs in introducing Islam with its genuine characteristics and enlightening society about religion, building and equipping mosques in needed locations, opening and running medical treatment centers for the indigent, delivering the almsgiving made by Muslim citizens to the needy according to the rules, and developing social aid and relief services. The organs of TDF can be categorized under four main headings: the General Assembly, Board of Trustees, Auditing Committee, and Directorate General.

The article discusses the interpretation of Islamic sciences by the Muslim minority in Bulgaria. The Bulgarian government held various ideas and adopted different strategies vis-à-vis Turkey, the Arab world, European countries, and the Far East. From the declaration of Tanzīmāt onward, scientific and ideological relations continued even after Turkey and Bulgaria had become separate states. These relationships were considered an extension of political groups organized in cities in Bulgaria, which had originally opposed the Istanbul government. While some Bulgarian Muslim intellectuals supported the continuity of this relationship, others strived to increase local scientific and intellectual production in Bulgaria distinct from earlier Turkish achievements.

The author comments on the issue of Turkish crisis and the impact it has on the rest of the Muslim world. He argues that it is the biggest test of relations between Islam and the West since 9/11. He believes that secularism will survive democracy in Turkey and Muslim elsewhere will realize the value of both.

In this age of confrontation, the secular Turkish model has been seen as a bridge between Islam and the West as well as the link between Europe and Asia. Now that model faces the most severe test in its history. How the current crisis is settled will frame future relations between Islam and the West no less than the events of 9/11. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article studies the endeavor of religious Muslims to weave Muslim practice and institutions into the heterogeneous lifeworlds of modern society in Istanbul,Turkey. Using a phenomenological and practice-theoretical approaches, it was shown that an important aspect of "inhabiting Istanbul in a Muslim way" is the active perception of the heterogeneous lifeworld.

The article examines the battles, prejudices and future perspectives of Turkey and the European Union. At the September 2004 American Academy of Berlin meeting, then German Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer comments that Turkey's accession to the European Union would take place in ten to fifteen years' time. He also expresses that the entry of Turkey, who has a population of 70 million Muslims, would pose difficulties for the shape of things to come in Europe. French President Jacques Chirac and his party promised its people that Turkish accession, if it comes to pass, would be subject to a referendum among the French population.

The article examines the journey of Turkey into Europe and the dilemmas of European civilization. Olli Rehn, European Union enlargement commissioner, declared that Turkey will not become a member of the union today or the near future. The decision was reached by the 25 commissioners on June 29, 2005. The rejection was due to the resistance against enlargement, anxiety over Muslim immigration and general apprehensions over Islam. Viviane Reding, the commissioner from tiny Luxemburg, led the voices in clamoring for a halt in the negotiations with Turkey.

The article examines the future of Europe's encounter with Islam. The author states that Turkey's interest in joining the European Union was to provide the country with a political and juridical framework to enlarge and enforce the institutionalization of democratic rights and freedoms in Turkey. The country provided a site for studying Islamic movements in a politically secularist, pluralistic context. Islamization in Turkey is not the same way as in other Muslim-majority countries, where Islam is taking over political power and gaining influence in all aspects of life.

Describes the different types of co-existing unofficial and official Islams in Turkey from a sociological perspective. Overview of the secularization of Turkey; Emergence of unofficial civil Islam in the public sphere; Changes in political Islam.

In this age of confrontation, the secular Turkish model has been seen as a bridge between Islam and the West as well as the link between Europe and Asia. Now that model faces the most severe test in its history. How the current crisis is settled will frame future relations between Islam and the West no less than the events of 9/11. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To the shock of the world, the mild-mannered Swiss have acted the most radically of any European country out of fear of Muslim immigrants by banning minarets. Was this a blow against tolerance, or for it? Is Islam a European religion, or is Europe a Christian club? Meanwhile, as Turkey becomes more confident in its regional power and Muslim identity it is shaking up some old friends. In this section, two of Europe's most prominent Muslim voices, the foreign minister of Sweden and a top Turkish official try to sort it out. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To the shock of the world, the mild-mannered Swiss have acted the most radically of any European country out of fear of Muslim immigrants by banning minarets. Was this a blow against tolerance, or for it? Is Islam a European religion, or is Europe a Christian club? Meanwhile, as Turkey becomes more confident in its regional power and Muslim identity it is shaking up some old friends. In this section, two of Europe's most prominent Muslim voices, the foreign minister of Sweden and a top Turkish official try to sort it out. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The drama between the secularist legacy of Ataturk and the popular surge of Islamist-rooted politics continues in Turkey, centered on the debate over the headscarf. Is it a sign of religious reaction, or a sign of non-Western modernization that will ensure higher education for Muslim women? We represent here all sides of the debate. Elsewhere in the Muslim world are the reformers and critics listening to each other, or impeding progress with a blame game? Europe's most controversial figures in this debate—Ayaan Hirsi Ali and Tariq Ramadan—engage here. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this age of confrontation, the secular Turkish model has been seen as a bridge between Islam and the West as well as the link between Europe and Asia. Now that model faces the most severe test in its history. How the current crisis is settled will frame future relations between Islam and the West no less than the events of 9/11. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The state-sponsored modernization in Turkey can be interpreted as a civilizational conversion, from the Ottoman-Islamic one to the Turkish-Western one. This conversion operates at the primary level of distinctions taste, body language, eating habits and dress codes. When this happens when the cultural definitions of self and the imperatives of modernity are separated, we end up both with fragmented individuals and distorted modernity. In the Turkish case, the civilizational conversion mutilated the Muslim person who has returned to the historical scene through radical Islam as a kind of distorted collective identity. Contemporary Islamic movements mostly define themselves as critiques of Western civilization.

In this age of confrontation, the secular Turkish model has been seen as a bridge between Islam and the West as well as the link between Europe and Asia. Now that model faces the most severe test in its history. How the current crisis is settled will frame future relations between Islam and the West no less than the events of 9/11. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]