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Much of the transition literature touts the peaceful nature of the third wave of democratization. The result is that there is a dearth of information regarding political violence and the role it plays in democratic transitions. This paper seeks to explore the issue of political violence as it relates to the transition process. Specifically, does political violence hinder the democratic transition process? Instances of political violence that occur during the transition period are as important to study as instances of peaceful transition; to understand only one type of transition is to misunderstand the idiosyncratic nature of transitions. The gap in the literature that currently fails to address the role of political violence in countries moving toward democratic rule has mistakenly resulted in broad generalizations that violence is only detrimental to the prospect of democracy. This paper will explore this argument and will also briefly discuss five transitions in which violence occurred? Portugal, El Salvador, South Africa, Romania, and East Timor (Timor Leste). This research borrows from and will have implications for the sub-fields of comparative politics and international relations as it truly is an intradisciplinary discussion on transitions and violence. How we study democratic transitions and the presence or absence of political violence will be altered as the research shows that democracy can indeed arise alongside violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper compares three instances of racial/ethnic violence from around the world in the aftermath of World War I. Wartime expansion created new opportunities for subordinate racial/ethnic groups, but the post-war contraction increased tensions as dominant groups sought to reassert control local labor markets. As semi-skilled workers from White or Protestant groups used violence to reassert their supremacy they used the mantles of British, Afrikaner, and American nationalism in Belfast, South Africa, and Chicago. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that the ever-increasing political hegemony of the African National Congress (ANC) over the last 10 years has undercut the progressiveness of institutional structures that were designed to enhance participatory democracy. Civil society's ability to use institutions as avenues for input rests on effectively leveraging civil society's position and influence, something that South African groups cannot do in the current political context. Using qualitative case study of the South African Sexual Offenses Bill, the paper finds that women's groups may be successful in incorporating their demands early in the legislative process. As the legislative process continues, however, groups' demands are more often than not stripped or substantially altered in final legislation. This is in part because veto points, created by the presence of individual political actors in the presence of a permissive political structure or resource mobilization, may constrain effectiveness. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines effect of faith in civilization, a racialized belief in the educative value of wage work on the expectations in South Africa in the late 19th century in order to illuminate the way that taxation functions in political communities. It mentions that the anxiety of discovering a distinction between coercing labor and providing incentives proves to be a central issue for the post-facto legitimation of taxation.