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In a move that some equate with a "turn to religion," state, regional, and international donors now all seek to partner with religious organizations to deliver international humanitarian aid. Evidence indicates, however, that this invitation is not always accepted. The United States serves as a prominent example. Although the United States went so far as to establish an office in USAID to facilitate coordination with faith‐based organizations in 2002, the number of religious organizations receiving USAID funds remains low. My research suggests that this is also true of faith‐based aid applications. An online survey of over 400 U.S.‐based nonprofits with international operations reveals that perceptions of government bias likely deter many religious NGOs in the United States from applying for government funds. While this explanation may be unique to the United States, it may also provide a testable hypothesis to scholars studying similar dynamics in other donor countries and organizations. Related Articles: Byrne, Jennifer, and Gregory C. Dixon. 2013. "Reevaluating American Attitudes toward Immigrants in the Twenty‐First Century: The Role of a Multicreedal National Identity." Politics & Policy 41 (1): 83‐116. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12002 Dobransky, Steve. 2014. "Violators amongst Us: International Regimes and the Role of Compliance, a Case Study on Official Development Assistance." Politics & Policy 42 (4): 593‐634. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12082 Persons, Georgia A. 2011. "Administrative Policy Initiatives and the Limits of Change: Lessons from the Implementation of the Bush Faith‐Based and Community Initiative." Politics & Policy 39 (6): 949‐978. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2011.00332.x [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Numerous studies show biblicist Christianity, religiosity, and conservative political identity are strong predictors of Americans holding skeptical attitudes toward publicly controversial aspects of science, such as human evolution. We show that Christian nationalism—meaning the desire to see particularistic and exclusivist versions of Christian symbols, values, and policies enshrined as the established religion of the United States—is a strong and consistent predictor of Americans' attitudes about science above and beyond other religious and political characteristics. Further, a majority of the overall effect of political ideology on skepticism about the moral authority of science is mediated through Christian nationalism, indicating that political conservatives are more likely to be concerned with particular aspects of science primarily because they are more likely to be Christian nationalists. Likewise, substantial proportions of the well‐documented associations between religiosity and biblical "literalism" with views of science are mediated through Christian nationalism. Because Christian nationalism seeks to establish a particular and exclusivist vision of Christianity as the dominant moral order, adherents feel threatened by challenges to the epistemic authority undergirding that order, including by aspects of science perceived as challenging the supremacy of biblicist authority. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article digs beneath the surface of American assumptions regarding war to explore the ethical interconnections between national identity, war, and religion. Striking differences emerge between the dynamics of religion and politics with regard to war and peace in presidential speeches regarding the Iraq and Afghanistan wars, and the analysis of war from an earlier generation, encapsulated by Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.'s 'Beyond Vietnam: A Call to Conscience,' from 1967. Study of this political discourse helps us better understand our own reality in the United States, and the moral consequences of our beliefs about war, sacrifice, the human character, and the identity of the nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Some Hindu immigrants to America - those who subscribe to Hindutva values - desire full rights and recognition in their adopted homeland even as they simultaneously demand that so-called "migrants" to India (that is, Muslims and Christians whose communities have flourished in India for hundreds of years) acquiesce to their vision of India as a "Hindu state." In an American racial landscape that structurally privileges whites, I argue that the cultural categorization of Hindu immigrants into a "lesser-than-whites" minority has only served to fuel the growth of Hindu supremacist groups in the United States. In this article, I draw on fieldwork with two Hindu American summer camps in order to show that some Hindu immigrants misrecognize and repress their own current alienation in a manner that has subsequently aggravated latent antipathies towards Muslim and Christian communities in India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports on nationalism in United States. There are scores of new States in Asia and Africa that are trying to set up free societies. It is a "new birth of freedom" on a grand scale. It is in fact freedom's greatest test, for it involves the older free regimes of Europe and the United States. If truth counts over charity, then one must point out that the new States will fail, if not all, then all but a few. Some are already succumbing to the initial perils of liberty that the last paper of the Federalist warned Americans against: "anarchy, civil war, a perpetual alienation of the States from each other, and perhaps the military despotism of a victorious demagogue." The real wonder is in believing that national unity could ever arise in freedom among the many units that nowadays arrogate to themselves the name of nation. They are nations only to the map maker. Many are areas marked off only for colonial administrative convenience; some have dozens, even hundreds, of languages, several antagonistic religions; a still uncounted welter of tribes living in mutual ignorance or traditional war; and above all there stands the great gulf between the village primitive and the urban modern.