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Introduction. The article is devoted to the analysis of the images of “us” and “them” in the photographs of Robert Capa on the pages of “A Russian Journal,” the text of which belongs to John Steinbeck. Containing both explicit and implicit markers of otherness, this text is an early example of nascent Cold War discourse. Methods and materials. Using methods of media and visual studies as well as photograph theory, the author of the article considers “A Russian Journal” as a single media text. Its specificity lies in the interaction of two media within it: visual (photo) and verbal (text). Analysis. The author of the article traces how the meaning of the images arises from their connection with text and how the presence of the images affects the whole narrative of “A Russian Journal.” The photographs here function on two levels. First, they certify the sincerity of the writer, as Capa is represented as an observer, and the very function of the photograph-document is informational. Second, the very presence of a camera is considered a threat and means power. The photographs construct the meaning of reality and implicitly become an instrument to reveal the differences between the two powers, the USSR and the USA. Results. The photographs, as a discursive element of “A Russian Journal,” mark an insurmountable barrier between the two countries. The specifics of photographic media and the discourse built around this media influence the creation of the image of the “other”, which turns out to be a potentially dangerous “alien”.

Introduction. The article examines cooperation between Russia and the US on Arctic research in the context of the Ukrainian crisis. One of the accompanying tasks is to study the motivations of both sides for continuing such cooperation. Methods and materials. The article uses the so-called liberal intergovernmental approach as a research method, aiming to explain the reasons for cooperation between countries with different socio-political structures and national interests on the world stage. The empirical basis for the study was the documents of international organizations, US and Russian state institutions, as well as research organizations in Russia and the US involved in the study of the Arctic. Analysis. The article demonstrates that currently there are four main levels of US-Russian scientific cooperation in the Arctic: interpersonal (individual), institutional (between various Russian and American organizations), state (government exchange programs), and international (within the framework of multilateral organizations of a global and regional nature). Results. It is concluded that despite the unfriendly actions taken by the US against Russian scientists and organizations, the “mechanism of interdependence” created in previous years did not allow to completely interrupt scientific ties between these countries. Both sides are well aware of the value of cooperation in this area and therefore try to maintain certain channels of interaction. Natural science topics (climate change, meteorology, environmental protection, biodiversity conservation, oceanology, glaciology, etc.) dominate the priorities of US-Russian scientific cooperation in the Arctic. However, socio-humanitarian and interdisciplinary issues (local communities, indigenous peoples, gender studies, urban development and planning, etc.) have recently become increasingly important. The authors believe that scientific cooperation between Russia and the US in the Arctic will revive as the international situation and bilateral relations between the two countries normalize after the settlement of the Ukrainian conflict. Authors’ contribution. V.N. Konyshev: Introduction and Analysis. A.A. Sergunin: Abstract, methods and materials, results, and design of the scientific apparatus.

Introduction. The article focuses on the changes that happened in the portrayal of U.S. characters in Soviet Thaw cinema. The contribution of the article in the field of cultural Cold War is threefold: for the first time, it studies the American characters’ images through the prism of the concept of rehumanization; establishes common and particular traits of deconstruction of the image of the enemy in Soviet and American cinema; and introduces new materials into scientific circulation. The materials consist of the movies on which Soviet cinematography worked in the early 1960s; reviews in film magazines; and archival data of discussions on movies and their scenarios that took place in film studios. Analysis. Specifics of the dehumanization of ‘enemy number one’ in Soviet cinema. The Soviet anti-Americanism was based on the idea of ‘two Americas’: dehumanization has been subjected only to class and politically alien Americans. Deconstructing the image of the enemy in Thaw cinema. Humanizing U.S. characters was achieved with the help of endowing them with kindness, empathy, creativity, emotionality, moral behavior, ability for love, friendship, and comradeship, emphasizing the similarity of the basic values of ‘us’ and ‘them’, and demonstrating the possibility of peaceful coexistence through cases of mutual aid, cooperation, and the occurrence of friendly and romantic relations. The humanness of U.S. characters becomes less dependent on political factors. The cinema expressed the idea that man by nature was good, and this original human goodness was noticeable most of all in children, including American ones. The limits of rehumanization. The conservative part of the Soviet elite accused ‘abstract humanism’ of forgetting the class principle and juxtaposed it to ‘revolutionary humanism’. Criticism of ‘abstract humanism’ in ideology was accompanied by a tightening of demands for representing America that representatives of the Soviet controlling bodies made. Results. In the 1960s, Soviet cinema (just like U.S. cinema) had the tendency of deconstructing the image of ‘enemy number one’, which took the form of rehumanization. The rehumanization had its limitations.

Introduction. There has been a rich tradition of using stereotypes and cliches of Russians in U.S. comic strips since the 1940s. Russian characters represent statehood, cultural dominants, and ethnic stereotypes. They convey the political agenda and civic values and demonstrate reactions to historical cataclysms. The leaders of the USSR represent the state as a political system in comic strips. In the 1980s, the interpretation of the “Russian threat” changed significantly, as did the methods of representing the General Secretary of the Soviet Union. Methods and materials. The article is based on the principles of historicism. The analysis was carried out using a set of methods: descriptive, elements of discourse analysis, and semiotic tools. The work used a range of sources, among which the most important were the issues of graphic comic strips regulating censorship documents and visual representations of Russians. Analysis. The author analyzed the dramaturgy of the 1986–1989 comic strips about the “Russian threat,” in which Mikhail Gorbachev appears. The key motifs that made up the image were identified, an iconological analysis was performed, and the speech characteristics of the protagonists and antagonists of superheroics were analyzed. The dynamics of the image of the leader of the USSR in superhero comic strips were determined by the transition from a caricature image to a Machiavellian ruler of the “Evil Empire,” ready, among other things, to collaborate with the United States. Results. From the point of view of iconography, a number of techniques for depicting Mikhail Gorbachev in comic strips correlate with the techniques of representation of Ronald Reagan. In some comic strips, the strategic superiority of the leader of the USSR over American superheroes is indirectly emphasized. The appearance of realistic features in the image of Gorbachev makes it possible to talk about the expansion of cultural ties between the USSR and the United States, a well-known social demand of the target audience, completely dissatisfied with the stereotypical images of the leaders of the USSR and the country itself.

Introduction. This article examines United States policy towards United Nations Peacekeeping Operations (UN PKOs) by analyzing the U.S. position towards peacekeeping operations in the Congo (Democratic Republic of the Congo, DRC) to trace the evolution and specific features of this policy over time. The article attempts to answer the question: is U.S. policy toward UN PKOs defined by only national interest, or is there more to it? Methods and materials. The article analyzes U.S. official speeches and documents, UN official documents related to peacekeeping operations in the Democratic Republic of Congo, American foreign policy doctrines, and academic literature on U.S. foreign policy, U.S.-UN relations, and UN PKOs in the DRC. Analysis. American policy towards UN peacekeeping operations in Congo in 1960–1964 and 1999–2022 is analyzed to identify the main trends in the USA’s approach toward UN PKOs. Results. The article concludes that U.S. policy towards the United Nations is defined by the combination of the national interest of the country and the ideas of American exceptionalism. Authors’ contributions. D. Pushkina defined the research focus of the article, examined academic literature on UN PKOs in Congo and relevant documents, and defined the main vectors of the research. R. Kalina examined academic literature about U.S.-UN relations, analyzed official U.S. statements on UN peacekeeping operations in Congo, and made conclusions.

Introduction. China started to develop military-to-military ties and defense-industrial cooperation with Latin America and Caribbean countries in the early 2000s as an element of its strategy of comprehensive cooperation with the region. Defense cooperation was mentioned in the Chinese documents and statements on the policy in the region from the early 2000s. However, China has always considered this defense cooperation to be just a secondary, subordinate element of its overall strategy in the region. Methods. The article is based on Chinese publications, statements, and documents concerning China’s policies in defense cooperation with the region, as well as on Latin American and other Western publications on specific cooperation projects. The author compares the Chinese approach to defense cooperation with Latin America to similar Chinese cooperation policies in other regions, especially in Africa. Analysis.China views defense cooperation with Latin America as a subordinate element of its general strategy of economic and political presence in the region. Cultivating ties with the local military elites of Latin America is especially emphasized, and the exchange of military delegations started in the early 2000s. To boost defense cooperation, China is sometimes ready to provide significant military assistance to the region. China has established permanent mechanisms of defense dialogue with the regional countries in the form of regular forums and conferences. Other important venues of military cooperation include personnel training, joint exercises, and the region’s visits by Chinese warships. China has managed to establish a presence on the arms market in Latin America in the 2000s but has failed to become a major weapons provider in the region. Currently, Chinese arms sales in Latin America are in decline. However, China has achieved major results in the development of dual-use technology cooperation with the LAC countries, especially in the fields of space and internal security. That may create preconditions for faster development of military and military technical cooperation between China and Latin America in the future. So far, the Chinese approach to defense cooperation in the region remains more cautious and gradual compared to cooperation with Africa. China is reluctant to challenge the US red lines here. That may change in the future as China-US relations continue to deteriorate. Authors contributions. Ekaterina Kosevich was responsible for researching and covering the development of political relations between China and Latin America. Vasily Kashin touched on cooperation in defense, the security industry, and dual-use technology.

Introduction. The article presents the contemporary problems facing governance in Latin America. The paper demonstrates that the fissures that weaken institutional and democratic stability in the region respond to a set of aspects subordinate to the crisis of expectations regarding the permanent promise of economic development. Methods and materials. The research problem was based on Leonardo Morlino’s theory of democratic unanchoring. We indicate that the objective of the work is to show five explanatory variables of the erosion of democracy, based on the historian’s classic documentary methodology. Analysis. Fundamentally, it shows 1) the high level of disaffection and discomfort with the political classes; 2) the risk of a new wave of populism and authoritarianism; 3) the implications of poor economic performance post-pandemic; 4) the repercussions of high rates of insecurity, violence, and organized crime; and 5) the problems in achieving regional integration and relevant global participation. Results. The picture of the Latin American situation raises critical knots in its democratic governance, which deserve to be reviewed in depth in order to recognize relevant lines of action for researchers, decision-makers, and public policy managers. The answer to the problems of democratic governance in Latin America can be found in the thesis of political, economic, and social delegitimization in the processes of lack of efficiency in the administration of the democratic regime in the last fifty years, beyond the factors of historical inheritance or global conjuncture. Authors’ contributions. Pedro Martínez Lillo determined the basic concept of the article as well as formulated and analyzed the main results of the study; Javier Castro Arcos prepared the structural composition of the study and analyzed the methodological foundations of the study.

Introduction. This article aims to analyze the process of security cooperation between the European Union and countries in Latin America from the perspective of historical institutionalism and the methodological tools proposed by the Copenhagen School. The author covers the main stages of the development of relations between these two regions, starting with early initiatives in the field of political and economic support and moving towards deeper cooperation in the field of security. Methods. The main theoretical and methodological support of this study is historical neo-institutionalism, which focuses attention on the role of institutional choices made earlier in the historical past, i.e., the “path dependence” principle. The research uses the sector-specific approach to security analysis developed by the Copenhagen School. Analysis and results. In the historical context, three main stages can be distinguished in the development of relations between the EU and the countries of the LCA in the field of security. The first bipolar stage (1945–1991) was characterized mainly by political and economic support from the United States and NATO as the main structure of regional security. Relations between the EU and Latin American countries at this time were sporadic, largely complicated by multiple crises within Latin American countries. However, in the 1960s, relations in the fields of economic cooperation and economic security began to be built between the regions. In the conditions of the second stage, post-bipolar (1991–2014), the concept of strategic partnership begins to be actively developed between regions, not only in the economic but also in the political and military spheres. Also, the EU, trying to simultaneously institutionally build its own security policy and the European army, began to conduct peacekeeping operations during this period with varying success (since 2003). The current stage (from 2014 to present) is characterized by growing contradictions between Russia, Ukraine, and the collective West, consolidated around the United States, as well as the destruction of the newly created post-bipolar regional security system. The LCA countries, which are afraid of being drawn into a conflict, are trying to develop their own course in the field of security policy.

Introduction. The present study is devoted to the study of the influence of artifacts of the symbolic politics of the USA and the USSR on the positioning of the respective socio-political systems in modern video games. The article includes the content of the “Atomic Heart” video game studies and analysis from the point of view of the theory of social memory and symbolic politics. Methods and materials. A certain number of methods were used to solve the actual tasks in the article. In particular, case-study methods and elements of structural and comparative analysis were used. Analysis. The game “Atomic Heart” was chosen as a research case. The choice of the case is due to the high popularity of this game both within Russia and internationally, as well as the connection of the plot to the topic of the confrontation between the USSR and the United States after World War II and the presence of a wide representation of the symbolism of this conflict inside the game (up to the reproduction of real campaign materials). On the one hand, the ways of representing the USA in Soviet propaganda and their interpretation by video game developers are studied. On the other hand, the positioning of the Soviet Union by game designers and screenwriters by exploiting the images and stereotypes of perception that were formed in Western culture during the Cold War is examined. Results. The author concludes that, when forming the in-game symbols, the developers actively exploited the resource of Soviet aesthetics; however, Cold War narratives in Western mass culture works played a significant role in shaping the project’s emotional, semantic, and value content. The main reason for this decision was most likely economic, as the game was created with the expectation of generating the main profit in foreign markets as a commercial product. However, this decision actually contributed to the resuscitation of the functional qualities of the symbolic legacy of the Cold War and the use of its narratives to correct the perceptions of the target audience about the USSR and its role in the confrontation between the two blocs.

Introduction. The article is the first to study the use of the symbol of childhood by the USSR and the USA songs for the representation of Cold War issues. Methods and materials. Based on the methodology of constructivism, the author analyzes the reasons for the politicization of the image of childhood and the role of popular music as an instrument of symbolic politics. Qualitative content analysis is used to examine more than 400 songs of the USSR and the USA related to Cold War issues; about 70 of them use the symbol of childhood. The symbol of childhood in the Soviet song. A study of USSR songs demonstrates that images of children were an important component of the “cultural Cold War” on the musical front. The symbol of childhood in the American song. U.S. musical pieces contributed significantly to the legitimation of the Cold War and the construction of images of “us” and “them,” including with the help of images of children. Results. The comparative analysis shows that in both the USSR and the USA, it was used to represent such issues as peace, war, security, nuclear weapons, freedom, justice, and the future of humanity. Not only did it create the image of the enemy, but it also deconstructed it by showing the similarity of the two nations in basic values, including attitudes toward children. In addition to the common features, songs in the USA and the USSR also reveal different characteristics. In the former, children are primarily the object of defense; in the latter, they are also subjects of politics and active fighters for peace. In the former, one can find negative images of childhood in the USSR; in the latter, young Americans are first and foremost children, just like everyone else. In the Soviet song, these images remain practically unchanged; in the American protest song, the symbol under study is used to delegitimize the policy of the authorities.

The introduction of the article includes the justification of the necessity to determine the role of the English Muscovy Company in the study of the geography of North America in the last quarter of the 16th century. The monopoly of the Muscovy Company and the significance of this commercial firm in the discovery of the northeast coast and Arctic waters of North America have not yet been studied. Documents (charters, reports, letters, petitions, and treatises) directly related to the organization of English voyages to the American Arctic waters, as well as diplomatic documents, are used as materials. Analysis. The reasons and circumstances of the Muscovy Company’s monopoly on the search for the North-West Passage in North America are studied. The company’s contribution to the organization of the expeditions of Martin Frobisher in 1576 and John Davis in 1585– 1587 is determined. The attempts of the Cathay Company and Humphrey Gilbert at the turn of the 1570s–1580s to deprive “Muscovite” merchants of this privilege are analyzed. It is proven that even at the beginning of the 17th century, the Moscow Company retained a monopoly on the exploration of the Arctic seas. Results. With its monopoly on the search for the North-West Passage and its organizational and financial support, the Muscovy Company made an important contribution to the exploration of the north-eastern coast of North America in the last quarter of the 16th century. English navigators had the opportunity to explore Arctic waters, step by step shaping the modern geographical shape of North America on maps.

Introduction. As a state institution, the Armed Forces of countries in Latin America maintain certain development dynamics in the 21st century. The analysis of those problems gives an opportunity to determine the armed force potential of the Latin American region. Methods and materials. The study is based on distinguishing between the quantitative and qualitative aspects of the transformation of the Armed Forces of the Latin American region. During the analysis of both aspects, the key methodic role belongs to the comparative method. The quantitative parameters are represented in two aspects: national and international. The dynamics of the basic quantitative parameter, the Armed Forces number, and also the positioning of the armies of that region on the global scale are compared. Analysis. Since the eve of the 21st century, practically all the countries of Latin America have demonstrated a tendency toward the growth of the active military staff, proving the increment of the militarization of the region. That process represents one of the macrotendencies characterizing the actual development of the region. Results. According to the criteria of the militarization degree, three groups of countries are singled out: the stable high dynamics group, the middle dynamics indications group, and the low indications group. In the transformation of regional armies in the 21st century, the qualitative change is the appearance of a spectrum of new non-traditional functions. The hypotheses formulated in the study are the following: “The broadening of the sociopolitical functions of the military is related to the changes in attitudes toward security in the countries of the region.” The scrutiny of the military-industrial complexes of the Latin American countries gives a reason to affirm that their potentiality is mainly restricted in its character. The dependent and peripheric character of the region determines its quality as a market for the NATO countries military-technical arsenal.

The introduction of this article delves into the author’s contemplations on the role of the first ladies of US presidents in maintaining their image and electoral appeal. The author highlights that the general public’s lack of knowledge regarding the intelligence, education, mentality, and character of first ladies is an evident historical injustice. Currently, modern historians are actively rectifying this oversight. The purpose of the study is to analyze modern literature on the role and significance of first ladies in the history and political life of the United States and to provide a chronology of published biographical research on this issue in English-language and domestic historiography. The methodology employed is rooted in specialized historical research methods, including comparative-historical analysis, which allows for an exploration of research trends in this historical domain. Additionally, historical systemic and retrospective methods are employed, along with elements of the historical biographical method. The author’s historiographical analysis is founded on principles of historicism and historical objectivity. The materials used in the study are memoirs, biographical essays, documents, scientific monographs and articles, and Internet resources, including the official websites of the White House and the National First Ladies’ Library. The “Analysis” section contains the main part of the article’s text, that is, an analysis of literature and other sources, including autobiographies and memoirs of first ladies, interesting information about the authors of modern biographical studies, as well as the chronological order of published works of Englishlanguage and domestic authors. The results of the research are encapsulated in the author’s conclusions on the topic. It is determined that the historiography surrounding the role and significance of first ladies in American history is currently underdeveloped and, often, subjectively biased. Typically, more attention and subsequent publications are dedicated to the spouses of the most popular presidents, overshadowing other first ladies, even if they were remarkable individuals themselves.

The article’s introduction includes the main prerequisites for internal political transformation’s process in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC). The study’s purpose is to identify new trends in the largest countries’ domestic policies in the region in the third decade of the 21st century. The study’s materials are used mainly by Spanish-speaking authors and Spanish-speaking news agencies who most closely and fully know the situations in LAC countries, the objective data from reports of the various UN structures, and independent Englishspeaking researchers invited to Latin American universities. The article’s methodological basis was the scientific principle of objectivity, which it made possible from the available array of information to identify the main directions of transformation taking place in LAC countries in the study period. The systematic approach’s application made it possible to identify the main events in LAC countries that characterize the multi-vector transformation trends. The article’s author identified further perspectives for LAC countries development with the help of special historicalcomparative and historical-genetic methods. The study’s results were the author’s conclusions that the domestic policy of big Latin American countries in the third decade of the 21st century is characterized by a tendency of “catching up” development. There is a noted instability of the domestic political course in the political system of these Latin American countries (from a liberal to a conservative course and vice versa), and the economic models’ frequent change does not give the desired result. The social problems are caused by the main population’s poverty, especially the indigenous one, and these problems cannot be resolved due to transnational migration of the population and transnational crime (from drug trafficking to human trafficking and weapons). All this explains the diversity of the internal political transformation in Latin American countries.

Introduction. Turkey’s search for a new regional and global role in a changing world order has increased Ankara’s attention to the Global South, which was peripheral to its foreign policy priorities during the Cold War. Although Ankara’s growing engagement and influence in the Latin America and Caribbean (LAC) region has attracted increasing attention from the research community, Turkey’s foreign policy in this region is still poorly understood. This article attempts to explore Turkey’s policy in LAC during the first decades of the 21st century, placing it in the context of Turkey’s increasing desire for “strategic autonomy.” Methods. The author used a case study approach to analyze Turkey’s policy in LAC. Results. After the Justice and Development Party came to power in Turkey in 2002, Turkey began a systematic effort to develop relations with LAC, expanding political, economic, and cultural ties with countries in the region. Since the July 2016 coup attempt in Turkey, Turkey’s foreign policy has been increasingly guided by the desire for “strategic autonomy.” Growing mistrust and conflicts in Turkey’s relations with the U.S. and the EU have increased Ankara’s interest in seeking alternative partnerships and building situational alliances. Although Ankara’s growing ties with LAC countries (especially Brazil, Mexico, and Argentina) increase the autonomy of its foreign policy, Turkey remains critically dependent on the West, both economically and in terms of security.

Introduction. The scientific relevance of the topic is due to the fact that the concepts of colonialism and neocolonialism are currently becoming part of the official Russian political discourse. The article examines how film representations of the struggle against American neocolonialism in Latin America are used to create the image of the American enemy in the context of the Cold War, which determines the novelty of this work. Methods and materials. The article is based on Soviet features and documentary films about Latin America. Analysis and results. The author comes to the following conclusions: images of neocolonial exploitation of Latin America contributed to the creation of the image of the American enemy, endowing it with such features as immorality, greed, cruelty, and contempt for the population of the Third World. In addition, the images of Latin America and the struggle of its population against neocolonialism were used in the politics of Soviet identity. A demonstration of solidarity with the people of Latin America maintained the image of the USSR as the leader of the liberation struggle against (neo)colonialism. The struggle against pro-American governments in Latin America acquired legitimacy through images of the plight of the countries ruled by powers accomplishing American neocolonialism. Films about the Cuban and Nicaraguan revolutions served to predict victory over neocolonialism in the region in particular and the American enemy in the Cold War in general.

Introduction. The article is devoted to the consideration of McCarthyism as one of the leading factors that influenced the cultural policy and politics of memory in the United States throughout the entire period of the Cold War. Methods and materials. The ways of representing the atmosphere of conservative ideological control in the United States in the films of the 1950’s – 2010’s are explored. Films are considered media texts, and the images contained in them are considered symbolic resources used to form and transform a collective identity, legitimize power, its control, and repressive technologies and practices – social mobilization, politicization of everyday life, censorship, and segregation into “their” and “strangers.” Analysis. In the course of the historical and imagological analysis, a conditional typology of potential agents of McCarthyism is made. The following are distinguished: institutional conformist careerists, administrators; “soft” conformists – failed oppositionists to political pressure; indoctrinated representatives of mass culture, demonstrating the active complicity of the authorities in imposing ideological labels and encouraging spy mania and exposure. Results. Conclusions are drawn that McCarthyism has become a form of anti-Americanism, moral corrosion, and commemorative trauma in American society, the result of the escalation of the cultural, ideological, and mental “storm,” producing a state of intolerance not only to the image of the enemy but also to the Other as a whole. This required more than half a century of overcoming and purifying in the media space.

Introduction. Public diplomacy is an effective foreign policy instrument of the state. Public diplomacy is understood as the activity of an actor aimed at achieving foreign policy objectives by establishing and deepening long-term interstate relations. The purpose of such activities is to inform foreign audiences as well as broadcast the principles of national policy beyond the borders of one’s own state. Public diplomacy is designed to influence those who have the opportunity to shape public belief systems. Methods and materials. The methodological basis of the study was a transnational approach, which allows us to reveal the role of state and non-state actors in international relations. The work uses a systematic approach in order to form a holistic view of American public diplomacy as an instrument of “soft power.” To identify the individual tools used by the United States in promoting public diplomacy in each individual Central Asian country, a comparative method was used. Analysis and results. Public diplomacy seems to be an important tool of the American administration in the most important foreign policy areas. The priority instrument of US public diplomacy in the Central Asian region is the support of civil society and non-profit organizations. Using grant support mechanisms, the role of public organizations is strengthened, and dialogue between civil society and government authorities is encouraged in the formation and development of socio-economic policy. The second relevant tool is media support and working with information consumers among various segments of the population. According to the results of the study, it was revealed that these projects were most effectively implemented in Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, and Tajikistan. The third most successful tool is education, whose work is based on grant programs both in the republics and in the United States. Systematic work carried out, taking into account a deep understanding of the internal processes in the Central Asian republics as well as the active use of public diplomacy tools, allows the United States to strengthen its foreign policy potential in the region.

Introduction. The summer of 1945 became a period of exceptional activity for US parliamentary delegations in the field of studying the consequences of the war in Europe for this region, the USSR, and the countries of the Middle East. Methods and materials. The study of the documents deposited in the Archive of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation, the memoirs of the members of the delegations, and those involved in organizing the visits of American congressmen allows us to determine the goals of their visit to the USSR, along with the successes and failures of these missions, and to analyze their significance for the development of SovietAmerican relations in the fall of 1945. Analysis. In just a month, from August 15 to September 15, 1945, four US parliamentary delegations and separately Senator C. Pepper, who also acted as a journalist, visited the Soviet Union. All these delegations belonged to different committees of the Congress, had different programs and purposes for the visit, and were received in the USSR at different levels. It should be noted that among the Soviet functionaries responsible for receiving foreigners, there was no consensus on the advisability of the congressmen’s visit to the USSR, but the “liberals” won, assuming that their visits would serve to strengthen relations between Moscow and Washington. It is noteworthy that a considerable number of the congressmen approved by the People’s Commissariat of State Security were known for their negative attitude towards the communist system in general and towards the Soviet Union in particular. Apparently, in the People’s Commissariat of Foreign Affairs, it was believed that their visit to the USSR would help change this position to be more favorable for the Kremlin. Results. The visits of American parliamentary delegations to the USSR resulted in several loud statements about the importance of maintaining and strengthening Soviet-American relations and about J. Stalin’s personal contribution to the victory over fascism, as well as a report by W. Colmer, which suggested rather harsh conditions for economic cooperation between Washington and Moscow. However, these visits did not bring any real benefit to the development of the Soviet-American dialogue.

Introduction. The article analyzes the biography and diplomatic activities of Nikolai Vasilievich Novikov (1903–1989), a Soviet diplomat who represented the USSR in Cairo and in Washington during World War II and took part in the efforts to establish a new system of international relations at the beginning of the Cold War. Methods and materials. The article is based on published texts by Nikolai Novikov himself, diplomatic documents, periodicals, and materials from his personal archive, deposited in the Archive of the European University at St. Petersburg by the diplomat’s family. Analysis. The authors examine Novikov’s biography, the reasons for his rapid career in the People’s Commissariat of Foreign Affairs, his relations with Soviet foreign policy managers, and the circumstances of his resignation at a relatively young age. Special attention is paid to Novikov’s activities in the United States in the context of the emerging Cold War, the place of Novikov’s note (cable) in the process of shaping Soviet approaches to relations with the United States, and his own attitude to these approaches. Results. Novikov’s contribution to the shaping of the postwar world is underappreciated, as are his attempts to resist the changes that were breaking Soviet-American cooperation in the international arena. In fact, the strategic concepts formulated by Novikov in a memo to Molotov were the basis of the official Soviet interpretation of the causes and nature of the Cold War and were included in Soviet school and university textbooks on universal history and the history of international relations. Authors’ contributions. A.I. Kubyshkin analyzed the most important stages of Nikolai Novikov’s diplomatic activity and the general situation in relations between the USSR and the USA during the Second World War. He assessed Novikov’s activities from the political leadership of the USSR and foreign countries in which the Soviet diplomat worked. He also examined the most important aspects of the activities of Soviet diplomacy reflected in Novikov’s memoirs and carried out their internal criticism as a historical source. I.I. Kurilla processed the archive of Nikolai Novikov and identified and analyzed the corpus of sources of personal origin. He also analyzed the contents of Nikolai Novikov’s personal diaries, reviewed the personal contribution of N.V. Novikov in developing a strategy in relations with the United States in the initial period of the Cold War, and compared the contents of the “long telegram” of J. Kennan and the “Novikov telegram”.

Introduction. The following article examines the effectiveness of US sanctions on Latin America by analyzing three cases of restrictive measures against Cuba, Venezuela, and Nicaragua. The correlation between US foreign policy goals and the interpretation of the existing sanctions results containing the official narrative is analyzed. This study shows that, from the point of view of promoting democratization and protecting human rights, US sanctions are ineffective. Methods and materials. The following research utilizes a constructivist approach when analyzing international relations. To a greater extent, this work is based on the theoretical approaches of Professor G. Hufbauer. Analysis and results. The following study additionally reveals that the US foreign policy narrative covers the erosion of US hegemony in Latin America. Within this narrative, international relations are described as a global rivalry between “democracy” and “autocracy.” The United States uses motives for protecting human rights and democracy to justify sanctions against several Latin American countries and also weaken ties with Russia and China. Author’s contributions. L. Sokolshchik and Yu. Sokolshchik developed the research design in addition to writing its content and general scientific editing. K. Teremetskiy made a contribution to the search for official sources and their analysis. The authors jointly analyzed all the content and results of the research.

Introduction. The history of Byzantine spirituality is inextricably linked with the mystical tradition of Hesychasm, in which the practice of the “Jesus Prayer” occupied the central place. Both in the patristic literature and scientific historiography, particular attention has been paid to the question of the appearance of the formula of the “Jesus Prayer”. The generally accepted opinion was and remains that the formula of the “Jesus Prayer” was compiled on the basis of the texts of the New Testament. We find this opinion in the late Byzantine literature analyzing the formula of the “Jesus Prayer”. Modern scholarly literature also contains its own line of argumentation in favor of this opinion. Methods and analysis. Our scholarly interest in this topic was largely motivated by disagreement with this generally accepted view. This disagreement was initially intuitive, and it took us some time to be able to express our intuition logically and factually. The main line of our argumentation is based on the attraction of the phenomenon of spontaneous prayers to the analysis of the history of the “Jesus Prayer”. Results. This article summarizes the work that we have done. The fallacy of the traditional scientific approach to the “Jesus Prayer” as a fixed formula compiled on the basis of the texts of the New Testament is pointed out.

Introduction. The author proposes a new reconstruction of two episodes concerning Princess Olga in the chronicles and Prolog, which allows to clarify the overall picture of the development of the pre-Mongol legend about the baptism of Olga and her trip to Constantinople. Analysis. In the early chronicles, two layers of narrative about Olga’s trip to Constantinople are clearly distinguishable. The original story contained only the relationship between Olga and Emperor Ioannes Tzimiskes: the author had a good knowledge of the realities of Byzantine politics in the 960s, probably from the Byzantine chronicles. However, the story itself is too fictionalized, and its author, who inscribes Olga’s trip in 946 and her baptism in a completely different chronological frame – the turn of the 960–970s, had to work in the 1060s – early 1070s imitating stories about a wise pagan princess from an older chronicle. Probably, in the “Initial Compilation” this ‘secular’ story was ‘Christianized, but not quite harmoniously. In this form, the story of Olga’s trip and baptism was included in the “Tale of Bygone Years”, but in its recension the “unhistorical” Ioannes Tzimiskes was replaced – probably on the basis of Byzantine chronicles – by the ‘historical’ Constantine VII. However, the chronicles of the late 11th – early 12th century do not know Olga’s cross, which, according to the Prolog, stood in the 1160s in the altar of St. Sofia of Kiev. It was either a “fixation” of the historical memory of the first baptist of Rus’, or a contribution of a 12th century princess with the same name (e.g., of the daughter of Yuri Dolgorukiy and a Byzantine princess). The author of the Prolog combined excerpts from the “Tale of Bygone Years” with the story of Olga’s cross, also “historicizing” the patriarch, who became now Photios, and creating the basis for the entire further hagiographic tradition of the princess.

Introduction. On October 30, 451, during the 4th Ecumenical Council in Chalcedon, the dispute between Metropolitan Eunomius of Nicomedia and Metropolitan Anastasius of Nicaea was considered. Eunomius believed that his rights as the metropolitan of the entire province of Bithynia, in regard to ordinations, were violated by Anastasius of Nicaea, who had deposed a number of clerics of the city of Vasilinopolis. Information about this lawsuit is taken from the published acts of the 14th session of the Chalcedon Council. Methods. The work is based on the application of the historical-critical method of data processing of the source text used in the original in Greek according to the standard critical edition and quoted by the author in his own translation. Analysis. Based on the analysis of the act material, the author restores the course, content and internal logic of the conciliar audition of the claim of Eunomius of Nicomedia. It also reveals the cause of the claim, external factors and figures that had influenced the course of the case and become the cause of its occurrence. The factors include the unsettled status of the Metropolitan of Nicaea within the province of Bithynia, the limits of his competence and jurisdiction. Similar factor is the unsettled status of the Metropolitan of Nicomedia as bishop of the provincial capital (metropolis), that lead to a conflict of jurisdictions over the Bithynian city of Vasilinopolis. Decisive is also the influence in Bithynia of the patriarchal see of Constantinople and persons who occupied it, beginning with John Chrysostos. The decision of the Ecumenical Council on this lawsuit turns out to be half-hearted: the city of Vasilinopolis and its clergy are recognized as belonging to the jurisdiction of the Metropolitan of Nicomedia, declared the first Metropolitan of Bithynia, but the question of the subordination of the Metropolitan of Nicaea, recognized as the second, remains open. This is evident from later sources, in which the Metropolitan of Nicaea is designated as an independent ruling metropolitan within the province of Bithynia, with his own district and jurisdiction. Results. The decision of the Ecumenical Council in Chalcedon failed to approve in Bithynia the canonical definition of the Council of Nicaea that there should be only one ruling metropolitan in the province. It is obvious that the decision of the judges was influenced by the ancient tradition of intercity rivalry between Nicaea and Nicomedia, dating back to pre-Christian times. The latter was clearly manifested in the fact that the main argument of the litigants was the recognition of the secular title of metropolis for both cities, confirmed by imperial letters. Thus, the dispute between Nicaea and Nicomedia shows that the decisions of the Ecumenical Councils were embodied in church-political and church-administrative practice in so far as they corresponded, or at least did not contradict the established tradition of socio-political relations.

Introduction. The study of zoomorphic ornamental motifs on specific types of glazed ceramics is an important direction of Byzantine archeology. In this case, we will be interested in the images of fish that are found on some types of Byzantine glazed ceramics of the second half of 12th – second half of 13th century. Since the ceramic production of this group of vessels was a separate area, both the material and spiritual culture of the Byzantines, especially in the specified chronological period, it was chosen as the subject of research. The source base of the work is made up of all published and available materials of archaeological research, both Constantinople and the cities of the Byzantine provinces. Particular attention is paid to the correspondence of each of the highlighted images on a specific type of glazed ware to finds on the territory of medieval Taurica. Despite the publication of the material used, including the Crimean, these findings were not analyzed in the complex. Methods and materials. Standard methods of comparative stylistic analysis were used. Analysis. The use of a large number of sources allows for the first time to raise the question of the existence of several stylistic groups of fish within the same craft workshops. Results. The findings make it possible to distinguish five stylistic image groups and match them with two large groups of Byzantine glazed ceramics of Middle Byzantine Production, primarily Fine Sgraffito Ware and Incised Sgraffito or Aegean Ware. Images of fish on Cypriot ceramics are also briefly analyzed. The image of fish on the vessels of Italian workshops is a separate area of research and is not considered in the work.

Introduction. One of the material evidences of the Christianization of the territory of historical Alania (the east of the Krasnodar Territory – the northern regions of Chechnya) in the period from the 10th to the beginning of the 13th centuries is the data of staurography: the finds of crosses-encolpia, pectoral crosses, crosses-quadrifolia. The study of this category of finds allows us to consider the features and chronology of the process of Christianization of the population of the largest state in the North Caucasus in the Middle Ages, to study more closely the historical and social portrait of ordinary members of the Christian community of Alania and its elite. Methods. As a result of the messianic activity of Byzantium, which led to the baptism of the Alans at the beginning of the 10th century, as well as the establishment of the Alan Diocese (914), objects of small Christian plastics – crosses of provincial Byzantine as well as ancient Russian origin – are becoming widespread on the territory of Alania. And already with the spread of Christianity in the local Alan environment there are imitative and imitation types of crosses that are not found outside the North Caucasus. To date, more than 125 different crosses are known on the territory of Alania. Analysis. To this case, we can add the finds of five more interesting specimens found in recent years in the eastern regions of the Krasnodar Krai, the south of the Stavropol Krai, the Republic of Karachay-Cherkessia. The first quadrifolia cross (fig. 1, 1) is a reverse leaf with the image of an unknown Holy Warrior (St. George?), dating from the second half of the 11th – 12th centuries. Such quadrifolia crosses (including two direct analogies) are known on the territory of Alania, originally imported from the urban craft centers of the Asia Minor provinces of Byzantium or Western Georgia, or could be made according to imported prototypes by local (or visiting) craftsmen. The four following crosses indicate the links between Alania and Ancient Russia. Two crosses (fig. 1, 2–3) – with three-part endings and a rhombic middle cross, one cross has traces of manufacturing defects – the right blade is not completely cast. These crosses were brought from the territory of the Old Russian state, where they are quite widespread and date back to the 11th – 12th century abroad. They are found on the territory of Latvia, Bulgaria and Romania, where they were also imported. The fourth cross (fig. 1, 4) is equi-pointed with rectangular branches. Similar crosses are known in the territory of Ancient Russia, from where they also came to the North Caucasus, where imitative crosses were made. They date from the end of the 11th – beginning of the 12th centuries. The fifth cross (fig. 1, 5) – with a square central part. Such crosses are widely found in many regions of Kievan Rus, but in the territory of the North Caucasus they were imported. Results. The considered finds of crosses complement the body of small Christian plastic products of the 11th – 13th centuries of ancient Russian origin, represented on the territory of Alania by crosses-encolpions, cast icons and coils. The presented finds of crosses not only add to the evidence of Christianization of Alania in the 11th – 12th centuries, but also indicate close trade, religious and ethno-cultural contacts of the population of the North Caucasus with the Asia Minor provinces of Byzantium, Georgia and Ancient Russia.

Introduction. At the end of the 6th century in the South-Western Crimea, on the Eski-Kermen plateau, Byzantine engineers built a fortress to protect the local Goto-Alan population as well as to protect the approaches to Cherson, the main outpost of the empire on the peninsula. Methods. In 2022, during archaeological work in the northern part of the Eski-Kermen plateau, which was considered by researchers to be an undeveloped territory, a Christian church was opened, which made it possible to reconstruct the urban landscape of this part of the city in a new way. Analysis. The southeastern part of the church with a semicircular apse, sections of the southern wall, and the naos were excavated. In the center of the apse in situ, there is an altar made in the form of a table on a faceted pillar. Crosses are carved on the western and eastern sides of the pillar, and depressions are made for two relics. The base of the altar was cut into a rock monolith during the preparation of the site for the construction of the church, when the surface of the rock was leveled and cramped. The walls of the church were already being built around the base made for the altar. Results. Thus, a Christian church functioned in the northern part of the city on the Eski-Kermen plateau from the early medieval period until the death of the city at the end of the 13th century. It was the second-largest building in the city after the main basilica. The church was built for the residents of the neighborhoods located nearby, along the eastern edge of the plateau. Throughout its existence, the church was renovated, as evidenced by a small reconstruction in the apse and an opening for an additional relic on the western side of the altar. In the 10th century, after the city necropolis on the southeastern slope of the plateau ceased to exist, and chapels for burials began to be built in the quarters on the plateau, a necropolis appeared next to the “Northern” church where residents of the northern quarters buried their dead.

Introduction. The recapture of Constantinople by a small detachment of Nicaeans in 1261 looks like an accident and the successful combination of circumstances for the Byzantines. However, we cannot accept this event as accidental. Of particular importance are the consistent conquering efforts of the Empire of Nicaea. In this case, the capture of the city should be considered as the final stage of a long and multifaceted military operation. The main objective of the article is the military-historical reconstruction of these events. The long-term military campaign of Michael VIII Palaiologos to conquer Constantinople is also of interest for the study of combat practice. In addition, it is of particular importance in the study of the Early Palaiologan military-strategic concept and the Late Byzantine military art in general. Methods. The reconstruction of the events of the long-term campaign to retake Constantinople is based on the use of all classical methods of historical research and a systematic approach. Analysis and results. The result of our research makes thinking that Constantinople was not taken by chance in 1261. The retaken of the capital was as a result of the implementation of the essentially insidious plan of Emperor Michael VIII. Lacking sufficient armed forces and means for a full-fledged siege of the city, the emperor twice tried to seize the capital of the Latin Empire. He counted on the effect of an internal factor in the form of treason or support for anti-Latin forces. It is quite obvious that the second option was successful. Authors’ contribution. N.D. Barabanov analyzed the event-chronological aspect of the campaign of Michael VIII in 1259–1261, while V.A. Zolotovskiy reconstructed the final military operation to capture Constantinople by Byzantine troops in 1261.

Introduction. The article examines the circumstances of the simultaneous appearance at the end of the 10th century in the central fortress of the Mountain Crimea – Doros, a byzantine garrison led by topotherete and the establishment of a separate tourmarchia of Gothia in the region. A special study of the issue allows to expand understanding of the causes and content of military-administrative reform. Methods. The research is interdisciplinary in nature. It takes into account all available information from written, sphragistic, epigraphic and archaeological sources about the events that took place in Taurica during the reign of emperor Vasily II (976–1025). Analysis. Establishment at the end of the 10th century in the Mountain Crimea the tourmarchia of Gothia and the appearance of Byzantine topotherete in Doros are events that had common causes. In the case of the tourmarchia we are talking about a plan to create an independent administrative structure in the mountainous part of the peninsula, which was supposed to quickly respond to external threats and over time be transformed into a “small” theme typical of its epoque. The residence of the tourmarch was the Mangup fortress, where no later than 994–995 the reconstruction of the fortifications was completed. These works were supervised by a byzantine official with the title topotherete, who stood at the head of a regular military unit and whose powers were reminiscent of those known from the second half of the 8th century topotheretes of cities in the border provinces of the empire. Results. The history of the tourmarchia in Mountain Crimea was short and ended around the middle of the 11th century. However, its appearance and existence were fully consistent with the military-administrative practice of Byzantium at that time in many regions of the empire, where numerous “small” thematic structures were created in dangerous areas to contain the expansion of the enemy or consolidate the empire in the conquered territories.

Introduction. Until now, the issue of four Byzantine (Justinian) Armenias in historiography has been considered according to the data of the Byzantine historian of the 6th century Procopius of Caesarea, which does not give grounds for a final answer to the questions posed. Analysis. When comparing the data of Procopius with the information of “Ashkharatsuyts” (“Ancient Armenian Geography”), we find many discrepancies (especially when considering the contour of the borders of I, II and III Armenias). According to the “Ancient Armenian Geography”, the territory of I Armenia was expanded both at the expense of the other two, and at the expense of Cilicia and northwestern Syria. Results. So, under Emperor Justinian, a new defensive line was created, which we for the first time in historiography called the “Mamikonyan line”. One can rely on the information of Ashkharatsuyts almost without hesitation, since this work was written in the 5th – 7th centuries, and the lion’s share of the information was supplemented by the second author of the work, Anania Shirakatsi (it is convincingly proven that the first author was the father of Armenian historiography, Movses Khorenatsi). Justinian trusted the Mamikonyan family, being convinced that they had previously faithfully served the kings of Greater Armenia, the Arshakids, and was practically not mistaken in his calculations.

Introduction. In the papal bulls concerning the establishing of the bishopric of Cherson and the metropolis of Vosporo in 1333, a specific point is made on erecting these towns from the status of locus to that of civitas and metropolis, contravening their status in the hierarchy of the Patriarchate of Constantinople. Methods and materials. In order to understand what had formed the legal basis for establishing the Catholic hierarchy, documents of the Constantinople Patriarchate are attracted. Analysis. The Greek archbishoprics of Cherson and Vosporo are mentioned in the lists of bishoprics of Notitiae episcopatuum and in the acts of the Constantinople Patriarchate. However, by 1333, both of the archbishoprics suffered difficulties: an archbishop of Cherson had not been mentioned in the acts since 1280, as his archbishopric dropped out of the main list of the Notitiae episcopatuum under the reign of the emperor Andronicus II Palaiologos. The metropolis of Vosporo had not been mentioned in documents since the middle of the 13th century. Thus, Pope John XXII chose the right time to substitute vacant sees by Latin bishops. The pope, however, paid much attention to observing the canonical borders of the Patriarchate of Constantinople as set by Rule 28 of the Chalcedonian Council. Results. The attention paid by the Roman pontiffs to observing council rules helps us to correct the perception of parallel church hierarchies coexisting in the Black Sea Region in the 14th – 15th centuries. The presenting of bishops with the same titles, even of different confessions, was not considered normal and was understood as a schism to be overcome. Similar game rules may be traced to the examples of other sees of the North Pontic Region, as Sugdaia and Phoulloi, Solchat and Zichia.

The present article is a part of the study of the hagiographical dossier of St Anastasia, where the authors focus on three major problems: 1) the earliest Roman legends containing the name of Anastasia and other names occurring in her dossier; 2) the cult of the historical martyr in Sirmium that was lately transformed into the cult of St Anastasia; and 3) the place of the Anastasia church in the pre-Byzantine stational liturgy in Rome. The latter point involves a study of the original place, in the fifth-century stational liturgy of Rome, of the basilica Santa Maria Maggiore.

Introduction. The article examines the views of the last major Byzantine philosopher George Gemistos Plethon on the immortality of the human soul. Scholars are still debating whether Plethon was a pagan who completely rejected Christianity, or a Christian who was too fond of Platonism. Methods. Methods employed in this article are source research, information analysis, comparative research. Sources on the subject include: Plethon’s funeral orations on Cleopa Malatesta and on Helena Palaiologina, “Book of Laws”, commentaries on the Chaldean Oracles, “On the Differences of Aristotle from Plato”, “Summary of the Doctrines of Zoroaster and Plato”, “Áddress to the Despot Theodore on the Peloponnese”, Theodore Metochites’ treatise “On Education”. Analysis. An analysis of Plethon’s writings shows that in his doctrine of the human soul and its posthumous destiny Gemistos was far removed from Christianity. Plethon confessed the pre-existence of souls to bodies and metempsychosis, he considered life in body as the main human mission in universe, as a link and boundary between the mortal and immortal worlds. According to Plethon, permanent periodical connection of immortal and mortal (soul and body) in human is better, than endless immortality after one life. His doctrine about soul does not imply neither deification of body, nor bodily resurrection and terrible judgment at the end of time. Results. In Plethon’s monodies, his non-Christian views are expressed in a veiled way, but a careful analysis of the text of the monodies in comparison with the other works of the philosopher shows that his views on the destiny of the soul, on the one hand, were very different from those of the Christian Church, and on the other hand, they looked more optimistic, leaving the soul the opportunity both for gradual improvement in a series of rebirths, and for enjoying the divine life between them, subject to virtuous behavior on earth. Appendix. The article is accompanied by a Russian translation of Plethon’s monodies on Cleopa Malatesta and Helena Palaiologina.

The reasons for the success of the Arab conquests present a complex problem. It is difficult to explain the victories of the Arab-Muslim troops, which had much less military-demographic potential than neighboring Eastern Roman Empire (Byzantium) and Sasanian Empire. The article is devoted to identifying the main causes of Egypt’s loss by Byzantium and its capture by the Arabs. Methods. The main research method was factor analysis, which allows to find out all the possible reasons for the success of the Arabs and the defeat of the Byzantines, to identify their internal relationship and hierarchy, classifying them into basic and situational ones. Analysis. The study analyzed the influence of the religious factor (Islam for the Arabs, the Christological schism for Egypt), the military potential of the Arabs and the Byzantines (the expected number of troops, the strategy and tactics of the warring parties, the motivation of the armies, etc.), the degree of the consolidation of the elites, public sentiment. Special attention was paid to the route of the Arabs, the role of Patriarch Cyrus (Mukaukus), two attempts to reconquist Egypt by the Byzantines, the system of administration and taxation of the Arabs on the conquered territory. Results. The main factor in the defeat of the Byzantines in Egypt can be considered the weak integration of this region into the Empire, as indicated by the unresolved religious issue (Chalcedonian schism), insufficient military contingent, weak social support for the central government, etc. The main reason for the success of the Arabs in conquering and keeping Egypt under their rule can be considered a “symbiosis” of two factors: 1) early Islam, which contributed to the consolidation of society and the elites, gave meaning for the motivation of the army, contributed to the establishment of the dhimma system, which provided Christian communities with autonomy in religious matters, and 2) the genesis of the Arab state, which passed at the same time and created real conditions for borrowing managerial and fiscal models, “natural” for the conquered territories.

Introduction. Thanks to sigillographic sources, the sigillographic map of Byzantine Taurika is constantly being refined and expanded due to the emergence of new places for detecting molybdoboulla. Today, the finds of seals can be noted not only in the Southwestern or Eastern Crimea, but also on the southern coast of the peninsula. Methods. The attraction of sigillographic data, including from underwater archaeological research, and their comprehensive analysis (stylistic, iconographic, paleographic) often sheds light on some still dark pages both in the history of Taurika and the Byzantine state as a whole. A new find of the Byzantine seal from the water area of the Crimean South Coast opens another previously unknown point near Cape Plaka, where a sigillographic monument was first discovered, and once again raises the question of the addressees of correspondence, which, as it seems, should have been directly related to the Byzantine administration. Analysis and results. According to legend, the seal belonged to an official of the first rank – patrikios Constantine, who held one of the highest civilian posts in the Byzantine capital – the position of the genikos logothetes. The stylistic features of the molybdoboulla, together with the data of written sources, give reason to date this sigillographic monument to the beginning of the last quarter of the 9th century. The discovery of a seal in the water area near Cape Plaka may probably indicate not only a ship parking in a convenient bay, but also the existence of a certain port infrastructure in the nearby coastal town (Lambat), which, judging by the seal, in one way or another should have been directly related to both the local administration apparatus and the capital’s authorities in connection with the region’s entry into the sphere of imperial influence and the subordination of Taurika to the administrative and financial institutions of the Byzantine Empire. Contribution of authors. Нistorical, sigillographic and epigraphic analysis conducted by N.A. Alekseienko; historical-topographical and archaeological survey conducted by S.V. Ivanov.

Introduction. The article critically examines the epitaph of George Akropolites on the death of Emperor Johannes III Ducas Vatatzes. The Epitaph of George Akropolites is a remarkable example of Byzantine rhetoric. The highly educated Byzantine author, proud of his splendid education and skillful rhetorician, fully expressed in this work his knowledge of ancient topics and biblical aesthetics. Methods and materials. The article is written in the context of hermeneutic methodology. We assume that the epitaph of George Akropolites requires a deeper interpretation, which will help to reveal the implicit meanings hidden in the text of George Akropolites. Analysis. First, in the epitaph of George Akropolites, Charon is synonymous with death. This is not an ancient reminiscence, as it may seem, but a popular character of the Acritic folklore of the 9th – 11th centuries, popular among the military class. Akropolites would soon become acquainted with this class, becoming praetor in 1256, when he would be extremely unsuccessful in commanding an army in western Macedonia. Secondly, it is worthwhile to look closely, following K. Praechter, at the expression of George Akropolites “the emperor became the paranáloma of Charon”. In our opinion, paranáloma is an extremely interesting word that takes us into the archaic and chthonic world and presents George Akropolites as a remarkable connoisseur of a wide variety of philosophical and medical texts, particularly the Neoplatonic writings of John Philoponus (c. 480–570) and Simplicianus of Cilicia (c. 490–560). Results. In summary, we have before us a whole literary tradition revolving around a natural-philosophical reading of the folkloric underworld and Charon, which gives for George Akropolites a large stock of metaphors and an opportunity to show his education.

Introduction. The architectural complex around the main (southern) gates of the city on the Eski-Kermen plateau in the mountainous Crimea was formed from the end of the 6th century to the end of the 13th century. It included structures that were different in architecture and purpose. Studying the remains of these structures, determining their role and chronology are important tasks in the study and reconstruction of the history of the city. Methods. The area around the gate was explored by N.I. Repnikov in 1929. Brief descriptions of the open remains of the structures are reflected in publications and archival documents. Based on the analysis of these descriptions and the study of the preserved rock foundations, first time in the historiography the article revises the widespread hypothesis about existence of the gate church in the medieval city on the plateau of Eski-Kermen in the mountainous Crimea. Analysis. Some researchers see an apse of this church in a rounded carved pit located in front of the main gate, east of the corridor carved into the rock leading to the city. Features of the architectural space at the city gates and the location of this clearing are likely to have its presence at the gate church. This felling arose simultaneously with the defensive structures near the gates in the end of the 6th c. As is known, gate churches as a type of church architecture appeared in the Eastern Christian world no earlier than the 10th or 11th centuries. Results. There is no reason to talk about the gate church on the plateau of Eski-Kermen. Directly at the entrance to the city (to the west of the passage) there was only one church-chapel of the 9th – 10th centuries, destroyed by an earthquake even before the onset of the city, burned at the end of the 13th century.

Introduction. Crimean historians dated the liberation of the Klimata of Gothia from the control of the Eastern Roman Empire to the end of the 12th century, 1204 or 1070. Anna Komnene wrote about Cherson belonging to Byzantium in 1092. A.A. Vasiliev, as well as A.A. Kunik and V. Heid, saw in the text of the Alexei III Angel’s chrysoboullos in 1198 a proof of the “liberation” of Crimean Gothia from political dependence on Byzantium. A.L. Jacobson joined this opinion. Analysis. According to the conclusion of A.P. Kazhdan, the Metropolitan of Athens Michael Choniates’s letter no. 3 to Pegonites fixes the dispatch of tax collectors from Constantinople to the Klimata of Gothia and thus is evidence of the real power of Byzantium in the Klimata and the Cimmerian Bosporus around 1180. The term θέμα acquires its former administrative meaning after the reform of the Komnenoi, which restored, at least in Asia Minor, the old principle of dividing the territory of the empire into administrative units, again called themes and controlled by a high-ranking military officer – the doux, who again controlled the civil administration. These military districts formed the core of the Komnenian provincial administration. The 12th-century-seals of Byzantine aristocrats originating from the territory of the Klimata of Gothia testify to the possible sale of administrative positions in the Crimea by the Komnenoi to representatives of aristocratic families. Results. The administration of the Eastern Roman Empire in the region was interrupted by its defeat in 1204 by the Crusaders. Throughout the entire period of their existence in the Klimata of Gothia, there is no evidence of their autonomy. In 1261, the emperor of the Nicaean Empire, Michael VIII Palaiologos, captured Constantinople and restored the Eastern Roman Empire. The Empire of Trebizond continued to live an isolated life, and Cherson with Klimata of Gothia paid tribute to it.

Introduction. The publication is a review of a monograph by Anna-Valerie Pont, Professor of the Sorbonne, devoted to an attempt to determine the time of the disappearance of an ancient city (polis) on the material of Asia Minor. Analysis and results. There is an extensive and complex source base of research in terms of composition and quality, which includes both scanty reports of late Antique and early medieval written heritage, as well as archaeological data, among which the author legitimately highlights epigraphic material. As criteria for the extinction in the city, it is the ancient indicators of public life that have priority: the decline in the functioning of self-government institutions by urban communities, a decrease in the activity of wealthy citizens in organizing spectacles, subsidizing essential products, an increase in the specific weight of imperial bureaucratic control and local management, an increase in the influence of Christians on public processes in policies. The review indicates that the French researcher actually ignored the evolution of municipal property (the degradation of which in the chronological framework under consideration was very modest). In fact, the evolution of such estates as curiales and plebs (whose position at the time under consideration was by no means catastrophic) was also left aside. The social historical realities in the monograph are touched upon only insofar as they are related to institutional elements (the work of city councils, the implementation of magistracies, etc.). The author of the review points out that such a method of analyzing late-antique processes is outdated and goes back to the Enlightenment views on the fall of the Roman Empire. The review focuses on the legitimacy of the priority of epigraphic monuments for the disclosure of the stated topic (due to the insufficiency of narrative sources). However, consideration of the reduction in the number of such monuments at the turn of the 3rd – 4th century (compared with the times of the classical Empire) as an indicator of the extinction of the antique parameters of the policy is doubtful.

Introduction. Many cultures consider the first day of the new year a holiday which supposes the performance of specific rituals and rites. The traditions of New Year celebrations reflect the nature of this or that civilization, its historical experience, and religious and world-viewing constants. The said is to the full extent actual for the Byzantine civilization. The purpose of the work is to reconstruct the general scenario of official celebrations, to trace its evolution, and to analyse the folk tradition related to it. Methods and materials. The main sources of the given research are liturgical books, treatises on ceremonies, and epistolography. Analysis. In Byzantium, the New Year was celebrated on September 1 at different levels: church, state, and public. Despite its origin from the laity, the Byzantines viewed this holiday primarily as religious as it opened both the new year cycle and the church calendar. By the tenth century, there developed the order of service (akolouthia) for the first day of the new year. The patriarch served special liturgies in St Sophia’s Church and performed a crucession. The emperor was not allowed to participate in the church rituals. In Late Byzantium, the climax of the New Year ritual was the public prayer made in the imperial capital, in the Forum of Constantine, in the presence of the emperor. The ceremonial protocol documented that the ruler must participate in the New Year service. The ordinary people of Byzantium widely celebrated this holiday, spending this day in going to church, paying visits, and exchanging greetings. Conclusions. The enlarging of the programme of palatial ceremonies with the emperor’s appearance in the New Year celebration shows, from the one hand, the strengthening of the secular component of the holiday and, on the other hand, the trend to sacralization of the palatial life. The comparison of the scenario of the New Year celebration that existed in the Age of the Palaiologoi with the official holiday on such a case in the pre-Petrine Russia shows an important Byzantine influence on Russian culture of celebration and church policy.

Introduction. The article is dedicated to the study of the hetaireia of infantrymen – the Byzantine Imperial Guard troop in the 970–980s, which included mercenaries from Rus’ and Scandinavia. Methods. The research is based on a combination of systemic and institutional approaches in the analysis of Byzantine and Old Icelandic written sources that allow us to establish a chronological framework for the existence of this military formation, its composition, structure and place in the development and transformation of the foreign mercenary corps in the Byzantine Empire during the 10th century. Analysis. The unit is known by the rank of its commander, the hetaireiarches of infantrymen, mentioned in “Escurial Taktikon” (970s). The main information on the hetaireia of infantrymen and related foreign mercenary groups in Byzantine service is contained in the treatise “De Cerimoniis” (963), the historical work by Leo the Deacon (late 10th century), the military treatise “De castrametatione” (second half of the 980s) and in the Old Icelandic sagas such as “Hrafnkels saga Freysgoða”, “Finnboga saga ramma”, “Hallfreðar saga vandræðaskálds” and “Brennu-Njáls saga”. Results. As the study shows, the hetaireia of infantrymen was organised during the reign of the emperor John I Tzimiskes (969–976) and existed from 970 to 988–989, becoming one of the stages in the formation of the so-called “Varangian-Russian” corps as part of the Byzantine armed forces. Presumably, this unit consisted of two troops of northern mercenaries with a total number of about 400–800 warriors.

Thebes is among the best-documented Venetian colonies in Byzantium, with records dating back to 1072. While it is widely acknowledged that Venetians played a crucial role in the development of Byzantine Thebes, the details about the Venetian community of the city remain largely unexplored, which has hindered a deeper understanding of the true extent of the Venetian impact on Thebes. To address this scholarly gap, the article examines the community using Venetian documentary sources, focusing on the works of R. Morozzo della Rocca and A. Lombardo. The study adopted a prosopography methodology, reconstructing and analysing the biographies of individuals and families in groups. The investigation covers the community’s leading families and individuals, as well as clergy and ecclesiastical establishments of special interest. Following this vein, the author of the article concludes with a more detailed picture of the Venetian community. It seems to have played a notable and persistent role in Thebes. Ecclesiastical establishments and the clergy constituted the basis of Venetian activities. Bolstered by reliable and sustainable sources of income, these institutions fulfilled the basic religious and administrative needs of the Venetian community. Apart from possible industrial and agricultural engagements, the community members predominantly emerge as active participants in commercial ventures, linking in particular to the renowned Theban silk textiles. While Venetians did form matrimonial and commercial alliances amongst themselves, their assimilation with the native Byzantine populace of the city seems to have been minimal.

Introduction. Analysis of sphragistic material in comparison with inscriptions from Italy made on metal showed that in inscriptions of this kind, in addition to the previously known Byzantine, Alexandrian and logical accentuation systems, systems with accent shifts to the right or left were actively used. Methodology. Inscriptions on metal objects were examined on the basis of photographs presented in different editions of the same monument. Material. The article presents the result of an analysis of the use of accentuation marks in 22 Byzantine Greek inscriptions on metal objects of the 9th – 14th centuries, most of which were written in dodecasyllables. Analysis. Inscriptions on metal reliquaries, icon frames, crosses, as well as inscriptions on enamels and encolpions made using various metalworking techniques were analyzed. The elements of Greek accentuation systems presented in them and the directions of stress shifts are described. Results. All presented inscriptions can be divided into two groups: 1) the Byzantine accentuation system with shifts of stress to the right or left with the latter falling between a vowel and a consonant, which can be considered a paleographic feature, as well as the use of trema in cases not determined by phonetic aspects; 2) elements of the Alexandrian system: stress on the unstressed syllable, stress on the first part of the diphthong. In both groups, logical stress could also be placed, including on abbreviations.

In the historiography of the Early Byzantium, the concept of “an Emperor’s fiscus” mismatches with the late ancient original. The fiscus was not a synonym for the state treasury, but it was simultaneously the funds for public purposes and private and personal resources. Emperors supported this ambiguous legal nature of fiscus, implying some specific targets of their policy. The balance varying between them between public and non-public constituents in the fiscus is called fiscal policy in its own sense. Emperor Justinian I carried out the same policy apropos the fiscus. As with some of his predecessors, he sustained the originally formed dual nature of the fiscus, consistently striving for the separation of private from public. Justinian admitted a little identification of the public function of fiscus and the state (public) treasure, but only on the level of abstract concepts. Thereby, the Emperor did demonstrate the separation of his personal and private property from the state. At the same time, the emperor’s personal property, as well as the fiscus as a whole, was a part of the nationwide resources from the point of view of Justinian I. Thus, the fiscal policy of Justinian was a continuation of the fiscal policy of Zenon and Anastasius I, but it also had a few features. They were expressed, in particular, in the use of an unusual term for Roman legislation, the “fiscus”, in a Greek way.

The representations about old age, displayed in Byzantine acts, are revealed in a slightly defined form. However, this problem constantly attracts the attention of Byzantinists. The fundamental interest is adverted to status of the so-called “elders”. Their position is studied in the inextricable connection between age, ethical and social motives of social activity and involvement of the “elders” in the government system, especially rural self-government. In this regard the social role of the “elders” seems to be especially significant. All references to them are characterized in the light of the estate belonging of the “elders” to monasticism and village habitants. The formation of the landlord’s estate and the strengthening of the feudal dependence of the peasantry conditioned the emergence of the seniormen, represented by so-called “protoelders”, as apparatus of the control over the paroikoi population of the seigniorial estate. The further perspective of the subsequent studying the “elders” consists in demonstration of the general development of their social activity. The content of the problems of the studied topic is represented in the sections of the article “Introduction”, “The age and the socio-cultural significance of the old age”, “The elders in the system of the rural management”, “The protoelders” and “Conclusions”.

Introduction. The present research is related to the problem of the image of Other in Byzantine sources, but the focus is on its single aspect, namely the problem of the Byzantine attitude towards “the Latins” and, in particular, Western mercenaries which will be considered on the example of Athanasios I, patriarch of Constantinople’s (1289–1293, 1303–1309) relation to mercenaries of the Catalan Company staying for a long time (1303–1309) on the territory of the empire. It represents source analysis of the patriarch’s correspondence that is, we believe, the most underrated historical sources in this respect. Our goals are to find out the position of the Byzantine church towards the Catalan company and to determine the value of the Athanasios’ epistolary as a source for studying the Byzantine-Catalan conflict. The subject of research is 10 letters of Athanasios somehow reflecting his views on the Catalans’ presence in the empire. Methods and materials. The principles of the hermeneutic method allow us to interpret holistically the letters of the patriarch. Analysis and results. It is concluded that Athanasios who saw the Catalans, representatives of the West, as a threat to the existence of the Byzantine state and church from the very beginning was against their involvement in the empire to defend its eastern boundaries. After the Catalans’ arrival, three main themes can be distinguished in his criticism of them which the patriarch expressed in his letters sent mainly to the emperor: he opposed lawlessness and violence on their part towards the local population; warned the basileus about inadmissibility of the Catalans’ interference in state affairs; feared that their long stay in Byzantium would be harmful to the church and the Orthodox population in the ways that it was at the time of the Fourth Crusade and Latin Domination. These letters contain not much factual information but they allow to confirm and even complement data of other sources, mainly narrative ones, as well as to deepen our knowledge on relations between state and church in Byzantium under conditions of internal crisis in the early 14th century.

Introduction. As part of the study of the types of non-military measures used by the Constantinople triumvirate (basilissa Anna of Savoy, megas doux Alexios Apokaukos, and patriarch John XIV Kalekas) and John Kantakouzenos during the civil war of 1341–1347, their significance for the course and end of this internal conflict is clarified. The relevance of this work is determined by the insufficient coverage of this aspect in historiography and is also related to the broader topic of the use of non-military measures in various historical periods. Methods and materials. This work is based on the basic principles (historicism, determinism, and objectivity) and methods (historical-comparative, historical-systemic, and historical-genetic) of historical science. Analysis. Based on the analysis of written sources, four types of non-military measures are identified: psychological, political-diplomatic, socio-economic, and ideological measures. We found out that the representatives of the Constantinople triumvirate resorted to all of the above groups of measures, while Kantakouzenos was able to use only two of them. Results. At the end of the work, it was concluded that non-military measures determined the sluggish nature of the conflict and played an important role in the civil war of 1341–1347. In addition, this internal conflict in Byzantium, in our opinion, represents a striking example of medieval hybrid warfare.

This article reconsiders the textual and archaeological evidence on the delimitation and, most importantly, on the naming and the praised “goods” around or in “Kisterna”, a still disputable area situated in the NW (Messinia province) or southern (Laconia province) Mani peninsula. These are a Venetian document, as well as the French and Greek versions of “Chronicle of Morea”, the historical works of George Pachymeres, Nikephorus Gregoras, Makarios Melissenos and archaeological heritage, that is, the castle of Leuktro in Stoupa, Oriokastro in Ano Poula, Tainaro cape in Kinsternes bay. According to the interpretation introduced, the regional landscape and topography, the naming could potentially be associated with cisterns and basins where fish by-products preservation and processing was taken place. These workshops were known from the Roman period as cetariae and probably as “lakkoi” in the Byzantine era. The article by its structure includes the parts “Introduction – Aims”, “Deconstructing a) the term and the reason of the “theme” and “Deconstructing b) the naming”, “Revisiting a) the primary sources” and “Revisiting b) the archaeological evidence” as well as “Conclusions”.

Introduction. The purpose of this study is to analyze key aspects of the lives and details of Cossack emigrants in the Czechoslovak Republic (ČSR). Methods and materials. Within the research process, the author relied mainly on the following methods: narrative, historical-genetic, comparative-historical, and the method of analogies. The sources used were regulatory legal acts and office documents of the government and several ministries of the Czechoslovak Republic, speeches by individual representatives of the Czechoslovak ruling circles, documents of various organizations and societies, orders and decrees of army atamans, periodical press materials, and sources of private origin. Analysis. Most Cossacks moved to Czechoslovakia from Turkey and Greece, where they ended up after the evacuation from Crimea. The organization of the Cossacks’ move to Czechoslovakia was carried out mainly by public associations and societies. The first part of the Cossacks arrived in Czechoslovakia in June 1921. By the beginning of 1922, about 3,000 Cossacks were stationed on the territory of Czechoslovakia. The Cossacks received great support as part of the campaign to help Russian refugees. Within Czechoslovakia, the Cossacks formed public associations in the form of villages and khutors, as well as workers’ artels, in order to obtain and perform various jobs. Most Cossacks living in Czechoslovakia were involved in agriculture. Atamans of Cossack troops tried in every possible way to counteract the assimilation of Cossacks. Many Cossacks, after getting an education, were trying to leave Czechoslovakia for other states, mainly for France. Results. A comparative analysis showed that the Cossacks generally adapted more easily to the conditions of life in the position of an emigrant than most representatives of other parts of the Russian emigration. At the same time, the problem of assimilation among the Cossacks was sometimes quite acute and required the adoption of effective measures by their leaders. One of these measures was the popularization among the Cossacks of facts from their historical past and the preservation of historical memory. Not least, it was contributed by the Cossack historical commissions and archives.

Introduction. A peculiarity of modern political reality is the interconnectedness of the processes of globalization and fragmentation in the world. In a new emerging paradigm of international relations, policy networks come to the fore. These are the network structures for managing public affairs, uniting a variety of political actors. The relevance of the study is due to the need for an objective evaluation of the development of the policy network in the context of global changes as well as forecasting potential threats in the field of international security. The aim of the work is to examine the dynamics of the policy network in the context of global crisis phenomena, using the example of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Methods. The theoretical basis of the research is the network approach and the concept of policy networks, which allow us to study the object from an interdisciplinary point of view and conduct structural studies at all levels of analysis. The complexity of the structure of policy networks requires the use of methods of scientific cognition – analysis and synthesis, media analytics such as the research of content, and expert opinions. Analysis. The policy network is characterized both by the resilience and stability of its structure, which allows it to function effectively in internal and external transformations, and by the complexity of the relations among its actors. Global policy networks are formed on the principles of mutually beneficial resource exchange to achieve common goals and solve individual problems. An example of how NATO has been functioning in the period 2020–2023 showcases trends towards the transformation of the policy network from disintegration to subsequent reintegration to obtain the desired result. In a crisis situation, NATO as a global policy network is experiencing the dynamics of “connected instability”, establishing new forms of actor relationships that require flexibility in political decision-making. Results. In conditions of global instability and uncertainty, policy networks play a supporting (safety-maintaining) role in the processes of supranational regulation, contributing to the creation of an effective architecture of multi-level governance. As a result of the research, the author comes to the conclusion that it is necessary to update the theory of the network approach to further develop mechanisms for describing the actors’ cooperation within the policy network.