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Oral health is often excluded from broad health policy discussions, addressed only in a policy silo. There is a paucity of research to guide policymaking as it relates to oral health. In response, AcademyHealth's Oral Health Interest Group organized a meeting during the 2019 AcademyHealth Annual Research Meeting to promote transdisciplinary dialog on the current state of oral health policy and the steps necessary to improve the oral health of Americans. This article summarizes the two main themes that emerged from the proceedings of the Oral Health Interest Group meeting: a) recommendations for advocating the inclusion of oral health in policy discussions and b) critical research topics and measures needed for effective oral health policies in the future.

Objective The United Daughters of the Confederacy (UDC) played an important role in constructing monuments commemorating the Civil War. Memorialization of the “Lost Cause” and preserving southern heritage are often cited as reasons for monument construction. Here, we study whether these monuments were also used as tools to mobilize potential members. Method We use data on Confederate monuments and UDC membership to empirically test if monument construction mobilized women to join the UDC. Results States with more Confederate monuments tended to have more UDC members. Confederate monument construction, especially courthouse monuments, was also predictive of the annual growth in UDC membership in a state. However, membership in individual chapters was not consistently affected by building a monument in a community Conclusion Confederate monuments could be a boon to UDC membership, underscoring how memorials can be used as catalysts for interest group mobilization.

What explains Members of European Parliament's (MEPs’) decisions to recognize some interest groups as relevant policy actors? Addressing this question is fundamental for understanding the role of political elites in shaping patterns of interest representation and interest groups’ role in legislative decision making. Building on theories of legislative behaviour and informational theories of legislative lobbying, we argue that MEPs give recognition to those organizations that are instrumental for achieving key political goals: re‐election, career‐progression and policy influence. The pursuit of these goals generates different patterns of MEP recognition of interest groups. We contribute to the literature in three ways. Conceptually, we propose interest group recognition as a key concept for understanding interactions and links between legislative and non‐legislative actors. We illustrate the high conceptual relevance of recognition for interest groups research while noting its conspicuous neglect in the literature. We address this gap and place the concept central stage in understanding legislators’ attention to and behaviour towards interest organizations. Theoretically, we build on a classic framework explaining legislators’ behaviour and refine it through the lenses of informational theories of legislative lobbying. We argue and show that legislators recognize organizations that enhance electoral prospects in their home Member States, and that legislator–group ideological proximity and an interest group's prominence in a specific policy field affect MEPs’ decisions to recognize some organizations as relevant actors. Our argument acknowledges the importance of the broader context in which MEPs operate and pays attention to how they react to and interact with it. Empirically, we propose an original and innovative research design to identify and measure recognition with the help of social media data. Our measurement strategy constitutes a significant improvement insofar that it reduces the challenges of measurement bias usually associated with self‐reported data generated through interviews, surveys, or the textual analysis of newspaper articles and official documents. Our research design allows using fine‐grained measures of key dependent and explanatory variables and offers the very first analysis of MEP interest group recognition that holds across decision‐making events and policy areas. We test our argument on a new dataset with 4 million observations recording the recognition of more than 7,000 organizations by 80 per cent of MEPs serving in EP8. We find that MEPs are more likely to recognize organizations from their Member State, particularly under flexible‐ and open‐list electoral institutions. MEPs are also more likely to recognize organizations that share their ideological affinities and are prominent actors in policy areas legislators specialize in. publishedVersion

First published online: 20 February 2020 Do business groups donate to the European Union's (EU) political parties? Does the party's ideology influence the donations it receives? Since 2008, the EU's political parties can receive financial contributions from private actors. This paper systematically maps and analyses the entire population of donations given to EU political parties from 2008 to 2015. The results show that business interests follow a selective strategy targeting with their donations right‐wing parties; with Eurosceptic parties performing better than pro‐integration parties. Conceptually, this study provides a hard resource for conceptualizing EU lobbying beyond information‐access models, and potentially opens a path for comparatives with the US literature. Furthermore, it reveals that some parties have moved away from the public utility paradigm, raising question over donations impact on EU politics and policy‐making. Empirically, it provides a unique image of interest group donations to EU parties over time.

Current scholarship often concludes that technical expertise is one of the most important commodities for interest groups wishing to gain access to political‐administrative venues. Less attention has been given to politicization and the scope of societal support that interest groups bring to bear. Specifically, I hypothesize that the capacity of interest groups to supply broad societal support is decisive for gaining access in highly politicized policy domains. To test this expectation, the article combines a mapping of interest group membership in 616 Belgian advisory councils with survey data from more than 400 organized interests. The empirical analyses demonstrate that interest groups with broad support are more likely to gain access to advisory councils in highly politicized policy domains, but this effect is negatively moderated when interest groups involve their constituencies intensely in advocacy processes.

This article develops and tests a parliamentarian‐centred decision model of the collaboration between interest groups (IGs) and parliamentarians. We posit that parliamentarians face a trade‐off when deciding on IG ties that offer them either political (policy support and votes) or financial benefits (additional income). We theorise the balance in this trade‐off to be moderated by ideology and tenure because both introduce variations in IG ties' utility across politicians. Using Swiss longitudinal data from 1985 to 2015 on 743 parliamentarians and their 5,431 IG board positions, we show that parliamentarians become more financial benefit‐seeking over time. This holds in particular if they belong to right‐leaning parties. We also find self‐imposed restrictions for new and left‐leaning parliamentarians on seeking financial benefits. This highlights that parliamentarians are responsive to their partisan constituents when building their IG tie portfolio.

The interest group theory of financial development predicts that the incumbents' opposition to financial development will be weaker when an economy is open to both trade and capital flows. Based on regressions of financial development on trade and financial openness, existing studies only provide indirect tests of the hypothesis and deliver mixed findings. This paper proposes models for direct tests of interest group theory for China. Using Chinese cross‐province data, we define and measure interest groups based on the close tie between state‐owned enterprises and local government in China. The empirical results show that the opposition from interest groups to financial development cannot be weakened in provinces with high trade or financial openness alone. However, the opposition is indeed weakened in provinces with high levels of both trade and financial openness. These results provide robust support for interest group theory in accounting for cross‐province differences and time‐series variation in financial development in China.

Pulmonary arterial hypertension is an important cause of death and disability in patients with systemic sclerosis (SSc). Yearly screening of all SSc patients with transthoracic echocardiography (TTE) is recommended in international guidelines and currently utilised by the Australian Scleroderma Interest Group (ASIGSTANDARD ). Owing to the limitations of TTE, the ASIG developed a new screening algorithm (ASIGPROPOSED ) utilising a serum biomarker, NT-proBNP, in place of TTE, which has been shown to be equally accurate as the current algorithm. The aim of this study was to compare the cost of these two algorithms using different scenarios. The new algorithm resulted in significant yearly cost savings of between AU$42 913.35 and AU$84 570 in screening and diagnosis of an Australian cohort which, if extrapolated to the Australian population, would result in a yearly cost saving of between AU$367 066 and AU$725 564. There was no scenario in which the proposed algorithm did not result in a cost saving.

Objective To determine whether medical student Otolaryngology-Head and Neck Surgery (Oto-HNS) interest groups increase student and resident interest in the specialty and influence decisions to apply to Oto-HNS residency. Methods Two web-based surveys were distributed by the Division of Otolaryngology-Head and Neck Surgery at UConn Health: one to current medical students at the University of Connecticut School of Medicine and the other to currents residents at Accreditation Council for Graduate Medical Education-approved otolaryngology training programs. Results Fifty medical students and 89 residents completed the surveys. Several components were assessed in these surveys, including factors contributing to the selection process, interest group availability, attendance of meetings, availability of otolaryngology mentors, and interest in the specialty. A majority of medical students noted that interest groups play a role in influencing their interest in a medical specialty (56%). Medical students who attended Oto-HNS interest group were more likely to consider applying for otolaryngology residency (P < .0001) and had improved understanding of otolaryngology than those that did not attend (P = .0003). Residents who attended interest group meetings were more likely to be influenced to apply to otolaryngology than those that did not attend. Conclusion Oto-HNS interest groups improve medical student understanding of the specialty. Medical students and residents who participated in interest groups were more likely to be influenced positively regarding the specialty than those that did not attend. Oto-HNS interest groups may foster greater interest in otolaryngology residency and offer a potential solution to the current match concerns. Level of Evidence xx.

This study assesses whether economic interest groups (business associations and trade unions) enjoy better access to the policymaking process than citizen groups. It compares the interest group population in Switzerland with those sets of groups present in the administrative and legislative venues. The study devises an aggregate measure of access to policymaking as a whole, which weights access according to different venues' importance. It theorizes the granting of access as a sequential process. Policymakers first decide whether to grant any access at all (selection stage) and then decide on the amount of access (allocation stage). Empirical evidence shows that policymakers do not discriminate between economic and citizen groups at the selection stage, but that they subsequently grant more access to economic groups. These findings qualify existing research, which interprets economic groups' superior access as the resilience of neo-corporatism, while also questioning the pluralizing effect of multiple policymaking venues.

Through what mechanism do interest groups shape public opinion on concrete policies? In this article, three hypotheses are proposed that distinguish between the effect of the arguments conveyed by interest groups and the effect of interest groups as source cues. Two survey experiments on the proposed Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TIPP) and the 2015 Paris Agreement on climate change allow the testing of these hypotheses. The resulting evidence from several countries shows that, with respect to interest groups’ attempts at shaping public opinion, arguments matter more than their sources. This is so even when accounting for people's trust in the interest groups that serve as source cues and for people's level of information about a policy. The finding that interest groups affect public opinion via arguments rather than as source cues has implications for the literature on elite influence on public opinion and the normative evaluation of interest group activities.

This article analyzes interest group representation and framing in the news media. In contrast to previous work, it focuses on the role of the policy area in shaping the types of groups appearing in the media and the frames used by groups. Empirically, the analysis maps group representation and framing across six different policy areas in the Danish news media. It distinguishes between whether groups frame their viewpoints as furthering (a) the interests of group members, (b) the interests of other specific societal groups, (c) broad economic concerns, or (d) public interests in general. Interest group representation and framing is found to vary between these policy areas. Some areas mainly contrast economic groups and the interests of their members, whereas debates in other areas are more likely to be shaped by references to beneficiaries of welfare state services or broad, public interests.

Background Emergency medicine (EM) residents do not generally receive sex- and gender-specific education. There will be increasing attention to this gap as undergraduate medical education integrates it within their curriculum. Methodology Members of the Sex and Gender in Emergency Medicine (SGEM) Interest Group set out to develop a SGEM toolkit and pilot integrating developed components at multiple residency sites. The curriculum initiative involved a pre- and posttraining assessment that included basic demographics and queries regarding previous training in sex-/gender-based medicine (SGBM). It was administered to PGY-1 to -4 residents who participated in a 3-hour training session that included one small group case-based discussion, two oral board cases, and one simulation and group debriefing. Analysis Components of the developed toolkit (https://www.sexandgenderhealth.org) were implemented at four unique SGEM Interest Group member residency programs. Residents (n = 82/174, 47%) participated; 64% (n = 49) were male and 36% (n = 28) were female. Twenty-six percent (n = 21) of the residents reported that they had less than 1 hour of training in this domain during residency; 59% (n = 48) reported they had 1 to 6 hours and 16% (n = 13) reported they had >6 hours. The average preassessment score was 61% and postassessment was 88%. After training, 74% (n = 60) felt that their current practice would have benefited from further training in sex-/gender-based topics in medicine during medical school and 83% (n = 67) felt their clinical practice would have benefited from further training in this domain during residency. Implications The majority of EM residents who participated in this training program reported that they had limited instruction in this domain in medical school or residency. This initiative demonstrated a method that can be emulated for the incorporation of SGBM educational components into an EM residency training educational day. After training, the majority of residents who participated felt that their current practice would have benefited from further training in sex- and gender-based topics in residency.

As described herein, we integrate problems related to political problems (especially, lobbying activities) into the model of regional economics with migration. The model has two regions (countries) and labour of two types (skilled and unskilled) in the economy. We assume that unskilled workers make an interest group in an attempt to affect local government policies. From the perspective of the (local) government, unskilled labour tends to become a powerful voting block because skilled labour might migrate to other regions. Unskilled workers have no choice but ‘silence’ in many previous studies related to new economic geography. However, we assume that they have another choice of “voice.” We specifically examine a case with two asymmetric cities. Lobbying activities that alter the income distribution within a region are more active in the rural area. This activity induces the migration of skilled workers in a rural area because the local government area usurps some of their income in the name of income redistribution policies: lobbying activities cause a population drain and regional population gap will widen. Results also show that such a population drain might reduce the utility of unskilled workers, although they form an interest group to increase their benefit. Como se describe aqui, en este articulo se integran las cuestiones relacionadas con problemas politicos (en particular las actividades de cabildeo) en el modelo de economia regional con la migracion. El modelo cuenta con dos regiones (paises) y mano de obra de dos tipos (calificada y no calificada) en la economia. Se asume que los trabajadores no calificados constituyen un grupo de interes, en un intento de afectar las politicas del gobierno local. Desde la perspectiva del gobierno (local), la mano de obra no calificada tiende a convertirse en un poderoso bloque de votacion, porque la mano de obra calificada podria migrar a otras regiones. Los trabajadores no calificados no tienen mas opcion que el ‘silencio’, de acuerdo con muchos estudios previos relacionados con la Nueva Geografia Economica. Sin embargo, en este estudio se asume que tienen otra opcion para ‘hacerse oir’. Especificamente, se examina un caso con dos ciudades asimetricas. Las actividades de cabildeo que alteran la distribucion de los ingresos dentro de una region son mas activas en el area rural. Esta actividad induce la migracion de trabajadores calificados en un area rural porque el gobierno local del area usurpa parte de sus ingresos en pro de las politicas de redistribucion de ingresos, con el efecto de que las actividades de cabildeo causan una fuga de poblacion y un ensanchamiento de la brecha de la poblacion regional. Los resultados muestran tambien que una fuga de poblacion como la mencionada podria reducir la utilidad de los trabajadores no calificados, aunque forman un grupo de interes para aumentar su beneficio. 本稿では、政治問題に関する問題(特にロビー活動に関する問題)を地域経済と移住のモデルに組み込む。このモデルには、その経済における2つの地域(国)と2つのタイプの労働(熟練と非熟練)がある。地方政府による政策に影響を及ぼすことをねらいとして、非熟練労働者が利益団体を組織すると仮定する。地方政府の立場からは、熟練労働者は他の地域に移住する可能性があるため、非熟練労働者は組織票を投じる強い影響力となる傾向がある。新しい経済地理に関する既存研究の多くは、非熟練労働者には「沈黙する」以外に選択肢はないとしている。しかし、本稿では非熟練労働者は「発言する」というもう一つの選択肢があると仮定する。本稿では2つの非対称的な都市における事例を特異的に検討する。所得分配を変化させるための、ある地域内のロビー活動は、農村地帯よりも活発に行われている。地域の行政が所得再配分政策という名目で、熟練労働者の所得の一部を奪うため、こうした活動は農村部の熟練労働者の移住を誘発する。すなわち、ロビー活動は人口流出を惹起し、人口の地域格差は拡大する。また、結果は、非熟練労働者が自身の利益を増やすために利益団体を組織しても、人口流出は彼ら自身の有益性を減らす可能性があることを示している。

Group coordinators are part of a highly influential circle of members of the European Parliament (MEPs). However, there is only scant knowledge about the powers and purpose of this position. This article draws upon theories of legislative organization and committee assignments to assess the question: What individual qualities determine the selection of group coordinators? Using a novel dataset of all MEPs elected to the 8th session of the European Parliament (EP), we consider various aspects of MEP professional background, experience in the chamber and interest group ties as potential predictors of this selection. Our findings indicate the particularly strong effect of incumbency in the committee system, as well as professional background for selection. Ultimately, the results bear relevance to the legislative organization of the EP as a legislature with both strong committees and strong parties.

This research examines the role of the devil shift and angel shift in interest group rhetoric using the case of gun policy. The Narrative Policy Framework (NPF) suggests that the devil shift—whereby political actors characterize their opponents as more malicious and powerful than they actually are—is common in intractable policy debates. Through an analysis of e-mails and press releases by two gun control organizations and two gun rights organizations, I examine how groups portray themselves and their opponents. I identify two dimensions relevant to these portrayals: (1) whether a character in a policy narrative is portrayed as good or evil, and (2) whether a character is portrayed as strong or weak. The findings indicate that while the devil shift is present, the angel shift—that is, the glorification of one's own coalition—is more common in gun policy groups' communications. Two alternative characterizations, which I call the angel in distress and the devil diminished, are also present. The use of these character portrayals varies significantly across political coalitions and as a function of communication purposes. The results suggest a need to reconceptualize character portrayals to better understand how they operate as narrative strategies in the NPF.

The Global Oral Health Interest Group of the Consortium of Universities for Global Health (GOHIG-CUGH) published recommended competencies to support development of competency-based global health education in dental schools. However, there has been no comprehensive, systematically derived, or broadly accepted framework for creating and delivering competency-based global health education to dental students. This article describes the results of a collaborative workshop held at the 2016 American Dental Education Association (ADEA) Annual Session & Exhibition designed to build on the GOHIG-CUGH competencies and start to develop systematic approaches for their practical application. Workshop organizers developed a preliminary theoretical framework for guiding the development of global health in dental education, grounded in published research. Collectively, workshop participants developed detailed outcomes for the theoretical framework with a focus on three educational practices: didactic, experiential, and research learning and how each can meet the competencies. Participants discussed learning objectives, keys to implementation, ethical considerations, challenges, and examples of success. Outcomes demonstrated that no educational practice on its own meets all 33 recommended competencies for dental students; however, the three educational practices combined may potentially cover all 33. Participants emphasized the significance of sustainable approaches to student learning for both students and communities, with identified partners in the communities to collaborate on the development, implementation, evaluation, and long-term maintenance of any student global health activity. These findings may represent early steps toward professional consensus and best practices for global health in dental education in the United States.

Objective I examine the differential effects on legislative behavior of organized and unorganized subgroups related to gun policy. Methods Using various data sources on campaign contributions, voter characteristics, and legislative behaviors, I estimate logit models of the decision to co-sponsor or vote for gun bills in the U.S. House of Representatives. Results Both interest group contributions and the percentage of hunters in a district are independently predictive of legislative behavior, above and beyond district ideology and party affiliation. These findings are robust and substantively meaningful. Conclusions Those involved in the politics surrounding gun policy should take into account the difference between the influence of organized interests like the National Rifle Association (NRA) and the unorganized interests of voter subgroups.

Why do majority parties choose to add extreme dead on arrival bills to their legislative agendas rather than enactable legislation? Majorities in Congress choose this strategy in order to accrue political support from their allied interest groups who reliably reward this legislative behavior. By examining all bills that receive floor consideration from 2003 through 2012, as well as interest group scorecards and campaign commercials, I find support for my theory. Dead-on-arrival bills generate electoral benefits for majority-party lawmakers, are more politically valuable than other bills, and are more often used to credit rather than punish legislators.

We offer a model of how interest groups affect policy stability. The relationship between interest group density and policy volatility is concave because of two forces: (a) the number and interaction of interest groups in a policy domain and (b) the effect of this interaction on policy image and attention. After laying out the logics of both processes, we identify three ideal type situations: (a) capture (low interest group density, low attention) and (b) deadlock (high interest group density, high attention) lead to low levels of policy volatility while (c) lability (medium interest group density, intermittent attention) leads to high levels of policy volatility. For our empirical evidence, we rely on all budget functions in the American states from 1984 to 2010 and employ generalized additive regression modeling. The article contributes to the literature on understanding interest group strategies, interest group influence in policy making, and broader questions of deliberative democracy.

Introduction This patterns of practice study was conducted on behalf of the RANZCR Breast Interest Group in order to document current radiotherapy practices for breast cancer in Australia and New Zealand. The survey identifies variations and highlights potential contentious aspects of radiotherapy management of breast cancer. Methods A fifty-eight question survey was disseminated via the Survey Monkey digital platform to 388 Radiation Oncologists in Australia and New Zealand. Results In total, 156 responses were received and collated. Areas of notable consensus among respondents included hypofractionation (77.3% of respondents would ‘always’ or ‘sometimes’ consider hypofractionation in the management of ductal carcinoma in-situ and 99.3% in early invasive breast cancer); margin status in early breast cancer (73.8% believe a clear inked margin is sufficient and does not require further surgery) and use of bolus in post-mastectomy radiotherapy (PMRT) (91.1% of participants use bolus in PMRT). Areas with a wider degree of variability amongst respondents included regional nodal irradiation and components of radiotherapy planning and delivery (examples include the technique used for delivery of boost and frequency of bolus application for PMRT). Conclusion The results of these patterns of practice survey informs radiation oncologists in Australia and New Zealand of the current clinical practices being implemented by their peers. The survey identifies areas of consensus and contention, the latter of which may lead to a development of research trials and/or educational activities to address these areas of uncertainty.

A decline in applicants for otolaryngology residency spots has been reported. Several possible factors include the lack of exposure to otolaryngology, the lack of role models, work-life balance, and the competitiveness of otolaryngology as a deterrent. Our institution started a medical student interest group to address several of these factors. Key stakeholders who were engaged in this process included medical students, otolaryngology residents, and faculty members. Sustainability of the interest group was investigated with funding and succession planning. Early exposure to otolaryngology through shadowing in the operating room and research projects were initiated with a database on a website. Logistics of starting a club and organizing a clinical skills session were discussed. Awareness of our specialty and branding of the interest group as otolaryngology versus ear, nose, and throat were debated. Starting a medical student interest group in otolaryngology may be an excellent way to foster interest in our specialty.

We examine the discursive influence of competing interest groups and how and when U.S. federal legislators use empirical evidence to consider Missouri River diversion projects originating in the relief, recovery, and reform thinking behind President Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal. Twelve U.S. Congressional committee hearings that occurred between 1944 and 2006 are content analyzed to demonstrate the nature of instrumental arguments in legislative deliberations. Members of Congress in favor of diversion projects used more economic-based, instrumental arguments than interest group representatives sharing their views while members of Congress opposed to the diversion projects consistently used less science-based, instrumental arguments than did interest group representatives sharing their stance. As a percentage, more instrumental arguments were made in field hearings than in Washington, D.C. hearings. While more economic-based, instrumental arguments were made in Senate-related hearings than in House of Representatives related hearings, in the House more science-based, instrumental arguments were made than in the Senate.

Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) were once considered as altruistic groups which aim was to impartially influence public policy with no vested interests. Nevertheless, this perception has changed. They are increasingly perceived as groups that prioritize their own ideologies or that respond to the interests of their donors, patrons, and members rather than to those of the groups they represent. This article discusses the politics of NGOs in the present changing globalized world as agents concerned with social and environmental change as much as with their own causes. It argues that numerous NGOs are as much a part of national and international politics as any other interest group and that their practices and activities are not always in the search of a good society or the common good.

This article seeks to explain the use of inside and outside lobbying by organised interests at global diplomatic conferences. At first sight, the lobbying at these venues is puzzling as it does not seem to be a very fruitful way to acquire influence. The use of outside strategies especially is perplexing because most aspects of international negotiations fall outside of the purview of national constituencies. It is argued in this article, however, that the presence of outside lobbying is not so puzzling if lobbying is seen both as a way to attain influence and as a way to pursue organisational maintenance goals. Empirically, the article draws on interview data with 232 interest group representatives that participated at either the 2012 session of the World Trade Organization (WTO) Ministerial Conference in Geneva, or the 2011 (Durban) and 2012 (Doha) United Nations Climate Conferences. The analysis demonstrates that organisational needs, and especially the competition actors face in obtaining resources, significantly affects the relative focus of organised interests on inside and outside lobbying.

This paper provides the first large-N study, which measures the variation in interest group system institutionalization. It shows that the level of democracy is a very strong determinant of strength of interest groups across countries. Findings are corroborated by analysing the Tunisian case to alleviate the reverse causality problem. Implications for comparative interest groups and democracy research are discussed. Copyright © 2016 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Recent court decisions have encouraged new types of interest groups to become involved in election campaigns. Yet questions remain about whether interest group sponsorship of advertising affects the content of the issues being discussed. The ability of interest groups to influence the campaign agenda has implications for the extent to which politicians can be held accountable by citizens. In this research, we present a new conceptual framework for explaining variation in interest group advertising strategies and examine the factors leading different types of interest groups to be loose cannons (diverging from the issue debates among candidates) or loyal foot soldiers (matching the candidates’ issue debates). We find more evidence of loyal foot soldier behavior among new multi-issue interest groups and among Republican groups and candidates. Fears of interest groups “hijacking” campaign agendas appear unfounded.

Social media offer a new outside lobbying tactics for interest groups, yet many examinations of social media use by interest groups have been case studies or single-country studies. While much can be learned from those approaches, national-level factors – such as the style of policy making and globalization – cannot be fully addressed. The aim of this paper is to demonstrate the relationship between globalization and the use of social media as an outside lobbying strategy with cross-national data. Controlling for other factors, I argue that globalization creates isomorphic pressure on interest groups to adapt new lobbying tactics, thereby increasing the likelihood of using social media and using it in certain ways. Specifically, based on data collected from interest groups operating in 13 countries, the analysis shows that globalization is associated with more internationally-bounded social media strategies, but also with lower social media resonance. Copyright © 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Arend Lijphart's Patterns of Democracy, similar to most of his work, elicited fierce scientific debate. This article replicates some of the analyses proposed in its second edition (published in 2012) in the light of the critiques received by the first edition (published in 2009). It primarily examines the relationship between institutional setup and interest group representation, disentangling the effect of consensualism from that of corporatism on issues such as macroeconomic performance and governance capabilities. The article further deepens our understanding of the complex causal mechanisms connecting these variables, proposing a more sophisticated empirical investigation that emphasises selection effects and conjunctural causation.

This study examines interest groups undertaking lobbying activity focused on administrative rulemaking. The analysis utilizes a dataset composed of observations made during the 2009–2010 Wisconsin Legislative Session, including the entire population of groups lobbying during this time period. This research examines the participants, efforts, and coalitions utilized when groups engaged in lobbying activity related to rulemaking. Although scholars have examined interest group activity focused on rulemaking at the federal level, little work has focused on this behavior in the states. This study aims to further the understanding of this activity. Copyright © 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

We study the dividend policy of firms in regulated network industries, focusing on the impact of different regulatory regimes and government control. We link payout and smoothing decisions to different regulatory mechanisms (cost-based vs. incentive regulation) and state versus private ownership. We test our predictions on a panel of listed European electric utilities, accounting for potential endogeneity of the choice of regulatory and ownership patterns. We find that incentive-regulated firms smooth their dividends less than cost-based regulated firms and that they report higher target payout ratios. Consistent with the interest group theory of regulation, we find that incentive regulation schemes are less likely when the state is still an important shareholder in the sector. Additionally, our results show that government control undermines the efficiency-enhancing effects of incentive regulation on dividend policy, for example, lower smoothing is only due to private firms. (JEL G35, L51, L32, L9)

Low back pain is a major physical and socioeconomic problem. Degeneration of the intervertebral disc and especially that of nucleus pulposus (NP) has been linked to low back pain. In spite of much research focusing on the NP, consensus among the research community is lacking in defining the NP cell phenotype. A consensus agreement will allow easier distinguishing of NP cells from annulus fibrosus (AF) cells and endplate chondrocytes, a better gauge of therapeutic success, and a better guidance of tissue-engineering-based regenerative strategies that attempt to replace lost NP tissue. Most importantly, a clear definition will further the understanding of physiology and function of NP cells, ultimately driving development of novel cell-based therapeutic modalities. The Spine Research Interest Group at the 2014 Annual ORS Meeting in New Orleans convened with the task of compiling a working definition of the NP cell phenotype with hope that a consensus statement will propel disc research forward into the future. Based on evaluation of recent studies describing characteristic NP markers and their physiologic relevance, we make the recommendation of the following healthy NP phenotypic markers: stabilized expression of HIF-1α, GLUT-1, aggrecan/collagen II ratio >20, Shh, Brachyury, KRT18/19, CA12, and CD24.

Charter schools have generated support from politicians in both major American political parties while stimulating intense debate among interest groups. We investigate whether and how public attitudes reflect interest group polarization or politician consensus. Using an original survey, we find that charter school opinions diverge along ideological lines among high-information respondents. With embedded experiments, we manipulate respondents' information using policy cues tied to opposing sides of the charter debate: We assess whether the role of private companies and nonunion teachers changes support for charter schools. We find that the public responds favorably to some informational cues; conservatives without prior information are especially persuaded by information about nonunion teachers. This explains how polarized opinion can develop even in the absence of strong partisan sorting among top political leaders and clarifies the partisan and ideological context of ongoing education policy debates.

This article develops and tests a theory of party group lobbying that demonstrates how the European Parliament's decision-making process shapes interest group interactions with legislators. Interest group behaviour is highly conditional on two motivations: lobby powerful MEPs, and lobby friendly MEPs. Friendliness is based on ideology, with power shaped by institutional rules and seat share. These goals can mutually reinforce each other. However, because these two motivations exist, and because political power is not fully predictable, there are strong incentives for interest groups to lobby party groups that are non-natural allies to ensure that their policy information reaches the winning side. But, when interest groups engage in this behaviour, they retain their preference to lobby the friendliest members. The analysis is carried out on nine policy-related categories of interest group, with MEP data from three parliaments in the period 1999–2011, combined with information on the parliamentary role of 724 respondents.