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Following recent protests and civil disorders in Ferguson, Missouri and other American cities, President Barack Obama established a Task Force on 21st Century Policing. "When any part of the American family does not feel like it is being treated fairly [by law enforcement], that's a problem for all of us," he stated (President's Task Force on 21st Century Policing 2015: 5). One of the recommendations of the Task Force was that "...law enforcement agencies should adopt procedural justice as the guiding principle for internal and external policies and practices to guide their interactions with rank and file officers and with the citizens they serve" (President's Task Force on 21st Century Policing 2015: 1). Procedural justice refers to the fairness embedded in the processes by which power holders exercise their authority, and involves behaviors such as respectful speech, inviting citizen input, and transparency in decision making. Such behaviors, in turn, were found to promote highly desirable outcomes, including an overall sense of fair treatment, legitimacy, satisfaction, and willingness to comply and cooperate with police officers (e.g., Blader & Tyler 2003a, 2003b; JonathanZamir et al. 2015; Murphy 2014; National Research Council 2004; Schulhofer et al. 2011; Sunshine & Tyler 2003; Tyler 2004, 2009, 2011).On December 30, 2014, the same month the Executive Order establishing the Task Force was signed, a police officer in New Jersey stopped a vehicle for allegedly driving through a stop sign. The officer politely greeted the occupants of the vehicle, identified himself by name and affiliation, and explained why they were being stopped. When one of the passengers asked a question about the location of the stop sign, the officer patiently explained. He was polite and calm. Yet, at least one of the passengers did not appear to fully comply with the officer's demands, and less than 90 seconds later, Jerame Reid, a 36-year old Black man, was shot dead by the officers who feared that he was reaching for a gun (Sanchez 2015). This event is one (extreme) example of the complexity of police-citizen interactions. The procedural justice model in its most simple form would have predicted that the officer's behavior would lead to citizen compliance and cooperation, which would have made the use of force unnecessary. Yet, like many police-citizen interactions, this encounter clearly involved other factors that led to the unfortunate outcome. Recognizing that the outcomes of procedurally-just treatment vary, important questions can be asked about this variation and the factors that affect it.In this article we focus on one expected outcome of policeprovided procedural justice-the mitigation of negative emotions that may arise in police-citizen interactions: humiliation, intimidation, and a sense of indifferent treatment (referred to herein as perceptions of hostile treatment); and one factor that is expected to elicit such negative emotions: the use of "high-policing" practices. High policing addresses strategic problems at the macrolevel, such as national security (rather than local crime and disorder problems), and is characterized by tactics that are less transparent and accountable, and thus prone to violations of human rights and due process (e.g., Bayley & Weisburd 2009; Brodeur 1983, 2010; Brodeur & Dupeyron 2003). We ask if the behavioral elements of procedural justice (including treating citizens with respect, concern, and transparency) "neutralize" the expected negative outcomes of high policing, or, alternatively, if some intrusive tactics produce a sense of hostile treatment independent of the "amount" of procedural justice embedded in the officer's behavior.We address this question in the context of airport security checks, which, since the terror attack of September 11, 2001, have become both very common and potentially invasive, humiliating and threatening (Hasisi et al. 2012). We use a survey of 1,970 passengers boarding an airplane at Ben-Gurion Airport (Israel) to assess the effects of four "extra" security measures (being asked a large number of questions; being questioned by many security officers; having one's suitcase opened and searched; and being questioned away from the other passengers) on perceptions of hostile treatment (feeling humiliated, intimidated, and being treated with insensitivity), while accounting for the procedural justice displayed by the security officers (as experienced by the passenger). …

The authors provide epidemiological estimates of trauma, posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), and associated mental disorders in Northern Ireland (NI) with a focus on the impact of civil conflict using data from the NI Study of Health and Stress (NISHS), a representative epidemiological survey of adults in NI. Overall 60.6% had a lifetime traumatic event, and 39.0% experienced a presumed conflict-related event. Men were significantly more likely to experience any traumatic event and most conflict-related event types (p < .05). The lifetime and 12-month prevalence of PTSD were 8.8% and 5.1%, respectively. Furthermore, the lifetime prevalence of any mental disorder among men and women who experienced a conflict-related trauma (46.0% and 55.9%, respectively) was significantly higher than the prevalence among men and women who did not experience this type of traumatic event (27.2% and 31.1%, respectively). Given the public health burden posed by PTSD and additional impact of conflict, specific attention must be paid to the policy, service, and clinical challenge of delivering evidence-based treatments in the wake of a tumultuous period of conflict.

Intergroup bias is one of the most actively researched topics in the field of social psychology. Hundreds of books and thousands of research articles have addressed this issue over more than half a century. Although the psychological roots of blatant prejudices are well documented, the development of more subtle and often unintentional forms in societies in which its expression is discouraged poses new and unique challenges to the pursuit of justice and equality in contemporary society. Our interests in the psychological underpinnings of prejudice as researchers and educators are both practical and conceptual. On the practical side, understanding the nature of contemporary forms of prejudice has clear implications for developing effective techniques for combating bias and discrimination. In 1967, nearly 3 years after the landmark Civil Rights Act of 1964, race riots in the United States prompted the Kerner Commission to investigate the sources of racial tension. Upon the conclusion of its investigation, the commission cited White America’s failure to assist Blacks in need, rather than actively trying to harm Blacks, as a primary cause of racial disparities and, ultimately, civil unrest (Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders, 1968). Indeed, it was research on the differential helping behavior of politically liberal Whites toward Black and White motorists who were stranded on a highway that represented the first empirical work on aversive racism (Gaertner, 1973). Considerable subsequent research on aversive racism has revealed that the consequences of subtle bias can be as severe and pernicious as those of blatant prejudice. Conceptually, the complexities of contemporary forms of prejudice and recent advances in techniques and tools for studying non-conscious biases make this research area an exciting and challenging one. We hope that this guide can help orient educators to the many excellent resources that exist and convey our enthusiasm for exploring what psychological methods and theories can contribute to understanding one of the most challenging social issues faced in contemporary society.

In 1989, the City of Virginia Beach sought to discourage thousands of young African-American college students from holding their annual festival in the city. The policy failed and a major civil disorder occurred. This study explores the city's decision-making process on this issue. The alternative explanations provided by elite, pluralism, and systemic power theories are examined, It is determined that the systemic power theory provides the most appropriate explanation. According to this theory, government officials are favorably biased toward the interests of the upper strata of their community unless they are effectively checked by popular constraints. In this instance, an unelected official, the city manager, made the policy. Consequently, the policy reflected the interests of the city's largest tourist-related businesses. The significance of this study is that its findings strongly challenge the appropriateness of the council-manager form of government for cities with populations as large and as heterogeneous as that of Virginia Beach. Indeed, the strong-mayor form of government is recommended for these cities.

Aims: The Solomon Islands health service, infrastructure and economy were severely affected by the civil conflict that occurred between 1998 and 2003. In 2002 plans to rebuild health services for children, especially those provided in provincial hospitals, were developed by paediatricians, in collaboration with the World Health Organization. We aimed to inform this process by an assessment of the strengths and weaknesses of the child health service, particularly in provincial hospitals. Methods: A systematic assessment of the quality of hospital care for children in Solomon Islands was conducted in November 2003. The study used a WHO assessment tool, modified for use in the Asia-Pacific region. Results: The assessment highlighted several problems in clinical care, human resources, health financing, referral systems, and training, and has been used as a basis for several interventions for improving the quality of paediatric care. Conclusion: This study and the initiatives that have followed it demonstrate the link between such assessments, child health policy and quality improvement activities. Such programs can be implemented even where resources are very limited. Sustaining initiatives based on this assessment will be important for the Solomon Islands if it is to achieve the Millennium Development Goals for child survival by 2015.

A decade after the transition from communism, health systems in the countries that emerged from the Soviet Union have moved, at different speeds, away from the Soviet model of health care. The Soviet system sought to achieve universal, free access to basic health services, centrally planned according to strict norms with the goal of delivering services of uniform quality in all parts of the Soviet Union. Although it made considerable progress toward this goal, in reality, it was never fully achieved. Thus, in 1987, there were more than twice as many physicians per thousand population (5.7 versus 2.7) in Georgia than in Tajikistan, and infant mortality varied five-fold among the 15 republics, from 11.3 per 1,000 births in Latvia to 56.4 in Turkmenistan (Rowland and Telyukov 1991). In addition, although the Soviet health care system was often seen as monolithic, there were several parallel systems run by other ministries, for example, for the defense forces and KGB, although they were relatively unimportant numerically, with the Ministry of Health in Moscow responsible for 96 percent of hospital beds and 94 percent of ambulatory care in the U.S.S.R. in the late 1980s (Peoples Economy of the U.S.S.R. in 1989 1999). However there was some diversity among facilities under the control of the Ministry of Health, with those attached to major enterprises, such as factories, often receiving considerable subsidies from their associated enterprise while facilities for the Communist Party elite in Moscow, also under the control of a section of the Ministry of Health, received substantially higher levels of funding. Finally, in part reflecting difficulties in communications and supply, individual accounts by health professionals suggest that facilities were often less well developed in isolated rural areas, especially in the far north where populations were nomadic, although despite the enormous problems involved, some basic services were always maintained in these areas. Yet, in most respects, a physician moving from one part of the U.S.S.R. to another would be familiar with the overall operation of the system. The events that accompanied the break up of the Soviet Union made it inevitable that this system would change, for two reasons. First, in many countries there was a widespread rejection of the Soviet model, with its symbolic association with the communist system. Second, in many countries, the economic collapse caused by the disruption of production and trading relationships and, in some cases, civil disorder, exacerbated by a widespread break down in the power of the state, meant that government revenues were no longer able to sustain the inherited system (Shishkin 1999). The systems that have emerged vary considerably although all countries have formally retained the principle of universal access to care. Changes have been both planned and unplanned. Planned changes include a move to more pluralistic systems of both funding and delivery. New systems of funding have included shifts to health insurance and expansion of out-of-pocket payments (Field 1999). Planned reforms of health care delivery include decentralization of the organization of the system. However, in many countries it is the unplanned changes that have been more important in shaping the new system. They include a substantial increase in informal payments in some countries (Lewis 2002) and a breakdown of existing systems for health system governance. While there is extensive anecdotal evidence that access to care has suffered in this region, some small-scale studies indicating how particular groups, such as those with chronic diseases, have suffered considerably (Hopkinson et al. 2004; Telishevska, Chenet, and McKee 2001). Secondary analysis of survey data revealed that 0.6 percent of households in Kyrgyzstan and 3.9 percent in Ukraine faced catastrophic expenditure due to health costs in one year (Xu et al. 2003), and a recent study in Tajikistan documents large inequalities in access to care related to affordability (Falkingham 2004). However, there is, to our knowledge, no systematic research comparing how changes in different ex-Soviet countries have affected access to health care. This study begins to fill this gap by examining patterns of health system utilization in eight former Soviet Union countries, exploring the socioeconomic determinants of utilization and the extent of payment for health care, looking in detail at those who, despite illness, do not have access health care.

While basic guidelines on HIV prevention in emergencies have been available for several years, international agencies involved in the provision of health services have not placed sufficient priority on the prevention of the human immune deficiency virus (HIV) and other sexually transmitted infections (STIs) in complex emergencies. This paper reviews the factors that may increase the risk of HIV transmission in populations affected by complex emergencies and outlines recommendations for research and programmes. Research into the most appropriate methods of carrying out HIV surveillance and interventions in these settings is needed. In the post-emergency phase programmes need to be far more extensive than those offered under the Minimal Initial Services Package (MISP). While the potential for stigmatization represents an important constraint, there is a need to prioritize HIV/STI interventions in order to prevent HIV transmission in emergency-affected populations themselves, as well as to contribute to regional control of the epidemic.

The Israeli-Palestinian peace process is characterized by its unknown outcomes and consequences for the families involved. The purpose of this study was to identify family processes under conditions of prolonged uncertainty. Data were collected from both Israeli and Palestinian families in the West Bank by means of semi-structured interviews. Qualitative and quantitative analyses showed cross-cultural differences in the perception of the situation; different kinds of concerns and sources of stress; different coping responses; and differences in dyadic interaction patterns and intrafamily processes. The findings are discussed in social-contextual terms, particularly the ways in which political and cultural contexts shape the perception of the situation and family processes under prolonged stressful conditions.

As a step towards framing an understanding of the politics of the South African transition and the prospects for democracy in that country, this paper asks the question: what kind of state is it that is being transformed? It offers the argument that we should conceptualize the history of state formation within the territory that is presently called South Africa in terms of three inter-related trajectories: imperial, national, and urban. By doing this, it is argued, the dimensions of key obstacles in the path of democratic national governance understood as ‘legacies of apartheid’ become clearer as the new leadership of the state strives to establish new forms of rule. Understanding the history of the imperial state system, as well as stressing the distinctiveness of the urban domain, adds to the well-attested story of racial exclusion in the national state and enables a clearer appreciation of matters such as the status of women, the mobilization of ethnic nationalism, problems of crime and civil disorder, and the new forms of politics that are emerging as local ANC notables become agents of the state in black townships and rural areas.

The increasing scale of international intervention in conflict is generating new pressures on the humanitarian community. Increased expenditure on emergency relief, static levels of overseas development aid and subsequent lack of funds for development are dictating that agencies design relief projects that positively effect developmental reconstruction. This paper examines the provision of shelter for refugees and displaced persons in the Republic of Croatia and identifies ways in which it has encouraged and discouraged sustainable reconstruction. It argues that to promote lasting reconstruction, programmes must focus on saving livelihoods as well as lives, thus minimising the long-term psychological and physical impacts of aid on refugees, displaced persons and host communities.

Objective This study investigates the security implications of growing orphan populations, particularly in Sub-Saharan Africa. Little has been written about the security implications of this especially vulnerable group of children. Are growing orphan populations associated with increases in political instability as has been suggested? Method Using data from several sources, we employ regression analysis to test whether Sub-Saharan African countries with larger proportions of orphans and those with increasing orphan populations experience higher rates of political instability. Results We find that the increase in the orphan population is related to an increasing incidence of civil conflict, but do not find a similar relationship for the proportion of orphans. In addition, we find that the causes of orphanhood matter. Conclusions We conclude that increases in orphan populations (rather than simple proportions) are destabilizing. We suggest possible avenues for mediating the security risks posed by growing orphan populations.

This paper examines the behavior of riot participants in the context of an expected utility maximization model. The basic hypothesis is that a riot presents the participants with a constantly changing set of opportunities, and that their behavior can only be understood in light of these changing returns and costs. The model is tested using data collected by the National Advisory Committee on Civil Disorders. The results are consistent with the hypothesis of maximizing behavior.

In mid-December last year, five social scientists finished a paper called "The Harvest of American Racism" and turned it in to the staff of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders. Two weeks later, four of the five were abruptly released from further commission work. With them in December went 34 other members of the staff, mostly field investigators, released in a major budgetary cutback. Simultaneously, the riot commission decided to go for a single early report and skip its interim report, of which the Harvest paper was to be a part. None of these moves, as it happened, was aimed at edging social science out of the riot investigation. But to social scientists, watching from the sidelines and already suspicious of the commission's willingne-s to deal with racism, it looked bad. A few began to cry whitewash. The commission was accused of burying data and bending to the will of the President. who, it was assumed, had seen and vetoed the Harvest paper. That product, meanwhile, turned uip in various accounts as a "secret report," locked away in commission offices. The sniping lasted through January at which time Commissioner Roy Wilkins, executive director of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, wrote a public reply to one critic who predicted the commission would fail because it was composed of politicians. Said Wilkins: "One is nudged to the view that both politicians and social scientists are specialists and should meet, perhaps, only tentatively and gingerly." Then came the March document. If it shocked the nation with its bold attack on white racism, it surprised and delighted social scientists. Their common conclusion: The commissioners must have experienced a change of heart, or, alternately, they had decided to ignore politics. Possibly there was a change of heart somewhere among 11 commissioners, but it now seems clear the riot panel was never engaged in a whitewash effort, nor was it controlled from the White House. Nowhere does the bipartisan panel give credit to existing Administration domestic programs and the President revealed his displeasure, first by virtually ignoring the findings, then by attacking them through the comments of Vice President Hubert Humphrey and Secretary-designate of Health, Education and Welfare, Wilbur J. Cohen. (Cohen has since reversed his stand. He now praises the report as "a valuable contribution to our thinking," and President Johnson's post-riot recommendations to the Congress are expected to be a melding of his earlier proposals and the riot commission recommendations.) From the start, a good part of the commission and its staff seem to have known they would have to face the central dangerous issue-white racism-and would deal with the roots of disordernamely, white refusal to allow blacks access to the American main stream. Why then the trouble with social scientists who for years have been pressing this same theme with growing intensity in one forum after another? The controversial paper, "Harvest of American Racism" and the commission report resemble each other in spirit, yet the first provoked a bitter professional fallout between social scientists and riot investigators. The struggle has implications for any future cooperative ventures between social scientists and public men. The handful of social scientists fired in December were to have provided a scientific base for the riot investigation. Their efforts confused and angered staff members. Social scientists, it seems, misjudged their mission while the people ..~ ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~{{ .,'0 ......