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Religion is an omnipresent concern for the Iranian community residing in the Greater Toronto Area and York Region (GTA and YR). While the experience of Islamophobia appears to be a unidirectional attitude from the host onto the diasporic community, this research indicates the complexities of Canada's Muslim experience. According to this research, the Iranian Diasporas present an ingroup Islamophobia by expressing anger and hostility toward Iranian Muslim community members. In an attempt to set communal boundaries by restructuring one's ethnic identity, the historical and environmental factors simultaneously influence social interaction between the Iranian Muslim community and other Iranian‐Canadians. This paper examines the Iranian religious identity and its relationship with Iranian history, Western Islamophobia, and non‐Islamiosity to examine the Iranian Muslims’ experience in Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: In this work, I document variation in husbands' participation in household duties, an indicator of gender equality, by comparing ethnoreligious affiliation group, human capital, and autonomy. Background: Scholars posit a relationship between religiosity and traditional gender relations, impacted by cultural norms and women's human capital. Israel's diverse ethnoreligious landscape provides an excellent context for empirically evaluating posited relationships. Method: The study analyzed quantitative data from the Israel Social Survey on 1,900 married women (1,529 Jews and 371 Arabs). Results: Husbands of Arab women were 83% less likely than husbands of Jewish women to share household duties. Among Jewish couples, husbands of traditional‐religious women were 29% less likely than husbands of secular women to share household duties. Further, among Jewish couples, there was no difference in husbands' sharing of household duties between ultra‐Orthodox women and secular women. Among Arabs, Druze husbands were almost 3 times more likely to participate than Muslim husbands. Among Arab Muslims, religious husbands were 2.40 times more likely to share household duties than nonreligious Muslims. Conclusion: Findings support C. Goldscheider's culture hypothesis, suggesting that the uniqueness of the affiliation group is most important. However, although human capital did not strongly moderate husbands' participation, women's autonomy did. Implication: Public policy should be sensitive to differences between ethnoreligious groups in supporting gender equality. For instance, policy makers should encourage religious leaders to preach values that promote such equality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Radical ethnonationalism has drastically risen in Western politics, largely mobilized by nostalgia for the country's past with homogeneity and Christianity as a cultural symbol against non‐Western immigrants, especially Muslims. However, how nostalgia for Christianity's past significance can invoke anti‐Muslim sentiments is unknown, especially given that Christianity is increasingly losing its previous status under secularization, resulting in radical backlash from the Christian right. In the current study, I examine whether nostalgia related to religion and the religious–secular gap in the perceived status of religion can induce anti‐Muslim attitudes among Christians from 20 Western countries using International Social Survey Programme data and mixed‐effect multilevel modeling. Contrary to expectations, anti‐Muslim attitudes are stronger for people with higher levels of Christian religiosity and doctrinal belief, and exclusivist view on religion, when they have less religious nostalgia by perceiving a stronger status of religion. Moreover, in countries with a larger religious–secular gap in the perceived status of religion, people holding exclusivist views on religion are more hostile to Muslims. Yet, the findings can still be consistent with theoretical expectations, since anti‐Muslim attitudes are likely promoted through backlash from the Christian community against religious diversity, expressed in demands for a larger salience of religion rather than nostalgia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ht B Ethnographic Statement b These autoethnographic poems reflect how Islamic patriarchal culture influences non-religious women in a Muslim-dominant Kazakhstan. Since then, Kazakhstan has actively participated in the global modernization that successfully accompanies national revival and strengthening of patriarchal norms, including the implied rejection of liberal ideas of gender equality, to which the poems speak. A Religion Not Mine: Four Autoethnographic Poems about the Influence of Islam on Non-Religious Women in Muslim-Dominant Kazakhstan. [Extracted from the article]

Since 2014, observers of Chinese society have noted an upsurge in Islamophobic sentiment among China's ethnic majority Han. China's Muslims, in particular those who identify as Hui and Uyghur, report an increase in harassment, both online and in person. This Islamophobic backlash occurs in conjunction with retrenchments by the Chinese state on the right to practice religion. What gives rise to this increase in bigotry? This pilot study examines official discourse about Islam through an inductive analysis of the presentation of Muslims in China's state media. Using a process of constant comparative analysis, I examine the state media's portrayal of Muslims in the flagship newspaper, The People's Daily. Drawing from a sample of 70 articles published between 2014 and 2018, I argue that the party's depiction of Muslim minorities in China emphasizes ethnic rather than religious identities, while coverage of global Islam emphasizes Islam as dangerous and associated with extremism. I contend that such depictions carry the unintended consequence of arousing suspicions about China's Muslims among Han. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary: This article is a spiritual autoethnography that discusses the necessity and possibility of finding names for personal religious or spiritual beliefs. It investigates the multiple nature of selfhood, crossing boundaries, and shifting identities by relating the life story of the author from being born a Muslim to being an atheist, and then to becoming interested in religious mysticism and being a devoted spiritual traveler. By means of autoethnographic techniques, the article illustrates how people are urged to find new names for what they are specifically when they perform religious rules of a faith in a different way. The article also discusses the consequences of re‐naming. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the discursive contestation among online news media about women in leadership roles within a Muslim majority society, Indonesia. Indonesian women have established a substantial leadership role in which the "ideal" modern woman has been the image of "wanita karir," a commingling of various Indonesian feminist discourses and Western (post)feminist discursive formations. Despite the progress, women's leadership in Indonesia has recently been challenged by reactionary Islamist forces. Using a critical poststructural discourse perspective, we identify a range of four forms of femininity and female leadership in Indonesian online media that reside at the intersections of competing discourses. This paper offers two areas of contributions. First, we identify the leadership challenges faced by women in a South‐East Asian context, in particular within a democratic Muslim society like Indonesia. Second, we contribute to the theorization of women's leadership challenges from the perspective of femininity construction. In particular, we want to emphasize the notion of the multiplicity of discourses in shaping femininities. In doing so, we demonstrate the permutability, transformability, and adaptability of gender discrimination in our identified forms of femininity, and the limitations of the virtuous burden imposed by apparently supportive discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prior research in Europe and North America demonstrates that religious discrimination against Muslim people, commonly known as Islamophobia, results in many negative mental health impacts, including depression, anxiety, isolation, and feelings of exclusion (Awan & Zempi, 2015). In Canada, Muslim women face a unique form of discrimination based on their religious, racial, and gender identities (Helly, 2012; Zine, 2008). Grounded in feminist intersectional theory and practice (Hill Collins & Bilge, 2016), the present manuscript emerges from a community‐based project centered on Muslim women's experiences of discrimination and resulting adverse mental health impacts. Through a series of five focus groups (N = 55), the research team engaged with Muslim women from diverse backgrounds in order to gain a more complete understanding of mental health inequities in Canada. Thematic analyses of focus group data revealed that Muslim women participants regularly experience Islamophobic discrimination and face multiple barriers when attempting to access culturally relevant and responsive supports. Results illuminate the potential of reciprocal, community‐based research to investigate and respond to mental health disparities experienced by Muslim women in Canada. Highlights: Gendered Islamophobia is a unique form of Islamophobia that impacts Muslim women.Islamophobia directly and indirectly negatively impacts Muslim women's mental health.Intersectionality‐in‐practice enriches collaborative approaches to community‐based justice research.Microaggression Theory can assist in contextualizing experiences of subtle discrimination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A number of studies have found a relationship between religious affiliation and attitudes toward LGBQ individuals. To date, however, research on religious attitudes has focused primarily on Christians. We expanded upon existing research by including two of the three largest U.S. religions previously overlooked—Islam and Judaism. We used data from the 2014 Religious Landscape Study, which provided a larger sample of Jewish (n = 475) and Muslim (n = 135) respondents than most public opinion surveys. We found that Muslim and Protestant participants were the least accepting of homosexuality and supportive of same‐sex marriage compared with Roman Catholic and Jewish participants. Results also showed that fundamentalism and religiosity were significant predictors of attitudes toward homosexuality and same‐sex marriage across all participants, regardless of denomination. Implications for future research and data collection efforts learned from this study are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Voting is key to political integration of immigrant‐background minorities, but what determines their voting preferences remains unclear. Moreover, dual‐citizen minorities can vote differently in their country of residence and origin. Using a representative survey of Turkish‐Muslim minorities in two cities in Belgium (N = 447, M_age = 36.3), we asked whether left‐right ideology or religious identity predicted their voting in their country of residence and origin, besides typical predictors of right‐wing voting (i.e., efficacy, deprivation, and authoritarianism). Authoritarianism, low political efficacy, and high deprivation predicted voting for right‐wing parties in Turkey, whereas the latter two, surprisingly, predicted voting for the left in Belgium. Latent class analyses of their religious practices distinguished "moderate" versus "strict" Muslims. While "strict" Muslims voted for right‐wing parties in Turkey, ideology did not predict their voting. Conversely, in Belgium, while Muslim identity did not predict their voting, ideology did. Analyzing their combined effects, "moderate" Muslims voted based on their ideology—right‐leaning voting for the right, whereas "strict" Muslims voted according to their interests as a disadvantaged minority in Belgium—thus voting for the left—or as a devout Muslim in Turkey—thus voting for the right. Our results elucidate processes underlying the voting behaviors of European‐Muslim minorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While conducting this research, I encountered numerous generalizations from Madurese people about people's religious identities within Madura, such as "Are there any religions other than Islam in Madura?" In general, many Madurese perceive that Chinese-Madurese relations represent Christian-Muslim relations because the majority of Christians living in Madura are Chinese. In this context, I interviewed Madurese Christians, non-Madurese Christians (the majority of them are Chinese), and Christian leaders living in Madura. [Extracted from the article]

This article explores white British Muslim experiences of, and strategic performative responses to, the (mis/ non)recognition of their seemingly incompatible religious and ethnic identities. Based on in-depth interviews (N = 26), it highlights how the different identity categories they hold relate to one another, influencing processes of perceived recognition in interactional contexts. White British Muslims perceive their ethnic and religious identities to be (mis/not) recognized in complex and contradictory ways. Their identities are affirmed, denied, erased, and/or incorrectly ascribed, sometimes simultaneously, by relevant others in different contexts. Performative strategies such as the adoption, maintenance, or removal of identity markers are used consciously and agentically in attempts to take back control over how their identities are (mis/not) recognized. At times deliberate performative acts leading to misrecognition are orchestrated by white Muslims themselves to not only minimize the risk of experiencing possible harm or marginalization but also to transgress and challenge norms. They also assert their multiple identities as a response to (mis/non)recognition and claims of their identities being incompatible, regardless of the repercussions that may result in them being placed at the margins of, or excluded from, their ingroups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We implement a lab‐in‐the‐field experiment among childcare workers in Chandigarh, India, to evaluate discriminatory attitudes of the Hindu workers toward Muslim children. We use a third‐party allocation game that controls for selfish payoff‐maximizing preferences across the treatments and focus exclusively on distributional attitudes. Our results indicate that the workers in our sample are primarily motivated by welfare‐based criteria in making their allocation decisions and do not practice discrimination based on religious identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Grounded in cultural developmental and critical gender perspectives, this study focuses on the narratives of early adolescent Muslim females. The mixed‐methods study sample included 26 individuals who identify as Muslim and female and was designed to understand the strengths and challenges they face from a youth‐centered and ecologically valid perspective as they negotiate normative developmental experiences (e.g., participating in sports, developing a personal style in terms of dress) given the religious meaning of the onset of puberty. Youth described a wide range of personal, peer, family, and faith based support that they draw on, but also outlined societal and family related challenges. The manuscript concludes with future directions for developmental science scholarship and implications for practitioners and families. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study uses survey data from 17 countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, along with country-level indicators, to examine the relationship between religious identity and the odds of completing primary schooling, as a key aspect of socioeconomic inequality. The results reveal a significant and robust schooling disadvantage for Muslims and those of traditional African faiths both relative to Christians at the aggregate level as well as within 13 country samples. This effect is seen in both rural and urban areas and is slightly smaller among men versus women, though it is still large and significant. The effect is also larger in countries in West Africa, with greater Muslim populations, with cooperative church-state relations, and with mandatory religious education in schools. I interpret these results to indicate greater obstacles to the establishment of the legitimacy of the formal school system among Muslim and traditionalist families and communities, as a still troublesome legacy of the historical links between Christian missionization and the colonial project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does the U.S. public's support for the use of harsh interrogation and detention practices against terrorism suspects depend upon the religious identity of the alleged perpetrators? Some scholarly research indicates greater public acceptance for abridging the rights of Muslims after 9/11. This is consistent with literature suggesting that heightened perception of threat decreases popular tolerance for racial, ethnic, and religious outgroups. This study executes a survey experiment and finds respondents to be more permissive of the use of extraordinary detention practices, such as indefinite detention and denying suspects access to legal counsel and civilian criminal courts, against terror suspects identified as Muslims. Furthermore, the study reveals that respondents are significantly less likely to treat domestic, right-wing terrorist suspects with extraordinary detention, suggesting ingroup leniency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 1957, Malaysian public life has been organized around a historic conflation of three important political themes: 'race, religion and royalty', or '3R', all of which are purportedly championed and defended by the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO). This article explores how this conflation of themes became so important to this postcolonial nation-state, specifically by investigating its influence in shaping Malaya's territorial limits. The 3R conflation has deep historical roots which stretch much further back than the moment of decolonization, as shown by a series of approaches to Britain made by Malay Muslim rulers between 1895 and 1902-the period in which a boundary between Malaya and Siam was first negotiated. During these years, these rulers-all of whom ruled over Siamese tributaries-appealed to Britain to colonize their polities to prevent their incorporation into Siam. Their appeals were framed in terms of 3R, giving momentum to the idea of a 'Malay Muslim' geo-body in Malaya, in which a transformed monarchy should preside over a modernized sacral sphere of racial and religious identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In two studies, we tested a model in which the perceived (in)compatibility of being British and Muslim (identity incompatibility) was expected to mediate between group-based discrimination and the identifications and attitudes of British Muslims. In Study 1 ( N = 76), anti-Muslim discrimination was associated with lower national identification and more negative attitudes toward non-Muslims, and these relationships were mediated by perceived identity incompatibility. In Study 2 ( N = 70), we additionally found that anti-Muslim discrimination predicted stronger endorsement of Islamic group rights, and this relationship was also mediated by perceived identity incompatibility. The studies highlight the importance of group-based discrimination in shaping the perceived (in)compatibility of being British and Muslim, and, in turn, the identifications and attitudes of British Muslims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores religious adolescents' reported experiences of secondary schools. Fifty-four qualitative interviews were conducted in places of worship in three cities in England with Christians (n=46), Jews (n=38) and Muslims (n=15). Secondary schools of a religious and non-religious character were reported as not providing a suitable environment for religious observances, nor as a place to act and behave according to participants' religious principles. Religious adolescents reported prejudice and criticism of their beliefs or religious affiliations from their peers and sometimes from teachers. They also perceived their religious traditions to be distorted, inaccurately or unfairly represented in some lessons. The focus of this paper is the identity choices religious adolescents reported in response to these challenges. Three groups of identity choices are theorised and explored: religious identity seeking, religious identity declaration and religious identity masking. The findings are discussed in view of religious identity construction theory, good practice for teachers and also the potential concerns of faith communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses an analysis of the final chapters of the research study "Kitab al-Kashf wa'l-Bayan fi Sharh Iftiraq al-Firaq wa'l-Adyan" by Abu 'Abdullah Muhammad b. Sa'id al-Qalhati. Topics covered include the use of heresiography in establishing religious identities, the distinct Ibadi beliefs and practices, and the people who made significant contributions in spreading Ibadism. It also discusses the teacher lines presented in the final chapters of Al-Qalhati's work.

Ethiopian Muslims have only had access to public space and opportunity for religious self-definition and collective influence since 1991. During little more than two decades, how have they advanced subjective agency within the political constraints of the current government, the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front or EPRDF? This article addresses that question by backgrounding the history of Islamic expansion into Ethiopia, tracing Muslim engagement with Christian political elites over several hundred years, till the latter part of the 21st century. After the deposition of Haile Selasse in 1974, the DERG assumed power and in the name of a socialist agenda, suppressed all religions from 1975-1991. DERG socialism has been replaced by EPRDF pluralism, yet the structural constraints of the latter have weakened the efforts of Ethiopian Muslims to find their rightful place in the public square. Abetted and assisted by overseas immigrant communities, in both Western Europe and North America, Ethiopian Muslims continue to contest securitization and marginalization by the state, even as they struggle with regional, national and transnational issues that impact all Muslim identity politics in the second decade of the 21st century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Religious group identification is an important but understudied social identity. The present study investigates religious group identification among adolescents of different faiths (Hindu, Muslim, Christian) living in multicultural Mauritius. It further explores how religious and national group identities come together among religious majority and minority adolescents. For three age groups (11 to 19 years, N = 2152) we examined the strength of adolescents’ religious and national group identification, the associations between these two identities, and the relationships to global self‐esteem. Across age and religious group, participants reported stronger identification with their religious group than with the nation. Identification with both categories declined with age, with the exception of Muslims, whose strong religious identification was found across adolescence. The association between religious and national identification was positive, albeit stronger for the majority group of Hindus and for early adolescents. We examined the manner in which religious and national identities come together using a direct self‐identification measure and by combining the separate continuous measures of identification. Four distinct clusters of identification (predominant religious identifiers, dual identifiers, neutrals, and separate individuals) that were differently associated with global self‐esteem were found. Dual identifiers reported the highest level of global self‐esteem. The clusters of identification did not fully correspond to the findings for the direct self‐identification measure. The results are discussed in terms of the meaning of dual identity and the positive manner in which adolescents can manage their multiple identities while taking into account the ideological framework in which those identities are played out. L'identification à un groupe religieux est un type d'identité sociale important, mais peu étudié. La présente étude porte sur l'identification à un groupe religieux chez des adolescents de différentes croyances (hindoue, musulmane et chrétienne) habitant dans une Île Maurice multiculturelle. Cette étude s'intéresse aussi à la question de savoir comment les identités religieuses et nationales sont liées chez les adolescents de la majorité et de la minorité religieuse. À partir de trois groupes d’âges (de 11 à 19 ans, n = 2152) nous avons étudié la force de l'identification religieuse et au groupe national d'adolescents, le lien entre ces deux identités et leurs relations à l'estime de soi globale. À travers les groupes d’âges et religieux, les participants ont manifesté une identification plus forte à leur groupe religieux qu’à leur nation. L'identification aux deux catégories diminue en fonction de l’âge, à l'exception des musulmans pour lesquels une identification religieuse forte est présente tout au long de l'adolescence. L'association entre l'identification religieuse et nationale est positive quoique plus forte pour le groupe majoritaire hindou et pour les adolescents les plus jeunes. Nous avons étudié de quelle façon les identités religieuse et nationale se lient grâce à mesure directe d'auto‐identification et en combinant les mesures continues séparées d'identification. Nous avons trouvé quatre groupes distincts d'identification (s'identifiant avant tout à la religion, s'identifiant à la religion et à la nation, les neutres et les individus séparés) ayant chacun un lien différent avec l'estime de soi globale. Ceux qui s'identifient à la fois à la religion et à la nation rapportent un niveau d'estime de soi globale plus élevé. Il n'y a pas une correspondance exacte entre les groupes d'identification et les résultats de la mesure directe d'auto‐identification. Nous discutons des résultats en fonction de l'identité double et de la manière positive avec laquelle les adolescents peuvent gérer leurs identités multiples tout en prenant en compte le cadre idéologique dans lequel ces identités s'expriment. La identificación grupal religiosa es una identidad social importante pero que no se ha investigado lo suficiente. El presente estudio investiga la identificación grupal religiosa en adolescentes de diferentes religiones (hindú, musulmana, cristiana) que viven en un Mauricio multicultural. Además, se explora de qué manera las identidades grupales religiosas y nacionales armonizan entre los adolescentes de las religiones mayoritarias y minoritarias. Se examinaron la fortaleza de la identificación grupal religiosa y nacional de los adolescentes, las asociaciones entre estas dos identidades, y la relación con la autoestima global en tres grupos de distintas edades (11a 19 años, N = 2152). Entre edad y grupo religioso, los sujetos informaron sentirse más identificados con su grupo religioso que con la nación. La identificación con ambas categorías declina con la edad, con la excepción de los musulmanes cuya fuerte identificación religiosa estuvo presente a lo largo de la adolescencia. La asociación entre la identificación religiosa y nacional fue positiva aunque más fuerte para el grupo de mayoría hindú y los adolescentes más jóvenes. Se examinó la manera en que las identidades religiosas y nacionales armonizan por medio de una medida de autoidentificación directa y la combinación de las medidas separadas continuas de identificación. Se encontraron cuatro células distintas de identificación (predominantemente religiosa, compartida, neutra, y separada) que estuvieron asociadas de un modo distinto con la autoestima global. Los que tenían identificaciones compartidas informaron los niveles más elevados de autoestima. Los grupos de identificación no se correspondieron completamente con los hallazgos para la medida de autoidentificación directa. Se analizan los resultados a la luz del significado de la identidad compartida y la manera positiva en la que los adolescentes pueden manejar sus identidades múltiples, tomando en cuenta el marco ideológico donde se ven expresadas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article chronicles the efforts of two Muslim American women in Milwaukee, Wisconsin to become activists in the aim of downplaying stereotypes related to Muslims and to decrease discrimination against those practicing Islam. The article discusses their leadership role in the Muslim Women Organization (MWO) and presents their comments on how faith influenced their decision to advocate for Muslims. Other topics include the rights of Muslim women, Islamophobia, and Muslim identity.

Minorities may define themselves at a superordinate (e.g., national) level and also at a subgroup (minority) level. However, others' recognition of such dual identifications cannot be guaranteed. This paper investigates how members of a minority (Muslims in the UK) constructed their superordinate and subgroup identities in such a way as to assert a commonality with British non-Muslims whilst asserting their religious subgroup's distinctiveness. Reporting qualitative data obtained through interviews ( N = 28), the analysis explores how British Muslims negotiated concerns over commonality and distinctiveness through describing themselves as being British in a Muslim way. The implications of these self-definitions for the theorization of dual identities, their recognition, and intergroup relations are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on a case study of a graveyard dispute in Numuyel, a Serahuli village in eastern Gambia, this article argues that conflicts between local Muslim communities are not so much a matter of how differently they bury their dead but of how differently they 'live' Islam in daily practice. It illustrates that graveyards are more than burial sites; they are spatial representations of the ways social order, religious authority, and political legitimacy are constructed. Although focusing on a dispute in a small West African village, the case has far wider applications in that it offers a window onto the impact of reformist Islam on local Islamic traditions and is linked to questions of how space is related to the formation of Muslim identity, how Muslim identities are (re)negotiated in daily life, how Islamic knowledge is defined, and who holds the power and authority to determine 'true Islam'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the question of when and for what purpose Muslims will act collectively in the political arena. The impact of religious identity salience, goal framing, and normative constraints on political mobilization was examined in two Muslim communities with different group positions in Dutch society. Both Moroccan-Dutch and Turkish-Dutch Muslims expressed their willingness to take normative or nonnormative political action to promote religious ('defend Islam'), ethnic ('help homeland'), or superordinate group goals ('protect human rights'). When their Muslim identity was made salient, Moroccan Muslims were more ready to take normative action to promote religious goals and also more likely to engage in nonnormative action. In contrast, Turkish Muslims were less willing to take action when their Muslim identity was salient, except for superordinate human rights goals. Our findings caution against simplistic assumptions about all Muslims by contextualizing the ways in which religion plays out in the political arena. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates religious identity consolidation in terms of the endorsement of the rights of Dutch Muslims to publicly express their identity, and identity mobilization in terms of the attitude towards normative forms of political organization. Identity consolidation and mobilization were examined as a function of the content of Muslim identity. A distinction was made between an individualized and a communal interpretation of what it means to be a Muslim, in addition to orthodox belief. Personal meaning and personal certainty as two aspects of an individualized interpretation were found to be positively associated to the endorsement of Muslim expressive rights, but not to the attitude towards political organization. Behavioural involvement and Muslim group interdependence were positively associated with identity organization. Orthodoxy was related to both identity consolidation and mobilization. Theoretical implications of these results are discussed. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the identity of Malay Muslims in Malaysia. It tackles the so-called Hang Tuah-Hang Jebat debates during the 1980s, which focused on a portion of the Malay epic Hang Tuah, and its implications for Malay identity. The struggle for Malay independence and its depiction in the book "The Malay Dilemma," by Mohammad Mahathir are discussed. Also discussed is the divergence of the narratives of Islamization and its relationship with religious pluralism, interfaith conflict and conflict resolution efforts.

This paper explores the ways in which village Muslims living in the Chitral region of northern Pakistan seek to nurture and sustain their region as a socially heterogeneous space by actively embarking on local forms of travel. The heterogeneity of places in the region offers potentials for Chitrali Muslims to enact diverse ways of being Muslim, forge complex structures of attachment to Chitral, and cultivate an attitude of curiosity as to the heterogeneity of life in their region. The expanding body of anthropological work on sacred landscapes is brought into conversation with ethnographic studies in urban settings of the role played by everyday practices in the formation of Muslim ethical selfhood. In doing so, I suggest the wider insights into understanding the complexity and diversity of Muslim experiences of and responses to modernity that are afforded by a consideration of rural societies. Résumé L’auteur étudie la façon dont les villageois musulmans de la région de Chitral, dans le nord du Pakistan, s’efforcent d’entretenir et de soutenir leur région en tant qu’espace socialement hétérogène, en entreprenant diverses formes de voyages locaux. L’hétérogénéité des lieux au sein même de la région donne aux Chitralis la possibilité de vivre différentes manières d’être musulmans, de forger des structures complexes d’attachement au Chitral et de cultiver une attitude de curiosité envers les multiples visages de la vie dans leur région. Le corpus grandissant de travaux anthropologiques sur les paysages sacrés sont confrontés ici aux études ethnographiques en milieu urbain consacrées au rôle des pratiques quotidiennes dans la formation du Moi éthique musulman. Par ce biais, l’article suggère que l’examen des sociétés rurales élargit l’approche de la complexité et de la diversité des façons dont les musulmans appréhendent la modernité et y répondent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the identity and acculturation experience of Muslim foreign workers in Japan. The psychological impact of prolonged stay in a foreign country was studied by eliciting narratives of experiences of 24 male foreign workers from Bangladesh, Pakistan, and Iran who had been in Japan more than 5 years. By analysing the narratives they produced, three different styles of stories emerged which explained their experiences and their attempts to maintain or construct a sense of identity. Accepting the dominant narrative of Japanese society and describing oneself as ‘almost like Japanese’ was one way. Another strategy stressed the rejection of the dominant narrative as well as attempts to maintain the original narrative of the self as educated and active young men. The third narrative showed how individuals re-defined themselves as Muslim by incorporating religious identity into a central part of their self-concepts, and asserting its pervasive effect on all aspects of life. This study provides a perspective for acculturation research focused on social elements of identity, and derived from experiences in a relatively mono-cultural society recently opening to immigration and in which there is a prevailing ideology of assimilation. Copyright © 2003 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]