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Debates about Islamophobia have been blighted by the question of whether the prejudice can be defined as a form of racism or as hostility to religion (or a combination of the two). This paper sheds light on this debate by presenting the findings of a new nationally representative survey, focused on the UK, that contrasts perceptions of Muslims not only with perceptions of other ethnic and religious minorities but also with perceptions of Islam as a religious tradition. We find that prejudice against Muslims is higher than for any other group examined other than Travellers. We also find contrasting demographic drivers of prejudice towards Muslims and towards Islam. Across most prejudice measures we analyse, intolerant views are generally significantly associated with being male, voting Conservative and being older, although not with Anglican identity. We find, however, that class effects vary depending on the question's focus. Anti‐immigration sentiment – including support for a 'Muslim ban' – is significantly correlated with being working‐class. However, prejudice towards Islam as a body of teachings (tested using a question measuring perceptions of religious literalism) is significantly correlated with being middle‐class, as is negative sentiment towards Travellers. Using these findings, the paper makes an argument for supplementing recent scholarship on the associations between racism and Islamophobia with analyses focusing on misperceptions of belief. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although spiritual practices such as prayer are engaged by many to support well‐being and coping, little research has addressed nurses and prayer, whether for themselves or facilitating patients' use of prayer. We conducted a qualitative study to explore how prayer (as a proxy for spirituality and religion) is manifest—whether embraced, tolerated, or resisted—in healthcare, and how institutional and social contexts shape how prayer is understood and enacted. This paper analyzes interviews with 21 nurses in Vancouver and London as a subset of the larger study. Findings show that nurses' kindness can buffer the loneliness and exclusion of ill health and in this way support the "spirit" of those in their care. Spiritual support for patients rarely incorporated prayer, in part because of ambiguities about permission and professional boundaries. Nurses' engagement with prayer and spiritual support could become a politicized site of religious accommodation, where imposition, religious illiteracy, and racism could derail person‐centered care and consequently enact social exclusion. Spiritual support (including prayer) sustained nurses themselves. We propose that nursing's equity‐oriented knowledge encompass spirituality and religion as sites of exclusion and inclusion. Nurses must be supported to move past religious illiteracy to provide culturally and spiritually sensitive care with clarity about professional boundaries and collaborative models of spiritual care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Though Canada is internationally lauded for the success of its multiculturalism policies, debates about immigrant integration have arisen in recent years. These debates have turned on the extent to which religion should be accommodated in the public sphere. They have also been disproportionately concentrated in the French‐speaking province of Quebec. This paper asks whether this disproportionality is due to the Quebec population being particularly unfavourable to religious accommodation and, if so, whether this disfavour is grounded in racial antipathy toward newcomers or in the province's unique religious history. The findings show that while opposition to religious accommodation is higher in Quebec, and higher among francophones, it is rooted more in the low level of religiosity of the francophone population than in racial animus. These results emphasise the importance of correctly conceptualising distinctions between ethnocentric and culturally based sources of group conflict in multicultural settings such as Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the response of the global Anglican Communion to the issue of homosexuality, drawing on case studies of parishes in three different national contexts (UK, USA and South Africa). It traces some of the complex connections (e.g. through flows of money, resources and discourses) between places differently located within this transnational religious network to identify a complex geometry of power. Through its attention to the deployment of racist, disablist, colonial and sexist discourses in debates about homosexuality, this paper contributes to geographies of difference by showing how prejudices can intersect in complex ways to facilitate but also to undo or cancel each other out. The conclusion reflects on issues of authority, the meaning of 'communion' and how local insights might be scaled-up to imagine a practical response to the institutional crisis about homosexuality in the global Anglican Communion. In doing so, the paper contributes to understanding how differences may be reconciled within a transnational religious context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we explore the extent to which 'discursive deracialization', the removal of 'race' from potentially racially motivated arguments, is taking place in talk about asylum seeking. A discourse analysis is conducted on the part of a corpus of data collected from focus groups with undergraduate students talking about asylum seeking, in which they were asked if they considered it to be racist to oppose asylum. We show that speakers use three arguments for opposing asylum that are explicitly framed as non-racist: opposition is based on (1) economic reasons (2) religious grounds and the associated threat of terrorism and (3) the lack of asylum seekers' ability to integrate into British society. These findings are discussed with regard to the implications they have for our understanding of discursive deracialization in which it is shown that there is a common knowledge understanding, albeit one that needs qualifying, that opposition to asylum is not racist. Copyright © 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous research suggests an angry God image is a narrative schema predicting support for more punitive forms of criminal justice. However, this research has not explored the possibility that racialization may impact one's God image. We perform logistic regression on Wave V of the Baylor Religion Survey to examine the correlation between an angry God image and the belief that police shoot Blacks more often because Blacks are more violent than Whites (a context‐specific form of cultural racism). Engaging critical insights from intersectionality theory, we also interact angry God image with both racialized identity and racialized religious tradition. Results suggest that the angry God schema is associated with this form of cultural racism for White people generally as well as White Evangelicals, yet for Black Protestants, belief in an angry God is associated with resistance against this type of cultural racism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What explains American religious groups' views of Nazi Germany before the U.S. entered the Second World War? Using a comparative‐historical approach, we employ a novel set of data on 25 of America's most prominent religious denominations to answer this question. We find that two factors were crucial in explaining religious elite discourse about Hitler in the U.S. in 1935: whether leaders believed in white supremacy and whether their denominations were incumbents or challengers in the American religious field. Our findings underscore the growing theoretical consensus that racial resentment is key to support for authoritarianism and call attention to religious groups' complicity in its growth, both active and passive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous research has suggested that disgust sensitivity contributes to moral self‐regulation. The relationship between religiosity and disgust sensitivity is frequently explored as a moderator of moral‐regulating ideologies, such as conservative and traditional ideologies. However, religiosity is suggested to differ from these in moral attitudes against social dominance and racial prejudice. Psychological theories, such as the societal moral intuition and the evolved hazard‐perception models, have proposed that there could be reasons to support a distinct relationship between religiosity and disgust sensitivity. These reasons relate to the intuitive pursuit of spiritual purity and the non‐secular transcendental emotional‐reward value of moral behaviour for religious individuals. In the present manuscript, we conducted the first dedicated meta‐analytic review between religiosity and disgust sensitivity. We analysed a summary of forty‐seven experimental outcomes, including 48,971 participants. Our analysis revealed a significant positive association (r =.25) between religiosity and disgust sensitivity. This outcome suggests that sensitivity to disgust could have distinct spiritual purity and moral self‐regulatory response value for religious individuals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This alternative narrative tells the story of an upper‐middle‐class White feminist scholar, Lili. Lili builds her feminist knowledge by pursuing an equality ideal situated at the crossroads of gender, race, class and religion. Married to a Black Muslim man from West Africa and mother of three mixed‐race sons, Lili's story shows the ambiguities of her own anti‐racist struggles. Her story illustrates how being anti‐racist does not mean that one is free from racism, even in the case of a White woman who has carried her mix‐raced children in her womb. This is a call for humility and self‐awareness when entering in anti‐racism acts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The aim of this article was to focus on interventions that were part of an attempt to engage, in nursing education, with the challenges of working in a society afflicted with violent political tensions. Design: This article is an initial reflective report on two interventions (with students and with the nursing faculty) that were part of ongoing action research at a nursing school in Israel. Methodology: The methodology used for this article is first‐person action research based on the author's reflective accounts. Findings: Three themes in relation to the intervention with students are (a) acknowledging different identities; (b) making conflict discussable; and (c) the dynamics of silencing and self‐censorship. Four vignettes that were at the center of the faculty's workshop are presented, as are the main contributions and shortcomings of the workshop. The main key to success for both interventions was that they were designed to answer specific needs and concerns of the participants. Conclusions: There is a need for a wider effort to find ways to better address deep political, ethnic, social, religious, and racial conflicts as an integral part of nursing education. Interventions need to be tailor made for nursing and for the context. Clinical Relevance: Preparing future nurses to care in a context of complex political realities is essential for effective caregiving in societies fraught with conflict. Sharing attempts to implement interventions with students and faculty is a prerequisite for a wider global effort of addressing conflict in nursing education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Internet represents a powerful tool for racist groups to build a sense of group consciousness and promote their cause. In the current study, we examined the language used by racist (n = 87), anti‐racist (n = 50), and nonactivist (n = 1379) groups when describing their self‐defining beliefs online. We used computerized linguistic analysis software to measure psychological indicators and antecedents of group consciousness and to examine the persuasive techniques used in online group communication. Racist and anti‐racist groups were similar on some linguistic indicators of group consciousness (e.g., use of words reflecting perceived injustice), but differed on others (e.g., use of words reflecting group identification). Linguistic indicators of antecedents of group consciousness (moral foundations and focus on religion) differed across groups, with racist groups focused more on purity, respect for authority, and religion, and less on fairness than anti‐racist groups. Racist groups also used less cognitively complex language than nonactivist groups (but similar levels to anti‐racist groups). Our results contribute to understanding how racist groups promote their self‐defining beliefs online, and identify several key factors that should be considered when designing policies to reduce racist groups' growth and impact. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Evidence-based interventions have been developed and used to prevent HIV infections among black men who have sex with men ( MSM) in Canada and the United States; however, the degree to which interventions address racism and other interlocking oppressions that influence HIV vulnerability is not well known. We utilize integrative antiracism to guide a review of HIV prevention intervention studies with black MSM and to determine how racism and religious oppression are addressed in the current intervention evidence base. We searched CINAHL, PsychInfo, MEDLINE and the CDC compendium of evidence-based HIV prevention interventions and identified seventeen interventions. Three interventions targeted black MSM, yet only one intervention addressed racism, religious oppression, cultural assets and religious assets. Most interventions' samples included low numbers of black MSM. More research is needed on interventions that address racism and religious oppression on HIV vulnerability among black MSM. Future research should focus on explicating mechanisms by which multiple oppressions impact HIV vulnerability. We recommend the development and integration of social justice tools for nursing practice that aid in addressing the impacts of racism and other oppressions on HIV vulnerability of black MSM. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives During the 2008 presidential election, questions about Barack Obama's religious affiliations spread rapidly over the Internet and became a regular story in the national news. Despite Obama's repeated testimony that he is a Christian, surveys indicated that a sizeable portion of the public believed that he was a Muslim, while others indicated that they were 'unsure' of his religious allegiances. We evaluate the extent to which racial attitudes played a role in how the public viewed Obama's religious affiliations. Methods We used nationally representative surveys conducted by the Pew Foundation and a state-level survey conducted in Arkansas. Results Our findings suggest that attitudes about Obama's religious affiliation were significantly influenced by symbolic racism. Conclusions These findings suggest that the American public dialogue about racial politics has evolved in recent years to include religious denominations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the author's views on moral responsibilities of bystanders in situations of oppression. According to the author, oppression is a persistent and damaging mistreatment of members of a group of people identified on the basis of race, religion, gender, or ethnicity. The author says that the primary agents of oppression bear a different and greater responsibility than bystanders.

This study investigated psychological dimensions of race and religion by examining the relationship between the White racial identity statuses proposed by J. E. Helms (1984, 1990d, 1995), Contact, Disintegration, Reintegration, Pseudo-Independence, Immersion/Emersion, and Autonomy, and 4 forms of religious orientation, intrinsic, extrinsic, fundamentalism, and quest. Participants included 233 undergraduates from a public university in the southeastern United States. They completed the White Racial Identity Attitudes Scale (J. E. Helms & R. T. Carter, 1990), 3 measures of religious orientation, and a demographic questionnaire. A canonical correlation analysis found 3 significant canonical pairs suggesting that higher and more complex racial identity statuses may be positively related to more integrated and flexible forms of religious orientation. Implications for counseling are noted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In reviewing studies of the association between Christianity and ethnic prejudice, moderately active church members were found to be prejudiced but highly active members were as tolerant as nonmembers. The more intrinsically religious, nonfundamentalistic, and theologically discriminating persons were also more tolerant. These conclusions held regardless of when the studies were conducted, from whom the data came, the region where the data were collected, or the type of prejudice studied. It appeared that holding a strong value position which allowed one to stand outside of the value traditions of society at large was crucial in adopting a nonprejudiced position and was typical of both nonreligious and highly religious people. Additional personality characteristics were not needed to explain the relationship between religion and prejudice. No conclusions can be currently drawn about the role of the institutional church in developing or reducing prejudice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]