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In World War II American intelligence proved to be a place where German-Jewish émigré intellectuals not only warred against Germany but also connected successfully to their American-born comrades. This paper is dealing with a post-war intellectual network contributing to the intellectual foundations of the New Left in the United States. The origins of this circle of intellectuals can be traced back to the wartime Office of Strategic Services. In the early Cold War period intellectual analysts of Nazi Germany continued their cooperation in academic settings, and with support from philanthropic institutions such as the Rockefeller Foundation. In this context their leftist political discourse and activism took shape. Their Cold War politics, however, was associated with their concept of intellectual history as well as with a "decontaminated" version of Weimar thought. A close reading of archival sources with regard to Herbert Marcuse will exemplify the main argument of this paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The notion of a "third world" rose to prominence in international political discourse around 1960 and vanished around 1990. It designated a group of countries aligned with neither of the two other worlds. I argue in this article that the term needs to be situated in a larger history of the perception of global difference at least as old as the Enlightenment. The peculiar career of the concept of the "third world" is connected both to changes in the order of knowledge and, more specifically, to the history of economic thought, of which it is an effect. The paper thus focuses on the emergence of the term around 1960 and investigates the irrelevance of economics in late colonialism as opposed to the prominence of economic experts in the post-1945 world order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is based on a new archival find from the papers of foreign correspondent Louis P. Lochner. It proves the existence of a secret German-American cooperation between Associated Press (AP) and the ›Bureau Laux‹, an agency of the SS and the German Foreign Office, during the war years 1942–1945. With the permission of the Roosevelt administration, AP and the Bureau Laux exchanged photos via diplomatic pouch on a daily basis until spring 1945, first via Lisbon and from 1944 via Stockholm as well. Approximately 40,000 photos were swapped in this way between the war enemies while the battles of the Second World War were fought and the Holocaust was taking place. In Berlin, the AP photos were presented daily to the highest Nazi leadership. They were then also used for anti-American and anti-Semitic propaganda in the German press. Conversely, thousands of Nazi photos received by AP New York via Lisbon and Stockholm were printed in the American and international press. This article sheds new light on both AP as a news and picture agency and on foreign reporting during the Nazi era and the Second World War. * * * Der im vorliegenden Aufsatz präsentierte Quellenfund aus dem Nachlass des Auslandskorrespondenten Louis P. Lochner belegt eine geheime deutsch-amerikanische Kooperation zwischen Associated Press (AP) und dem »Büro Laux«, einer Agentur von SS und Auswärtigem Amt, während der Kriegsjahre 1942–1945. Mit Genehmigung der Roosevelt-Administration tauschten AP und Büro Laux bis zum Frühjahr 1945 täglich per Diplomatenpost Fotomaterial aus – zunächst via Lissabon, ab 1944 auch via Stockholm. Schätzungsweise 40.000 Fotos wurden so zwischen den Feinden übermittelt, während die Schlachten des Zweiten Weltkrieges geschlagen wurden und der Holocaust stattfand. In Berlin war das AP-Fotomaterial für die oberste Führung des NS-Regimes bestimmt; zudem wurde es für antiamerikanische und antisemitische Propaganda in der NS-Presse genutzt. Umgekehrt gelangten durch den Austausch Tausende Fotos aus der NS-Bildproduktion jener Jahre in die amerikanische und internationale Presse. Der Aufsatz gibt neue Einblicke in die Unternehmensgeschichte der Bild- und Nachrichtenagentur AP sowie in die Mechanismen des Auslandsjournalismus der NS-Zeit.

From 1917 to 1924, groups of German children were sent on Erholungsreisen (vacation journeys) to German-speaking villages in Transylvania. These trips were organized jointly by nationalist associations in Germany and their partners in Transylvania, who hoped to reinforce bonds between Germans abroad and the Mutterland. The success of the 1917 trip contrasts with the failure of later campaigns. Empathy between Reichsdeutsche and Ausländsdeutsche was immediately intelligible in the context of a common war effort, but later trips foundered a divergence of opinion about where charity was needed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article attempts to explain the rise of international human rights politics in the 1970s and to assess what difference they made in the international relations of that era. The author argues that in order to understand the reasons for the surge of human rights a polycentric approach is needed, focusing on the changed moral and political attitudes of civil activists, the distinct foreign policy needs of Western governments and the new experiences of oppression among victims of state terror. He further demonstrates how initiatives in the name of human rights notably transformed international politics. They narrowed the space of action of repressive regimes, albeit slightly and indirectly, and gave individual suffering an unprecedented salience in the international realm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Starting with a brief survey of the historiography on Fascist Italy's policy in the Middle East, the article argues that the approach of Mussolini's regime is best understood through an examination of the interrelationship between ideology, foreign relations and colonial considerations. Hence, it focuses on the impact of three central and at times conflicting forces which shaped Italian policy : the ambitions and goals commonly linked to Fascist ideology (expansionism, vitality, the desire for colonial outlets and a self-sufficient, autarkic empire); traditional foreign policy considerations vis-à-vis the other European Great Powers with special emphasis on Britain and France; and the aspiration to prevent dissent in and to encourage the development of Italy's colonies in Africa which bordered the Middle East. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the Middle Eastern policy adopted by Fascist Italy, in light of diverging historical interpretations of its extent and its ideological background. It is the author's view that Italian interests were influenced by Fascist expansionism, traditional considerations of foreign politics in Europe, and Colonialist interests. The article describes the pro-Italian propaganda efforts in the Middle East and North Africa, the deterioration of Italian relations with Great Britain and France, and the pro-Islamic measures implemented by Italian authorities. Italian involvement in Libya is mentioned.

The article discusses the effects of higher mobility and globalization on the expansion of imperialist societies at the beginning of the 20th century. It describes technological innovations and their effect on political and social policies in western countries towards developing countries. It then discusses discursive practices that led to developments in communication, knowledge transfers, and the acceleration of social evolution. Other subjects under discussion include the theories of historian Karl Schlögel, the historiography of globalization, and the effect of globalization on colonialism.