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To authenticate to the full-text of this article, please visit this link: http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6237.2010.00732.x Byline: Wendy D. Roth (1) Abstract: Objectives. A primary justification for collecting U.S. racial statistics is the need to monitor racial discrimination. This article aims to show how analyses of Hispanics-who may officially be of any race-tend to miss discrimination based on racial appearance by relying on data that instead capture racial self-identification, a different aspect of race that often does not correspond. Methods. The study analyzes 60 qualitative interviews with Dominican and Puerto Rican migrants in the New York metropolitan area. It employs multiple measures to represent theoretically distinct aspects of the lived experience of race. Results. Respondents interpret the Census race question in different ways corresponding to different aspects of race, which often do not match one another. Although respondents experience discrimination on the basis of phenotype, their racial self-identification is a poor proxy for measuring their racial appearance. Conclusions. Scholars need to develop a language of race that communicates the multiplicity of social processes involved. Social surveys must provide measures of these multiple components, including interviewer observations of racial appearance, to monitor discrimination on the basis of phenotype within Hispanic groups. Author Affiliation: (1)University of British Columbia

To authenticate to the full-text of this article, please visit this link: http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-4560.2010.01652.x Byline: John Dixon (1), Kevin Durrheim (2), Colin Tredoux (3), Linda Tropp (4), Beverley Clack (5), Liberty Eaton (6) Abstract: A random digit dialing survey (N = 596) investigated the relationship between quantity and quality of interracial contact and Black South Africans' perceptions of racial discrimination in postapartheid society. Results showed that harmonious contact was associated with lower levels of perceived collective discrimination, an effect that was mediated by racial attitudes and personal experiences of racial discrimination. The implications of the survey's findings are discussed in relation to two models of social change in social psychology (cf. Wright & Lubensky, 2008): a model of change grounded in the rehabilitation of the prejudiced individual and a model of social change grounded in collective awareness of, and resistance to, systemic inequality. Author Affiliation: (1)Lancaster University (2)University of KwaZulu-Natal (3)University of Cape Town (4)University of Massachusetts (5)Lancaster University (6)University of Cape Town Article note: (*) Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Dr. John Dixon, Department of Psychology, Lancaster University, Lancaster LA1 4YF, United Kingdom [e-mail: j.a.dixon1@lancaster.ac.uk].

To authenticate to the full-text of this article, please visit this link: http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8624.2009.01268.x Byline: Eleanor K. Seaton (1), Tiffany Yip (2), Robert M. Sellers (3) Abstract: This study tested the longitudinal association between perceptions of racial discrimination and racial identity among a sample of 219 African American adolescents, aged 14 to 18. Structural equation modeling was used to test relations between perceptions of racial discrimination and racial identity dimensions, namely, racial centrality, private regard, and public regard at 3 time points. The results indicated that perceived racial discrimination at Time 1 was negatively linked to public regard at Time 2. Nested analyses using age were conducted, and perceptions of racial discrimination at Time 2 were negatively linked to private regard at Time 3 among older adolescents. The findings imply that perceived racial discrimination is linked to negative views that the broader society has of African Americans. Author Affiliation: (1)University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill (2)Fordham University (3)University of Michigan Article note: Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Eleanor K. Seaton, Department of Psychology, The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, Campus Box 3270, Davie Hall, Chapel Hill, NC 27599-3270. Electronic mail may be sent to eseaton@unc.edu.

This study examines the coping responses of individuals reporting experiences of racial/ethnic discrimination (N= 156). Racial/ethnic differences in contextual appraisals and coping strategies were reported in response to discrimination. African and Asian American participants reporting experiences of discrimination were more likely to perceive the situation as a challenge. African Americans reporting experiences of discrimination were more likely to report seeking support and guidance when compared to Asian and European Americans. Contextual appraisals did not predict the use of coping strategies in response to experiences of discrimination. Emotional discharge and past experiences of discrimination were positively associated with re-experiencing symptoms. Cognitive avoidance coping strategies were associated with avoidance symptoms. Clinical implications of the findings are explored.

We demonstrated racial differences in the relationship between migration, location, and predicted wages for young male workers who have changed employers. An Oaxaca decomposition allowed a measuring of the contributions of migration, occupation change, site features, and human capital to the racial wage gap. Migration decreases black white wage differences, and wage compensation for site attributes favors white householders. Constraints on occupation choice and migration dampen the ability of blacks to improve wages. Because most job changes occur in the first ten years of a career, these results on young workers give important general insights into the origins and persistence of racial wage gaps.

Scenarios involving ambiguous or unambiguous threats of racial harassment were crossed with four managerial response strategies (taking action, acknowledgment, reframing, denial). Results suggest that minority members are more likely to view repeated racial jokes as severe and are more likely to report the behavior to a manager. For minority group members, racial identification moderated the relationship between type of harassment and perceived severity. For majority group members, blindness to privilege and unawareness of racial issues moderated the relationship between type of harassment and likelihood to report the incident. Taking action was associated with more positive perceptions of organizational justice and a belief that the organization would be less tolerant toward future incidents involving racial harassment. Differences across groups (Whites, African Americans, Hispanics/Latinos, and Asians) were found, suggesting a perceptual gap based on racial schema.

The deployment of one specific identity category, 'Muslim First--Arab Second', emerging among Arab American Muslims in San Francisco, California is discussed. The way Muslim student activists have utilized this category as a strategy for articulating Muslim identities in their everyday lives is highlighted.

Recent mock-jury research often has found no evidence that White jurors are more likely to convict and impose harsher sentences on Black compared to White defendants. Drawing on social dominance theory (Sidanius & Pratto, 1999), this paper argues that this apparent null effect reflects that different racial biases shown by White jurors varying in social dominance orientation (SDO) cancel each other out. A mock-jury study (n = 70) found no main effect for defendant race, but evidence for a crossover interaction with high SDO individuals showing an anti-Black bias and with low SDO individuals showing a pro-Black bias in their guilty judgments and sentence recommendations. The discussion argues race is still a critical factor in White jurors' decision making.

This article analyzes political responsiveness to minority communities through a case study of municipal employment opportunities in Richmond, Virginia. Using equal employment opportunity reports, it analyzes racial exclusion (the representation of minority workers within occupations) and racial subordination (the distribution of minority and nonminority workers across occupations) among Richmond's public sector workers. Additionally, it looks at percentage point changes in the representation of minority and nonminority workers in municipal jobs, to provide a more detailed analysis of the quality of opportunities that are made available as the city's dominant council coalitions changed from a White conservative coalition to a Black liberal regime to a multiracial conservative coalition. Qualitative data from interviews with the city's political actors clarify and support the patterns found in the employment data. The analysis demonstrates that the substantive resources Blacks are likely to gain differ significantly by political regime.

The concept of 'race' within the police force is analysed by asking a number of black and Asian policemen about their experiences within a predominantly white police system. Black policemen have to accept the prejudice, stereotyping and ethnic jokes they encounter to be accepted as a member of the team. Drinking after work is an important part of the team building process and Asians who cannot do so for religious reasons find it difficult to be accepted. Black policemen also do not feel they can really trust their white colleagues.

A fundamental goal of affirmative action is to eliminate both the consequences of past discrimination and likelihood of future discrimination. Thus, any assessment of the impact of affirmative action must examine two basic questions: (1) Have the consequences of discrimination been eliminated? (2) Are measures in place to prevent discrimination from occurring in the future? The basic conclusion that will be offered in this assessment is that while affirmative action has been successful in reducing some of the effects of discrimination, a wide variety of evidence suggests that the ultimate goal of affirmative action has yet to be reached. Some concerns and limitations of any attempt to assess the impact of affirmative action are discussed along with some thoughts about the future of these programs and policies.

In this article we examine the extent to which racial (antiblack) prejudice conditions the effect of the race of strangers encountered in public settings on whites' fear of being crime victims in those settings. We hypothesize that encountering black strangers, as opposed to white strangers, evokes greater fear of being a crime victim in prejudiced whites than in whites who are not prejudiced. Data collected using the factorial survey method support this hypothesis. These results indicate that research dealing with whites' fear of being crime victims in public settings needs to consider both the race of potential criminals and the racial attitudes of potential victims.

British Colonial Office bureaucrats in the nineteenth century Caribbean colonies encouraged colored-labor and exploited the fertile lands for personal profits. The modestly competent men assumed a racial superiority through environmentally deterministic exhortations such as white over black and mid-latitude over tropical. Holding tropical environment responsible for the laziness of the natives, bureaucrats explained evidence of hard-working blacks as competition for survival in densely populated areas. The racist colonial policy aided in extracting economic surpluses from the blacks.

The inner city of Johannesburg experienced racial desegregation during the dismantling of apartheid. Overcrowded slums emerged again for the first time in 50 years during desegregation. A study is done to examine the origins of inner city decay and racial desegregation. Findings indicate that the decaying inner city buildings did not account for racial desegregation. Unstable tenure relationships among old apartment buildings may have caused overcrowding which led to inner city decay.

This article examines the role of racial attitudes in shaping white Americans' opposition to welfare. Past research on welfare views has focused on economic self-interest, individualism, and egalitarianism. Using a covariance structure model, I confirm the significance of these factors, but find that racial attitudes are in fact the most important source of opposition to welfare among whites. In addition, racial attitudes influence the pattern of support white Americans express toward various aspects of the welfare state: negative attitudes toward blacks lead many whites who support spending for education, health care, and the elderly to oppose means-tested programs aimed exclusively at the poor. Finally, this research carries implications for broader theories of race and politics. Contrary to the suggestion that traditional racial prejudice is no longer a potent force in American politics, I show that at least one aspect of traditional prejudice - the stereotype of blacks as lazy - is still widespread and continues to have a profound impact on whites' political thinking.

It will not be easy to produce integrated schools simply through residential desegregation. Nor will simply integrating schools lead to an integrated society. For this, equity in the work place will be needed. However, studies show that people from integrated schools are more likely to live and work in integrated environment. Continuing poverty and disadvantage among African Americans are largely due to attitude of indifference and prejudice adopted by Whites. Re-examining Gunnar Myrdal's landmark book 'An American Dilemma,' which stressed morality behind racial problems, and the historic Brown v. Board of Education case, which highlighted the role of education, can illuminate prospects for racial equality in the Spring of 1995.

In the last 25 years Americans have changed many of the beliefs they hold about racial equality. Schuman, Steeh, and Bobo (1985) have noted that Americans seem to have become increasingly supportive of racial integration during the 1970s and early 1980s, but that their support of specific policies to bring about integration has been ambiguous. Rokeach and BalI-Rokeach (1988) have observed that the priority that Americans assign to equality as a terminal value fell throughout the 1970s. We argue that to more fully understand beliefs about race that seem paradoxical it is important to understand the way that beliefs are conceptualized and measured. This is especially true if one wishes to use attitudes or values as indicators of future behavior. We conclude that the concept of values developed by Rokeach (1973) offers a better basis for gauging public sentiment toward social policies and toward day-to-day living in an integrated society.

This paper considers the significance of self-organization for black and minority workers in trade unions. It embodies a review of the theoretical and empirical evidence in support of black self-organization within unions; that is, a strategy of relative autonomy rather than separatism or submersion within a race-blind union. The theoretical support is derived from arguments concerning identity, participation and power. Much of the empirical material is based upon interviews with black and white lay members and shop stewards from three branches ('Helthten', 'Shaften' and 'Mounten') of the National and Local Government Officers union (NALGO) and with NALGO national officials between 1989 and 1990.

African American executives, while happy with their success, often feel that they have been denied a higher level of success because of their race. All other factors being equal, African Americans are still underrepresented in upper management positions and partnerships at law firms. Many African Americans are happy with their jobs and see no outward signs of racism in their companies, but still feel that ingrained notions of race in the minds of upper level executives keep African Americans from reaching their full potential. Simply hiring an African American means nothing unless that employee is treated with the same respect as others, and many African Americans feel they are treated differently from white counterparts.

The US has large numbers of relatively recent immigrants who are not yet fluent in English or are fluent but prefer to use their native language for informal conversations. Forcing them to comply with an English-only policy is a form of race discrimination. This problem can take the more subtle form of accent discrimination such as denying people with foreign accents jobs or promotions. EEOC guidelines state that English-only policies violate the Civil Rights Act.

The level of racial discrimination in a classroom in an American college where White students enjoy more privileges than Asian international students and other non White students is studied.

Sociological research on racial prejudice has generated consistent and reliable empirical findings on the social determinants of prejudice, but comprehensive theoretical explanations of the social forces that promote prejudice tend to be controversial. Two such theoretical perspectives are examined and then compared for their ability to explain prejudice; namely Durkheim's theory of cognition and the neoevolutionist approach to sociocultural modernization and ontogenetic maturation. An attempt also is made to merge the interactionist and evolution arguments for the purpose of developing a comprehensive explanation of prejudice.

A discussion of the social issue race contrasts the American Dilemma of the 1940s, typified by moral uneasiness over the struggle of right versus wrong, with what is described as a 'New American Dilemma,' characterized by moral conflict between right versus right - race-neutral and race-conscious social policies. Critical Race Theory (CRT) explanations for evidence of continuing and sometimes widening racial disparities in social and economic status are reviewed. Psychological Critical Race Theory (PCRT) is proposed as a way of accounting for the role of social psychological processes in continuing racial disparities. The components of PCRT - (1) Spontaneous and persistent influence of race; (2) Fairness is derived from divergent racial experiences; (3) Asymmetrical consequences of racial policies; (4) Paradoxes of racial diversity; (5) Salience of racial identity - are discussed. Implications for understanding the social issue of race are discussed.

This article discusses six key issues that arise when social psychology applies its insights to international affairs. Three involve the applications themselves. Effective applications must connect with the macro level of analysis, attend to social problems long overlooked by the discipline, and operate consistently across cultures and societies. For this last point, two broad predictions - the universality and mediation hypotheses - are advanced that assert that the same social psychological processes can lead to diverse outcomes in different settings. The remaining issues involve the political context of applications made in the public arena. Such efforts must avoid victim blaming; be made available throughout the status hierarchy, not just to elites; and recognize that the public policy arena is scalding hot and controversial. Throughout the discussion, Kelman's remarkable applications to the search for peace in the Middle East illustrate the points. The article closes with remedial suggestions for the future.