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Religion is an omnipresent concern for the Iranian community residing in the Greater Toronto Area and York Region (GTA and YR). While the experience of Islamophobia appears to be a unidirectional attitude from the host onto the diasporic community, this research indicates the complexities of Canada's Muslim experience. According to this research, the Iranian Diasporas present an ingroup Islamophobia by expressing anger and hostility toward Iranian Muslim community members. In an attempt to set communal boundaries by restructuring one's ethnic identity, the historical and environmental factors simultaneously influence social interaction between the Iranian Muslim community and other Iranian‐Canadians. This paper examines the Iranian religious identity and its relationship with Iranian history, Western Islamophobia, and non‐Islamiosity to examine the Iranian Muslims’ experience in Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the politicization of Muslim minorities in Europe and its impact on academic research. It highlights the need for more nuanced and intersectional approaches to studying Muslim communities, as the category of "Muslim" is diverse and heterogeneous. The article also challenges the assumption that religion is the primary factor influencing social behavior among Muslims, emphasizing the importance of non-religious cultural factors. Additionally, it critiques the focus on conflicts over "liberal democratic values" and calls for a more comprehensive examination of the attitudes and perspectives of both Muslim and non-Muslim populations. The author argues for a rethinking of research methodologies and a de-Muslimification of academic thinking. [Extracted from the article]

This article explores the concept of conviviality: the practice and negotiation of sharing space in suburbs with diverse populations. Australia has a growing Muslim population and reports of Islamophobia remain widespread. While there is some evidence, however, that forming intercultural connections can foster more positive attitudes toward religious minority groups, we know little about how Muslim and non‐Muslim communities share space in Australia. This paper presents the findings of a qualitative investigation into how conviviality is perceived in Australian suburbs with high concentrations of Muslim residents. Following qualitative, thematic analysis of 15 interviews with multicultural service providers who work with Muslims in Melbourne, Victoria, we conclude that conviviality is fostered by a sense of community between people who share similar backgrounds as well as increased opportunities to form intercultural social connections. We discuss the scholarly and policy implications of these findings, with consideration of existing arguments about the practices of sharing space in Australian cities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study employs a mixed‐methods approach to investigate the nature of Facebook posts related to Muslims and LGBTQ+ individuals in Finland, spanning a period of 4 years. Through the use of the CrowdTangle platform, the researchers extracted and analyzed Facebook posts that encompassed predetermined keywords indicative of potential hate speech. The findings underscored divergent patterns of engagement and sentiment toward these two groups, with implications for the different levels of societal acceptance and tolerance exhibited. Posts related to Muslims typically elicited controversy and were often depicted as threats, whereas posts about the LGBTQ+ community generally advocated for inclusivity. However, persistent negative stereotypes about the LGBTQ+ community were also evident. The analysis also brought to light how political parties strategically used these discourses to steer conversations, consolidate their ideological positions, and mobilize their respective supporters. Grounded in the social identity theory, this study sheds light on the complex dynamics of online political discourse, revealing its far‐reaching impacts on societal attitudes, intergroup relations, and formation of group identities. The nuanced understanding derived from these observations suggests that interventions fostering healthier public discussions on social media platforms could contribute significantly to combating societal division, prejudice, and bias. This research underscores the importance of scrutinizing online discourses to address issues of societal cohesion and social acceptance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We analysed tweets from five English‐speaking Canadian political parties in the year leading up to the 2019 federal election to explore both prejudicial and inclusive rhetoric in relation to Muslim identities on social media. We used structural topic modelling to understand what topics were discussed before moving to a rhetorical approach to analyse how topics were discussed. We identified 10 topics. Seven talked about Muslim groups in primarily inclusive ways, including depicting the positive contributions to Canadian society, creating ideological space for Muslim religious practices and invoking superordinate identities with victims of hate crimes to cultivate solidarity. However, the effectiveness of inclusive rhetoric was sometimes questioned due to omitting the subgroup‐specific prejudice faced by Muslims. Prejudicial rhetoric occurred in three of the topics due to the nativist populist PPC party depicting Muslims as a threat to Canadian values, as hostile to people from other religious faiths, and depicting 'elites' in society as concealing the 'true' information concerning Muslims. The study contributes to understanding how politicians attempt to cultivate minority inclusion/exclusion in multicultural contexts through social media, as well as understanding the rhetoric of nativist populism in Canada and its similarities to other Global North contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The text is a book review of "Across the Worlds of Islam: Muslim Identities, Beliefs, and Practices from Asia to America." The book explores the diversity of Muslim experiences and challenges the traditional focus on Arabic-language texts and orthodox beliefs. It examines how Muslims express their religious identities through various aspects of everyday life, such as body care, artistic expression, and communal gatherings. The book also discusses the US's global war on terror and its impact on Islamic education in Uganda, arguing that the proposed reforms aim to control the production of Islamic truth. Overall, the book offers a nuanced and diverse perspective on Islam and its practices. [Extracted from the article]

The security of the Uyghur ethnic community in Xinjiang became an international concern after media reports about the existence of re‐education camps. History has recorded that the Uyghur often experienced violation of their human security rights. This violation worsened when the Chinese Community Party (CCP) succeeded in controlling the entire mainland. The three pillars of human security that should be ensured by the state, freedom from fear, freedom from want and freedom to live in dignity were violated by the CCP. Using the theory of social construction process, the finding of the research was that the violations aimed to insert socialist and communist values into Uyghur's identity and to control their province, which rich in natural resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political theory is interested in the misrecognition of identity because it impacts individuals' autonomy in their self‐definition and thus their ability to articulate and pursue identity‐related interests. Here, we explore minority group members' experiences of being seen in terms that do not accord with their self‐definition. Our data are qualitative, gathered through walking interviews with 24 Muslims in Scotland. Focusing on interactions in which they reported discrepancies between how they and others saw them, we differentiate four forms of misrecognition: (1) having the meaning of a valued identity (i.e., one's Muslim identity) defined by others in ways that one judges inaccurate and inappropriate; (2) having one's membership of a valued community (e.g., as a member of Scottish society) denied or rejected; (3) having one's identity (i.e., one's Muslim identity) overlooked such that one's distinctive identity‐related needs are not taken into account; (4) being seen in terms of just one of one's many social identities (i.e., one's Muslim identity) such that other identities (judged more situationally relevant) are ignored. This empirically grounded typology contributes to wider debates about the forms of identity (mis)recognition and their political implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: To assess Muslim physician experiences with religious discrimination and identify strategies for better accommodating Muslim identity in health care. Data Sources and Study Setting: Interviews were conducted with Muslim physicians from three US‐based Muslim clinician organizations between June and August 2021. Study Design: In‐depth, semi‐structured qualitative interviews used a phenomenological approach to describe experiences of religious discrimination and accommodation. A team‐based framework approach to coding was used to inductively generate themes from interview data. Data Collection/Extraction Methods: Physicians from the Islamic Medical Association of North America, American Muslim Health Professionals, and the US Muslim Physicians group were invited to participate using closed organizational listservs. Inclusion criteria sought English‐speaking, self‐identifying Muslims with current or past affiliation with a university hospital in the United States. Potential participants were segmented into groups based on responses to questions about perceived religious discrimination and accommodation. Purposive sampling was used to iteratively approach participants within these groups in order to capture a diverse respondent pool. Interviews stopped after thematic saturation was reached. Principal Findings: Eighteen physicians (11 women and 7 men; mean age: 41.5 [standard deviation = 12.91] years) were interviewed. Nearly all (n = 16) held Islam to be important in their lives. Three overarching themes, with several subthemes, emerged. Participants (1) struggled to maintain religious practices and observances due to unaccommodating organizational structures; (2) experienced religious discrimination, which, in turn, impacted their professional trajectories and, at times, their personal well‐being; and (3) believed that institutions could implement specific educational and policy interventions to advance the religious accommodation of Muslims in health care. Conclusions: Muslim physicians frequently encounter religious discrimination, yet there are concrete ways in which health care workplaces can better accommodate their religious needs and combat discrimination. To improve workforce diversity, equity, and inclusion, educational forums and policies that support the religious practices of physicians need to be established. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores 'everyday' or 'vernacular' conceptions of Muslims, Islam and their relationship to 'British values'. Drawing on original data from focus groups in the East of England, it argues that the relationship is typically constructed around a series of binary pairings. Where Islam is held to be traditional, conservative, pious and outmoded, British values are seen as progressive, liberal, secular and modern. This opposition matters for three reasons. First, it is a contingent construction rather than reflection of realities; one that draws upon Orientalist tropes and militates against alternative ways of imagining this relationship. Second, it does important work at the vernacular level in explaining political dynamics, especially successful integration (because of British liberalism) and the failure thereof (because of Islam's traditionalism). Third, its predication on an essentialised claim of difference inflects even competing efforts to story the British values/Islam relationship which tend, we suggest, to reinforce the positioning of Muslims and their values as somehow beyond or external to Britishness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While some, such as the recent Sawyer Seminar on Humanitarianisms, have sought to do so by pluralizing humanitarianism in order to underscore various and distinct genealogies, others, such as Amira Mittermaier, have posited a Muslim "non-humanitarianism" to disrupt secular logics and affects of care for the poor. How might our understanding of humanitarianism and development be enriched if we centered Muslims, not only as the largest recipients of care but also as significant actors and donors? By centering Muslims, then, this special issue situates Muslims squarely I within i global powers of neoliberalism, state direction, and secularism, while simultaneously remains to the ways that Muslims themselves understand the worlds they live in. This special issue examines social welfare interventions lead by Muslim individuals and organizations and Muslim-majority nation-states that often speak of and/or understand their work as somehow Muslim or "Islamic.". [Extracted from the article]

Focusing on the Muslim Other in Amsterdam, the article explores how individual young Muslims embody their agency in the forms of micro‐practices and socio‐spatial relations. By highlighting the spatio‐corporeal aspects of Muslims' presence within urban space, our ethnography foregrounds how young Muslims negotiate identities and belonging within everyday urban spaces of encounter. Dealing with the everyday panoptical white Othering gaze, we describe a range of "unremarkable" ordinary practices and everyday small agencies that young Muslims in Amsterdam adopt including invisibility, challenging whiteness, and accumulating whiteness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discrimination and vilification of Muslims in the United States have historical and political roots. This study explores everyday incidents of marginalization and oppression through the framework of structural violence. Structural violence refers to the systemic inequalities embedded within societal structures that create and support these oppressive conditions. In this community‐engaged qualitative study, 10 self‐identified Muslims from the northeastern United States were interviewed to understand their lived experiences of structural violence. Using thematic analysis, seven themes were identified: Racialized and xenophobic Islamophobia; normalized violence against Muslims and fear of safety; exclusion, marginalization, and subjugation through policies; Muslims as spokespersons for Islam; Intersecting marginalized identities and oppression; challenges of navigating Muslim identities; resilience and resistance through faith, activism, and community. This study aims to understand and contextualize the experiences of Muslims within a systemic and geopolitical framework. Another critical objective is to promote a discourse to address how academics and clinicians reproduce and maintain structural violence and to instead engage in socially transformative approaches embedded in the principles of decolonizing and mutually‐liberating cross‐struggle solidarity. These must be cultivated through community‐informed intersectional collaborative strategies for dismantling oppressive structures and promoting agency, resilience, activism, and resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the same time, the universal sense of transnational community of Muslims or I ummah i South Asian Muslims felt because of a connectedness to the Middle East version of Islam, brought them together in a unified "ummatic" (p. 49) identity. Tahseen Sham's, I Here, There and Elsewhere: The making of immigrant identities in a globalized world i offers an incisive and detailed analysis of the identity-making process among South Asian Muslim immigrants in the United States. Empirically, Shams posits South Asian Muslim immigrants as a distinctive group that affords the possibilities of theorizing how histories of homeland, religion, and globalization intersect to forge immigrant identities in the hostland. [Extracted from the article]

Since 2014, observers of Chinese society have noted an upsurge in Islamophobic sentiment among China's ethnic majority Han. China's Muslims, in particular those who identify as Hui and Uyghur, report an increase in harassment, both online and in person. This Islamophobic backlash occurs in conjunction with retrenchments by the Chinese state on the right to practice religion. What gives rise to this increase in bigotry? This pilot study examines official discourse about Islam through an inductive analysis of the presentation of Muslims in China's state media. Using a process of constant comparative analysis, I examine the state media's portrayal of Muslims in the flagship newspaper, The People's Daily. Drawing from a sample of 70 articles published between 2014 and 2018, I argue that the party's depiction of Muslim minorities in China emphasizes ethnic rather than religious identities, while coverage of global Islam emphasizes Islam as dangerous and associated with extremism. I contend that such depictions carry the unintended consequence of arousing suspicions about China's Muslims among Han. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Negative framing of the image of Muslims, especially after 9/11, has caused numerous Muslim communities to become apprehensive about the way their identity is presented in the mass media. One such community being affected by negative representations based on Islamophobia and other gender‐related stereotypes is Pakistan. As a result, these misunderstandings are being addressed through the construction of alternative and contrasting online identities by Pakistani vloggers through digital media. This paper excavates the diversified constructions of vloggers' online identities using two theoretical approaches to explaining identity construction: micro‐hegemonies and the investment model. Nineteen Pakistani vloggers were purposively selected for the study, who were observed over a period of two years using online observations, interviews, and email conversations, adopting a digital ethnographic approach. The investigation found that the vloggers choose to portray their religious practices, Pakistani identity, and local culture and norms while simultaneously utilizing Western norms to indicate their modernity. Moreover, they regularly emphasize that they are normal, regular human beings. Hence, the paper contributes to understanding how Pakistanis present a complex, hybrid identity which counters the dominant narratives in the media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

59 Ausma Zehanat Khan, I Language of Secrets i (New York: Minotaur Books, 2016), 87. 60 A. Z. Khan, I The Unquiet Dead i , 99. 61 A. Z. Khan, I The Unquiet Dead i , 107. An Attempt to De-criminalize Muslims: The Detective Novels of Ausma Zehanat Khan I The Unquiet Dead i was followed by five more novels in which Khan made a Muslim protagonist visible, different, and global, while also keeping him safely within the boundaries of detective-series tropes and expectations. In her study, I Lesbian Detective Fiction i , Phyllis M. Betz suggest that lesbian authors succeeded in co-opting the detective novel and using it to turn a subject position considered socially aberrant and quasi-criminal - queer identity - into one that was normal or generic. [Extracted from the article]

The status of India as the world's largest democracy is often lauded, but the re‐election of the overtly Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party in 2019 has increased concerns about the threat to India's multinational democracy and the rule of law. India is not the only democracy facing challenges related to majoritarian nationalism; there has been a worldwide rise in the language of majority 'rights' in democratic systems. The importance of analysing the extent to which the rights of majorities are being increasingly institutionalized within democratic systems has therefore increased. It is vitally important to identify whether tendencies toward ethnic democracy are increasing (and the conditions under which they do so). There may well be red flags that emerge in democratic systems, heralding the potential direction of travel. This article proposes a methodology to identify degrees of ethnic democracy using a combination of formal and informal measures and illustrates it by assessing India through an examination of anti‐Muslim policies and rhetoric. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Islamist movements are often considered the epitomes of transnational movements; however, little is known about the concrete workings of their transnational ambitions. In investigating the evolution of Muslim activists in France from the late 1970s to the early 1990s, this article shows that their embrace of pan‐Islamic ideals initially conflicted with strong investment in (Arab) homeland politics. Later on, their engagement with a French Islam signalled less the emergence of a de‐territorialised, de‐culturalised Islamic identity than it did the assertion of new nationally bounded (French) attachments. Overall, the analysis sheds light on a stimulating puzzle regarding cosmopolitanism: the persistence of national forms of identification in movements that aspire to bypass national affiliations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contrasting colonial experiences shaped regional cleavages in the Philippines. Spain converted natives to Christianity but struggled with converting the Muslim population. Spain only succeeded in driving them further south. American colonialism also perpetuated this regional divide: Christians were under civilian rule while Muslims were under military rule. These administrative regional divides happened concurrently, but a cohesive Christian identity developed much sooner than a Muslim identity in the south. Why do some regional identities develop sooner than others? I argue that variation in the onset of identity formation is the result of contrasting colonial education policies that fell along regional lines. Christians experienced a penetrative education policy, which cultivated a shared experience and facilitated the development of a national identity. Muslims experienced a shallow education policy, which did not have a unifying objective. These factors maintained fragmentation, rather than fostering a cohesive Muslim national identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Voting is key to political integration of immigrant‐background minorities, but what determines their voting preferences remains unclear. Moreover, dual‐citizen minorities can vote differently in their country of residence and origin. Using a representative survey of Turkish‐Muslim minorities in two cities in Belgium (N = 447, M_age = 36.3), we asked whether left‐right ideology or religious identity predicted their voting in their country of residence and origin, besides typical predictors of right‐wing voting (i.e., efficacy, deprivation, and authoritarianism). Authoritarianism, low political efficacy, and high deprivation predicted voting for right‐wing parties in Turkey, whereas the latter two, surprisingly, predicted voting for the left in Belgium. Latent class analyses of their religious practices distinguished "moderate" versus "strict" Muslims. While "strict" Muslims voted for right‐wing parties in Turkey, ideology did not predict their voting. Conversely, in Belgium, while Muslim identity did not predict their voting, ideology did. Analyzing their combined effects, "moderate" Muslims voted based on their ideology—right‐leaning voting for the right, whereas "strict" Muslims voted according to their interests as a disadvantaged minority in Belgium—thus voting for the left—or as a devout Muslim in Turkey—thus voting for the right. Our results elucidate processes underlying the voting behaviors of European‐Muslim minorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature on populism in Asian countries over the past two decades has generally featured charismatic and often autocratic leaders, as notably demonstrated elsewhere by the rise (and fall) of Thaksin Shinawatra due to his vehement rhetoric that antagonized political elites in Bangkok, Rodrigo Duterte's brutal and lawless war on drugs, and the continuous electoral success of Narendra Modi's Hindu nationalist government, which propagates a divisive rhetoric that alienates Muslim minorities. As neither candidate directly represented Islamic ideological interests, incumbent President Jokowi accommodated Java-based Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) as the country's largest Islamic organization, whereas Prabowo was backed by the burgeoning Islamist forces. With the burgeoning presence of Abdul Somad as a populist preacher in the Muslim community, Islamist figures coalesced around him and the GNPF-MUI reached an agreement in July 2018, which recommended that Prabowo appoint Abdul Somad as his candidate for vice-president. According to him, unlike the two countries, Indonesia's Islamic populism did not have significant power because they failed to dominate either state institutions or civil society. [Extracted from the article]

An Analysis of the Islamic Fatwa on the Prohibition against Wearing Non-Muslim Symbols in Indonesia The purpose of this study is not to regard the MUI's fatwa as merely a product of the growing conservatism among Indonesian Muslims causing negative social effects, but instead to situate the MUI and its fatwa in a more nuanced position. Previously, in 2005, when he was the head of the MUI's fatwa commission, the MUI issued the two controversial fatwas prohibiting religious pluralism, liberalism, and secularism, and condemning the Ahmadiyya group. 59 Ahmad Romadoni, "Sikapi Fatwa MUI soal Atribut Natal, Jokowi Panggil Kapolri" ["Responding to the MUI's Fatwa on Christmas Symbols, Jokowi Called the Head of Indonesian Police"], I Liputan 6 i , December 19, 2016, https://www.liputan6.com/news/read/2682793/sikapi-fatwa-mui-soal-atribut-natal-jokowi-panggil-kapolri. [Extracted from the article]

In academic commentary since the Amistad was decided - and likely because of the way that the social and religious identities of the Muslim slaves was largely written out of the case - the religious identities of the Muslim slaves on the Amistad have rarely been part of the case study." Using Nathaniel Jocelyn's 1840 portrait to create his likeness of Cinque, Bearden then tells his hero's story by depicting the moment when Cinque kills the Amistad's captain (identifiable by his cap). "Cinque's second in command on the Amistad, Grabeau, had seen people in his hometown write "from right to left...that one unnamed Amistad African knew how to recite prayers in Arabic.". [Extracted from the article]

This article examines LGBT Muslim erasure by hegemonic Islamic and homonormative ideologies and how those involved in nonconformist Muslim groups queer those ideologies in order to forge narratives of belonging. I analyze the work of 'queering' Muslim voices among LGBT Muslims and allies involved in a multisited community of nonconformist Muslim face‐to‐face and online groups, and what such queering explains about the relationship among erasure, voice, ideological disjuncture, and resistance. Through analysis of individual and group conversations alongside ethnographic observations, I argue that LGBT Muslims and allies strategically index queerness and Muslimness as a challenge to marginalizing discourses and to create 'safe' spaces that also benefit other Muslims on the margins. Narratives of both LGBT Muslim marginalization and its strategic disruption as well as nonconformist group interactions are used to illustrate how the queering of Muslim discourse creates "indexical disjuncture" to make space for both LGBT Muslims and other nonconformist Muslims. I conclude by considering how providing evidence of language's role in the process of 'queering' contributes to ongoing conversations in queer theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous research utilizing conversion narratives to understand how and why people convert has been troubled by the "accuracy" of the accounts. This study of Muslim converts in the United States sidesteps this problem by turning the focus away from the causes, motives, and drivers of conversion and placing it instead on the form or structure of their conversion narratives. More specifically, it foregrounds the subjective process of making sense of one's conversion story through the employment of formulaic narrative structures. Findings suggest that when accounting for their conversion to Islam, these respondents employed three different narrative structures: stories of awakening, continuity, and return. Although these stories vary in meaningful ways, each provides a different perspective on how conversion to Islam can be conceptualized and expressed narratively. The discussion centers on the similarities and differences between these stories in order to more fully articulate and distinguish their underlying premises. I conclude by considering how each of these stories are used by converts to convey the authenticity of their Muslim identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"World-class Muslims": Examining the Discursive Construction of a Singapore Muslim Identity The Muslim minority community in Singapore came under great scrutiny in the wake of the 9/11 attacks, and even more so, after the arrests of local members of terrorist network, Jemaah Islamiyah, in 2001 and the 2002 Bali bombings. When unpacking the identity of the ideal Singaporean Muslim in government speeches, it can be argued that Singaporean Muslims are still viewed through the lens of securitisation, and that the approach to understanding the Singapore Muslim identity remains prescriptive and essentialised. The purpose of focusing on government speeches, instead of discourse used in initiatives by Muslim institutions (like the SMI project), is due to the far-reaching impact that the national government has, affecting how citizens perceive the Singaporean Muslim identity. [Extracted from the article]

At the beginning of the twentieth century, the Russian Empire (aside from the protectorates of Bukhara and Khiva, which were declared independent according to international law) had a Muslim population of more than fourteen million, constituting at least eleven per cent of the total population. Yet, at that particular moment of time, they all considered Islam and only Islam to be the basis for the religious, social, educational as well as political lives of Russia's Muslims. 35 Ibrahimov, I Alem-i Islam ve Yaponyada Intishar Islamiyet i [The Muslim World and the Spread of Islam in Japan] (Istanbul: Ahmad Saqi Bek Matbaasi, n.d), 2:25-26; and Landau, I The Politics of Pan-Islam i , 29-30. 91 Ibrahimov, I Alem-i Islam ve Yaponyada Intishar Islamiyet i [The Muslim World and the Spread of Islam in Japan] (Istanbul: Ahmad Saqi Bek Matbaasi, n.d), 2:25-26; and Landau, I The Politics of Pan-Islam i , 29-30. [Extracted from the article]

Muslims in the United States experience many psychosocial issues and underutilize mental health services. This study sought to systematically identify the common issues and strengths of the Muslims affiliated with a college in the Southeast region of the United States and address them accordingly. A survey comprising 33 items and 2 open‐ended questions regarding common issues and strengths was constructed. A total of 116 participants completed the survey. The overall rating for items was quite high, whereas the satisfaction rating was very low. The most important item was, "You have prayer places/rugs, ablution stations, and water in restrooms," with an importance rating of 94.52% and a satisfaction rating of 20.50%. Four items regarding mental health were rated as the least important, and participants reported lack of knowledge regarding mental health services. This is the first study that includes a list of common concerns and strengths of the Muslim communities affiliated with colleges in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

And they do so convincingly [...] It is not enough to chant in public that Islam is not violent or radical or angry - that Islam is a religion of peace. Ghobash's critique of Islamic society includes the following: Muslims are taught that Islam is destined to dominate the world: 'You are told that it is inherent within our religion to be the dominant player. Rather than thinking that there is only one version of Islam that all Muslims should conform to, as some suggest, we should look around ourselves and discover the multiple ways in which people take up Islam. [Extracted from the article]

This book focuses on Indonesia as the country that has the most significant number of Muslims in the world and analyzes the intricate relations between modernity and religions, especially Islam, that shaped the Indonesian people's way of thinking and behaving. It demonstrates how Indonesia is unique for having a culture that merges traditional culture, modernity, and religious values, in which sacred cosmos still becomes a reality for Indonesians. One may have the impression that the term suggests Islam as the main character of Indonesian society, which contradicts the author's idea of Indonesia as nurtured by several ancient civilizations. [Extracted from the article]

In the United States today, Muslim identity is highly stigmatized. Much of this can be attributed to an increasing climate of Islamophobia. The current study finds that some Muslim Americans are confronted with another source of stigma: other Muslims. Using interview data with 23 Muslim Americans in and around Houston, TX, this study examines the intersection of religious out‐group and in‐group stigma in the lives of Muslim Americans. Findings suggest that stigma comes not only from non‐Muslims, but also from other Muslims. Some Muslim Americans are especially vulnerable to religious in‐group stigma. Those who are most acculturated to non‐Muslim, Western culture often face criticism from Muslim communities, be they inside or outside the United States. These Muslim Americans find that they are not perceived as fully Muslim or fully American, and therefore denied the full benefits of either status while simultaneously bearing the burden of both. This paper articulates the multiple dimensions of stigma faced by Muslims in America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT This article argues the Malaysian state has developed Islamic finance in conjunction with two distinct strategies of subject formation. In its first phase, in the 1980s, a central objective was the financial inclusion of Malays. Islamic finance was part of an identity-building project and intended to integrate this disadvantaged indigenous majority into the national economy. By the 2000s the state had succeeded in fostering a Malay Muslim middle class through aggressive affirmative action policies. Currently, Islamic finance is being redeployed as a technique for the neoliberal entrepreneurialization of the Malay Muslim population. Empirically, this shift is evident in efforts by experts to move Islamic finance away from a reliance on what they call 'debt-based' devices to ones referred to as 'equity based.' This entails substituting devices that reformers contend replicate the credit and lending instruments characteristic of 'conventional finance' with instruments instead premised on investment, partnership, and risk sharing that they argue more faithfully adhere to the discursive tradition of Islam. [ Islam, development, neoliberalism, Islamic finance, debt] [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In two studies, we tested a model in which the perceived (in)compatibility of being British and Muslim (identity incompatibility) was expected to mediate between group-based discrimination and the identifications and attitudes of British Muslims. In Study 1 ( N = 76), anti-Muslim discrimination was associated with lower national identification and more negative attitudes toward non-Muslims, and these relationships were mediated by perceived identity incompatibility. In Study 2 ( N = 70), we additionally found that anti-Muslim discrimination predicted stronger endorsement of Islamic group rights, and this relationship was also mediated by perceived identity incompatibility. The studies highlight the importance of group-based discrimination in shaping the perceived (in)compatibility of being British and Muslim, and, in turn, the identifications and attitudes of British Muslims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the extent to which Muslim self-identification and mosque attendance have changed in the period 1997-2009 among people of Turkish and Moroccan descent in the Netherlands. Mainly trendless fluctuations are found. Overall, Muslim self-identification seems to very slightly increase and mosque attendance seems to very slightly decrease. We examined the extent to which factors that are important according to theories and previous research explain or enlarge these differences over time. The factors about which we hypothesize are largely unable to explain differences over time in Muslim self-identification and mosque attendance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper offers a socio-psychological understanding of the phenomenon called ethnic riots and the various indigenous theories of violence discussed here suggest how complex and multidimensional human aggression and communal violence are. In light of this, the marginalized Muslim identity in Gujarat becomes the backdrop against which the problematic of Hindu-Muslim violence is developed. Psychoanalytic ideas on group psychology, phallic aggression, rumors and religious rituals are discussed in this context. Copyright © 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past decade, significant strides have been made in the study of Islam in America to move the field away from questions of assimilation and integration and toward the study of the variety of ways American Muslims live their religion. Yuskaev shows how their articulations of the Qur'an were inflected by social, political, and intellectual trends in the United States, which have over time evolved to make the Qur'an "an American scripture.". [Extracted from the article]