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Does decentralisation lead to higher citizens' satisfaction with the public services that local governments provide? Despite arguments that decentralisation improves public service delivery, studies have not successfully verified the effects of decentralisation on citizen evaluations of local government services. Given the importance of increased local empowerment in promoting desired public goods, we examine whether the hypothesised advantages of decentralisation on public service delivery still hold when applied to citizens' satisfaction with public services. Specifically, we explore both the direct and indirect impacts of decentralisation on citizens' satisfaction through the mediating impact of the local management capacity in Korea. Based on structural equation modelling, the results indicate that decentralisation has a direct negative impact on public service satisfaction, but its impact is not mediated by local management capacity. Due to Korean citizens' lower expectations regarding decentralisation, citizens' satisfaction is not improved even when local management capacity is increased via higher decentralisation.

Contemporary developments in public administration imply an increasingly multifaceted and intangible context for public service delivery. Yet, there is a continued emphasis on calculative devices in this changing public landscape which urge for a broadened perspective, beyond that of New Public Management (NPM), on the role and consequences of accounting in the attainment of public goals, in particular, in relation till wicked problems. This article reports an in-depth study of social investments, a governing model which aims to make visible the value of long-term effects of preventive social work. The article focuses on microlevel dynamics and activities undertaken by key actors during the implementation process, using an institutional work perspective, in particular, the concepts of political, technical, and cultural work. The analysis shows that the ambition to calculate the profit of preventive social work was largely underpinned and facilitated by a problematization of NPM features. This supports recent calls for further research on public sector accounting that explores, rather than presumes, the logics and rationales to which accounting techniques are connected. The study also complements literature on wicked problems by linking the use and perceived usefulness of calculative practices with the attempts of attaining complex goals in the public arena.

During such unprecedented time as COVID-19, despite stretched to its limit, public service delivery remains crucial to societies' well-being. Street-level bureaucrats (SLBs), specifically, become the most visible outreach of public policies to citizen. However, as the literature suggests, unintended outcomes of SLBs-citizen interfacing have been discretion, inefficiency and accountability, an issue lies at the heart of the standard public governance. No scholarly attempt has been made in the past to address this shortcoming. This research by proposing a conceptual model using system dynamics captures the complexity, and in so doing posits testable hypotheses that instigate an alternative visualization of public affairs, thereby closing the gap in the SLB scholarship.

Disappointed by the numerous failures of anticorruption reforms, international organisations, scholars and policy makers increasingly place their hopes on measures aimed at enhancing gender equality and in particular increasing the inclusion of female representatives in elected assemblies. Yet most studies to date focus on aggregate measures of corruption and fail to explain why the correlation between women’s representation and levels of corruption occurs. Using newly collected regional-level, non-perception-based measures of corruption, this study distinguishes between different forms of corruption and shows that the inclusion of women in local councils is strongly negatively associated with the prevalence of both petty and grand forms of corruption. However, the reduction in corruption is primarily experienced among women. This suggests that female representatives seek to further two separate political agendas once they attain public office: the improvement of public service delivery in sectors that tend to primarily benefit women; and the breakup of male-dominated collusive networks.

Summary Reform of the rural water supply sector occurred widely in the 1990s, when many low-income countries replaced state-led service provision with decentralized community management in the hope of generating improved technical and financial performance. This article asks whether these expected benefits have materialized in practice, and whether community management has strengthened institutional capacity at local, district and national level. Findings from a mixed-methods study in four districts of Malawi show that both technical and financial performance under community management is weak. Maintenance is rarely done, repairs are slow and sub-standard, and user committees are unable to collect and save funds: Average savings are just 2% of expected levels. Despite these failures, community management has ‘worked’ for the state (and donors) as a means of offloading responsibility for public service provision. The article suggests elements of an alternative framework for rural water supply that would tackle the technical and financial failures of community management, and notes that efforts to promote ‘local ownership’ in development must be undertaken with care. © 2015 The Authors. Public Administration and Development published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd.

It has been widely suggested that public service delivery of the future will be different to that of today. Added to this, we are currently witnessing significant changes in terms of the nature of work. Taken together these developments signal that we will see transformation in terms of the role of public servants and the public service workforce. Against this background, this paper presents a dialogue on the future of the public service workforce between Helen Dickinson and Helen Sullivan of the Melbourne School of Government, University of Melbourne and Graeme Head, New South Wales Public Service Commissioner. This paper offers insights from academics actively engaged in teaching the future public service workforce and a public service commissioner actively working to make a reality of a vision of the future.

The New Public Management emerged in the 1980s, and with it, alternative service delivery (ASD) mechanisms, which removed service delivery from the public bureaucracy and separated policy making from policy implementation. Most western governments implemented measures including privatization or contracting out of service delivery to the private sector. By the mid-1990s, many governments started reversing ASD policies and sought new ways to deliver services, leading to a mixed model approach to service delivery, which combines the benefits of the public and private sectors. We examine the adoption of the model in the Canadian municipalities of Hamilton and Ottawa to determine if and how it enhances competition, cost-savings, efficiency, effectiveness, and good governance in the delivery of public services, during an era of fiscal constraint. Our findings indicate the model is better in enhancing the five variables when compared to solely public or private services delivery.

For two decades, the metaphor of ‘hollowing out’ dominated discussions about the changing role of the state in delivering public services. Today, this metaphor no longer captures important contemporary developments. European Union policy has expanded deeper and deeper into public service sectors, increasingly constraining government's capacities to deliver these services. I suggest a new metaphor to capture this: straitjacketing the state. People are straitjacketed when they are perceived to be at risk of damaging themselves through self-harm. Straitjacketing the state occurs when a state signs up to a new set of supranational rules which purportedly will help avoid it damaging itself, by restricting room for localised inefficient practices. However, due to the strength of the straitjacket, governments become significantly restricted in choosing policies for domestic implementation according to their preferences.

Public managers and researchers devote much attention to the benefits of coproduction, or the mixing of the productive efforts of public employees and citizens in public service design and delivery. One concern, however, is the distributional consequences of coproduction. This article proposes that disadvantaged citizens may be constrained by a lack of knowledge or other resources necessary to contribute to and benefit from the coproduction process. From this assumption, the authors develop the theoretical argument that if coproduction programs were designed to lift constraints on disadvantaged citizens, they might increase both efficiency and equity. This claim is tested using a field experiment on educational services. A coproduction program providing immigrant parents with knowledge and materials useful to their children's early educational development had a substantial positive impact on the educational outcomes of disadvantaged children, thereby diminishing inequity. Economically, the program was more efficient than later compensation of low-performing children.

SUMMARY One important but often understudied area of research in public administration is the effect of e-government on administrative discretion. This article examines e-government factors that influence administrative discretion through a survey of local governments. The focus of this study is on Egyptian local governments, which are using e-government to modernise public service delivery. Through a survey of administrative officials in these governments, this study found evidence that e-government factors of collaboration and organisational change influenced administrative discretion. Other common factors noted in the literature such as size of the local government and demand by citizens for e-government did not register an effect on administrative discretion. The results of this study imply that local governments should do more to enhance e-government to reduce administrative discretion, especially in the area of increasing collaboration. Copyright © 2011 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

This article follows a municipal councillor in Ahmedabad (Gujarat, India) on his daily routine in order to explore the various ways in which politicians in India operate as mediators between state institutions and citizens. Political mediation is deeply entrenched in the procedures, policies and habits that guide the daily functioning of Gujarat's state institutions. This article argues that this institutionalization of political mediation is the outcome of a dialectic between the limited capacity of the state to provide public services and the strategies that local politicians employ to win elections.

Contracting out has become a popular strategy in public service delivery, but it remains uncertain whether and how government can ensure contracting performance. As a result, a growing literature emphasizes the importance of governments' contracting capacities. Yet very few studies have empirically assessed how contracting capacities relate to contracting performance. This article identifies four types of contracting capacities in terms of agenda setting, contract formulation, contract implementation, and contract evaluation, relating them to three performance dimensions including cost, efficiency, and quality. Drawing from a manager survey from Taiwan, the article shows that the relationships between the capacities and the performance indicators are not always straightforward or linear, and the relationships are complicated by the role of time. The results suggest that contracting capacities have both benefits and costs, and the solutions rooted in the economics theory should not be taken beyond their appropriate boundaries.

Social-scientific analysis of public-participation initiatives has proliferated in recent years. This review article discusses some key aspects of recent work. Firstly, it analyses some of the justifications put forward for public participation, drawing attention to differences and overlaps between rationales premised on democratic representation/representativeness and those based on more technocratic ideas about the knowledge that the public can offer. Secondly, it considers certain tensions in policy discourses on participation, focusing in particular on policy relating to the National Health Service and other British public services. Thirdly, it examines the challenges of putting a coherent vision for public participation into practice, noting the impediments that derive from the often-competing ideas about the remit of participation held by different groups of stakeholders. Finally, it analyses the gap between policy and practice, and the consequences of this for the prospects for the enactment of active citizenship through participation initiatives.

Collaborations between nonprofit and public sector organizations have become an increasingly important phenomenon in state and local public service delivery since the publication of the Winter Commission report in 1993. This article focuses on one of the less studied types of public–nonprofit collaborations, those in which philanthropic support from nonprofit organizations supplements the resources and activities of public agencies. Drawing on the case of “nonprofit-as-supplement collaborations” that support park services in New York City, this article documents the benefits and drawbacks associated with such collaborations. While they can provide increased resources and encourage management innovations, they also can lead to inequities in the availability and quality of services, the preponderance of particularistic goals over the broader public interest, and the politicization of previously bureaucratic decision making. The authors offer two strategies for public managers to realize more effectively the benefits yet mitigate the shortcomings of these collaborations.

The European Union’s Lisbon strategy aspires “to become the most competitive and dynamic knowledge-based economy in the world” by 2010. Among the efforts to reach this aim, e-government applications across the member states of the Union have proved to be quite effective in providing electronic access to basic public services in a secure and efficient environment. Turkey’s endeavours to transform itself into an information society in general, and to implement e-government in the country in particular, have been closely related to the European experience. In fact, the recent e-government benchmark report of the Union has included Turkey. In this paper, we assess e-government implementation in Turkey by comparing online public service delivery in Turkey and the European Union. The comparison is based on the information available in the 2007 report on electronic public services in the European Union and Turkey.

Competition was one of the guiding threads of public policy under the Conservative Governments of the 1980s and 1990s. But whereas the Conservatives looked to the market primarily for the disciplining and economizing effects of competition, the Labour Government sees the market as a source of innovation and improvement. Following a brief description of these different perspectives, this paper identifies three avenues deserving of further inquiry: the costs and benefits of high trust interorganizational relationships; the way in which partnerships combine the competencies of different sectors; and finally, the extent to which the new partnerships transform public service delivery.

The relationship between administrative service performance and citizen satisfaction has been assumed, but not demonstrated, in the application of market models to public service delivery. Although the citizen satisfaction literature cautions that the link between objective and subjective measures of service quality is tenuous at best, public-sector professional organizations define a managerial focus on objective measures of service performance as accountability to citizens for outcomes. What if we’re wrong?

Since 2001 (if not since 1997) the Conservative party has struggled to develop a coherent set of policies with which to provide a credible alternative to the Blair government. A second successive crushing election defeat fuelled the ongoing debates in the Conservative party, between those who were convinced of the need to steer towards the centre ground, thereby reviving the Conservative's 'one nation' tradition, and those who wanted to place clear blue water between themselves and New Labour, and thus adhere to Thatcherite radicalism. The Conservatives have therefore appeared to struggle in developing clear, alternative policies on such issues as 'tax-and-spend' and public service reform and delivery. They have, however, inched hesitatingly towards a more socially liberal stance on various issues. A major problem for the Conservatives has been that the Blair governments have actually continued with, or consolidated, many policies inherited from the Conservatives in 1997, thereby making it even more difficult for the Conservatives to articulate their own distinct policy agenda. This is likely to contribute towards a third heavy defeat for the Conservative party in the next general election.

Until over a decade ago, concerted efforts at involving private agents to deliver solid waste collection services did not feature in local government's (LG's) policies and practices in Ghana. The LGs had over the years directly delivered the services with their labour, materials and equipment. The purpose of entering into partnerships with private contractors was to improve service delivery. This comes at a time when the private sector is generally viewed as more efficient and effective than the public sector. There is abundant literature on potential benefits of private sector participation in public service delivery; yet, figures of efficiency gains are often accepted without challenge. More advantages but fewer disadvantages are cited and anecdotal evidence is used only to illustrate successful applications of the concept of public–private partnerships (PPPs). Using research data from three cities (Accra, Kumasi and Tema) in Ghana, this article exposes the contrast between policy expectations and outcomes of PPPs. The article argues that simply turning over public service delivery to private agents without ensuring that the fundamentals that make them successful are put in place leads to a worse situation than portrayed in literature about the benefit of PPPs. Copyright © 2004 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

This article examines the merits of Wide Area Federations of Municipalities (MFs) as a public service delivery alternative to local government consolidation in Japan. It argues that MFs provide localities with a reasonable option to mergers where amalgamations are politically or geographically impractical, such as in sparsely populated, mountainous, and agricultural areas. Conversely, it maintains that MFs are less practical, efficient, and common in urbanized regions. These findings, the article concludes, suggest a new era of local government in Japan has begun. In this period, to be known as The Race for Local Power, national policies have provoked a new wave of municipal mergers.

This article defines three kinds of public/private partnership, lists their potential benefits and explains common issues and problems in their operation with examples from developing countries. It then defines and discusses the concepts of social sustainability and financial sustainability in relation to public/private partnerships, and emphasizes the importance of applying sustainability criteria to each partner. It is argued that essentially the same criteria apply to non-profit NGOs as to for-profit firms, despite their differences in goals and values. The article concludes with some suggested strategies for effective international technical co-operation in the establishment of public/private partnerships.

Using a transaction cost perspective, this article explores the administrative costs involved in quasi-market systems of public service delivery. Employing the historical example of the interwar National Health Insurance scheme, it revives Beveridge’s early criticisms of the duplication and expense incurred by the utilization of approved societies for benefit administration purposes. To this we should add the costs incurred by central audit and actuarial evaluation, the main mechanisms through which the societies were centrally regulated. The article concludes that, thanks to regulatory requirements, this poly-centric system of public administration was more expensive than a state-run equivalent – and that this message has significance for recent reforms. In the course of the analysis, the narrowness of a ‘pure’ transaction cost perspective is demonstrated and common assumptions concerning distinctions between ‘the state and the market’ in administrative structures are drawn into question. The division of public administration into these two typologies is arguably based on a false dichotomy.