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Columbus: The Ohio State University Press, 2020 What are the stakes of research on women's sexuality? Refocusing discussions of women's sexuality on power and trauma allows Spurgas to capture not only the potential harms of the feminine receptive sexuality model, but also to consider how low-desiring women build fulfilling sexual lives. [Extracted from the article]

We use simulation methods and a detailed tax calculator to analyze the likely effects of two recent proposals aimed at reforming the Quebec Pension Plan (QPP): the federal proposal, eventually implemented throughout Canada, and the Quebec government's December 2016 proposal. Accounting for education-adjusted life expectancy, earnings variability over the course of a career, and their interactions with the tax code and retirement income system, we find that internal rates of return (IRRs) for new QPP contributions are similar under both reforms for individuals with lifetime average annual earnings of more than $40,000. Both reforms yield substantial IRRs for low-income individuals. Although the Quebec proposal offers higher IRRs for individuals earning less than $40,000, the federal proposal yields greater present value benefits for these same individuals. We show that if new QPP benefits were exempted from the Guaranteed Income Supplement (GIS) clawback, and provided that the working income tax benefit and GIS were not enhanced, the two reforms would yield similar IRRs for individuals with average earnings of more than $15,000. The QPP reform would thus better focus on the middle-income earners originally targeted by reform advocates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background This article investigates how to extract signals from social media (Twitter) concerning political parties during an election. Analysis 670,000 messages were collected during the 2014 Québec election regarding each political party using a framing strategy. After associating each message to one of the four main topics of the campaign, two logistic models were developed to describe the election. While having been set by the incumbent party, the topic of "Independence" was not the most important topic of the campaign ("Economy" and "Society" were). When dominating in terms of mentions, each party was associated to a topic, and such association changed during the campaign. Conclusion and implications From a practical standpoint, the findings of this article could be used to implement a framework to understand political campaigns dynamics through social media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides a statistical picture of the economic well-being of Canadian children. We discuss changes in families, nationally and by province. We outline how Canadian policy in support of children has changed and how it differs across regions. Changes or differences in median incomes, in income distributions and in child poverty both before and after taxes and transfers, at different points of time, in different kinds of families, and in different provinces constitute the core of the article. Finally, the economic well-being of Canadian children in 2010 is compared with that of children in eight other affluent countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focused on the politics and policies of citizenship, immigration, and multiculturalism in Canada, this article employs the concepts of Kenneyism (Kenney-ism, named after Jason Kenney, Canada’s prominent former minister of citizenship, immigration, and multiculturalism) and neo-conservative multiculturalism to reconcile the Conservative Party of Canada’s long-term outreach efforts aiming to incorporate many new, ethnicized, and racialized Canadians into a “minimum winning coalition” with the exclusionary policies and creative discourses the party espoused and implemented during its time in office, 2006–2015. As forms of politics that Stuart Hall termed authoritarian populism, the emphasis on the “authoritarian” dimension of conservative populism foregrounds the often anti-democratic nature of the project both symbolically and substantively. This article outlines the roots of Kenneyism and neo-conservative multiculturalism within a discussion of the party’s evolution from its Reform and Alliance Party predecessors. It discusses five key characteristics and trends of the party’s political and governmental approach that demonstrate both their creative outreach and forms of disciplinary politics and social exclusion—particularly but not only with respect to Muslims, refugees, and temporary foreign workers. It concludes with reflections on the party’s record and the future of Kenneyism as a form of politics after the party’s 2015 electoral defeat and 2017 leadership contest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the impact of recent reforms on the enforcement of the Ontario Employment Standards Act (2000). It analyzes changes to complaints processing before and after the implementation of the Open for Business Act (2010), part of which aimed to streamline workplace regulation. Drawing on a previously untapped source of information on employment standards enforcement, the Ministry of Labour's Employment Standards Information System, we argue that reforms to enforcement under the Open for Business Act appear to have eroded both the accessibility of the complaints system and the remedies available to complainants. By way of conclusion, the article outlines measures that hold the potential to strengthen the complaints system in Ontario. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With rapid economic growth, China has undergone substantial social, cultural and ideological transformations over the recent decades. In the meantime, trends in China's family structure have changed dramatically as well. However, due to data limitations, research on trends in divorce has been very rare in China; especially the quantitative studies at the macrolevel. The literature indicates that despite the very low divorce rate from the 1960s to the 1970s, China's divorce rate has increased greatly in recent decades, but this increase has been uneven in both space and time. Therefore, this paper analyzes trends in China's divorce rate at the national, regional and provincial levels. The research results suggest that China's divorce rate has witnessed a steady and noticeable increase in the recent two decades, with the Crude Divorce Rate (CDR) increasing by 178% and Refined Divorce Rate (RDR) increasing by 211%. Among the four provincial-level municipalities, Chongqing shows strikingly high divorce rates, whereas the divorce rates of Beijing and Shanghai have leveled off in recent years. Among all the provincial level units, the Moslem-majority Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region ranks first, whereas Tibet ranks last. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In our time, bodies have become alienated from one another on the basis of race and ethnicity, gender and sex, and religion. To envision theologically a political posture with which to disrupt these paradigmatic structures, this essay develops a model of a politics of love based on Galatians 3:26-28, where Paul argues for ''putting on'' Christ in whom there is no longer Jew or Greek, slave or free, male and female (NRSV). ''Putting on'' serves as a reminder of a rite-act via which forms of queering identities disperse bodies away from dominant magnetic centres for the purpose of bringing to awareness and renouncing the limit as an alienating end, and announcing its potential for new kindred beginnings toward peacefulness. This essay offers a Galatian response to the current political situation in light of Gloria Anzaldu´a's embodiment of the borders between the United States and Mexico, and Judith Butler's concept of parody that by exposing the normative by means of disguise can result in pastiche or the subversive mimicry of history. The essay also draws from border theory and queer theory to reframe Jean-Luc Nancy's analysis of ''being-with'' that for him is central to the inquiry on being human in community. It aims at offering a brief theological and philosophical roadmap to dwelling in solidarity, bodily and affectively, for the purposes of making peace. Living according to Galatians 3:26-28 demonstrates how revolutionary axes can extend oneself to the limits, denounce fragmenting practices, be affected by the alienated bodies of modern production, and mend what has been violently split apart. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Six Canadian provinces have banned the sale of junk food on school property to address child health issues such as obesity. Differences in the timing of the introduction of provincial policies provide variation in treatment across provinces, and variation within provinces comes from differences across students in the number of years of schooling during which junk food was banned. Using data from cycles of the Canadian Community Health Survey, I find that each year of a junk food ban is associated with a decline of about 0.05 body mass index. Students exposed to five or more years of a junk food ban had lower body mass index equivalent to a decrease of about two pounds for an individual who is five feet, six inches tall. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is renewed discussion of a basic or guaranteed income at both the federal and the provincial levels in Canada, but counterarguments about the cost, work disincentives, and electoral appeal of such schemes remain challenging. In this article, we argue that a grand plan for a basic or guaranteed income is unnecessary because self-financing redesign of existing tax credits to be refundable can better target benefits to low-income families while improving tax equity. Using 2015 tax and transfer parameters and estimates of income and population, we assess the federal transfer system as a source of universal income security, identify the revenues that can be raised through the elimination of selected federal tax credits, present four options that could be financed within that budget constraint, assess their performance, and select our preferred universal basic guaranteed income (UGBI) option. We then provide a more detailed assessment of the impact of our preferred UGBI design and discuss the extension of that design to provincial tax and transfer systems. We estimate that the combined federal and provincial UGBI that we propose would effectively target benefits to low-income households and virtually eliminate poverty for all but single non-elderly individuals at a modest efficiency cost in terms of work disincentives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We present a consumption-based greenhouse gas (GHG) accounting model for Canada, based on a multiregional input–output formulation. The outputs resulting from this model comprise a set of detailed input–output tables displaying trade in embodied emissions across regions and sectors (in contrast to the usual financial value input–output tables). After a complete exposition of our embodied GHG emission accounting model, we provide a brief analysis of production- and consumption-based GHG emission footprints and the related interregional trade in embodied emissions across Canadian provinces for 2004–2011. Our initial analysis is intended to present the model and illustrate general conclusions to highlight the utility of the resulting detailed GHG input–output tables as a resource for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the role of multinationals and reallocation in productivity growth in the Canadian manufacturing sector in 2001–2010. It finds that foreign-controlled enterprises were more important than domestically controlled enterprises in overall labour productivity growth for 2001–2010, but the contribution of foreign-controlled enterprises declined after 2006 as a result of an increase in the exits of large and productive foreign-controlled firms during that period. Restructuring in the manufacturing sector intensified after 2006. During 2006–2010, there was an increase in reallocation to enterprises that are more productive and an increase in reallocation of labour to industries that are more capital and intermediate input intensive. The effect of new enterprises displacing exitors also increased after 2006, mostly because of the increased effect of domestic entrants displacing exitors while the effect of foreign entry and exit declined. Offsetting those positive effects of reallocation on labour productivity growth is the negative effect of reallocation of labour to the firms with lower relative capital and intermediate intensities within the same industries. Finally, the article finds that the decline in labour productivity growth after 2006 was partly due to a decline in the productivity contribution of foreign-controlled enterprises as a result of an increase in the exits of large and productive foreign-controlled firms during that period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses in detail the relevant mechanisms that affect the development of Chinese outward foreign direct investment (OFDI). It first describes the current situation in China and the influences these mechanisms have on the development of OFDI. It then points out current problems, discusses the effects of those problems, and illustrates the roles of the relevant mechanisms. China's foreign direct investment in Canada is growing, which has increased the economic ties between the two countries, but Chinese enterprises are facing strengthened scrutiny in the acquisition of Canadian companies. This article also examines the practices and experiences of other countries in this field and presents suggestions and ideas on how to establish and improve the mechanisms in the growth of Chinese transnational corporations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As one of the world's major exporters, China has witnessed a substantial increase in its outward foreign direct investment (OFDI). This article examines the effects of export-driven factors on China's OFDI through export-supporting and export platform. On the basis of 2003-2010 panel data from 144 countries and regions, including Canada, we find a strong effect of rising exports on China's OFDI. In addition, the export platform is an important part of China's OFDI, and this trend has strengthened in recent years. Moreover, markets of neighbouring host countries do not have a significant effect on the OFDI. China's OFDI has an obvious agglomeration effect in the host countries, particularly in high-income countries. The empirical results suggest that China should pay attention to the dual effects of its export-supporting and export platform on OFDI. The government should guide enterprises to implement a mixed international trade and investment strategy and build a platform of networking investment to protect firms' overseas investments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 1990s, the development of a market-oriented economy and engagement with globalization have given China a role as the primary export platform of the East Asian economy. This has not only promoted the exports of capital and intermediate goods of other East Asian economies, but it has also deepened the regional production networks under the US-dominated global economic system. Currently, as China is entering an economic "new normal," its economic structure and growth pattern will experience a period of transition. Thus, its role in the East Asian economy and the global economic system will change accordingly. China's new role as a main market for the final consumer goods in the region might increase. Tofacilitate its change in role, China should continue to reform its domestic economy, develop regional economic cooperation, and increase the qualities of its labour force and foreign direct investment inflows. In addition, it needs to deal with several uncertainties that might arise during the transition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article exposes the strategic planning of government personnel as they prepare to engage in media management and spin. It presents the findings of in-depth interviews with 17 Conservative-era insiders and more than 100 internal planning instruments obtained during the nascent period of Liberal governance under Justin Trudeau. Inward-facing media enquiry processing forms, media relations strategies, communications calendars, and rollout plans are discussed. Examples of a Message Event Proposal and a social media rollout template are presented. The author concludes that under Trudeau the Prime Minister’s Office divested but understandably did not abandon central message control over ministers and departments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

All three global automakers currently manufacturing vehicles in Australia have announced their total shutdown of operations there by 2017. This shutdown has sparked some fears that Canadian auto manufacturing may follow a similar trajectory. This article reviews the factors contributing to the closures in Australia and considers key structural, economic, and policy differences between the Australian and Canadian cases. The Canadian industry enjoys several structural advantages compared with Australia, chief among them its large and bilateral trade relationship with the United States. These advantages suggest that the Canadian industry has a better prognosis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Moving to a low-carbon future will create challenges for Canada’s fossil-fuel industries, but opportunities in the form of a new market for low-carbon goods and services. The challenges for the resource sector will vary across commodities. Competition in the new market for low-carbon goods and services will be tough; sustained competitive advantage will be difficult to maintain due to capital mobility. With these challenges in mind, this article proposes three questions for Canadians looking ahead to a low-carbon future. First, how large will the market for low-carbon goods and services be? Second, where are Canada’s advantages likely to lie in serving these markets? Finally, what are the roles for Canada’s existing natural-resource industries in a low-carbon economy, and what are the strategies to maximize the value of these resources? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2005 the Supreme Court of Canada issued a landmark ruling in the debate on privatization of Quebec's health care system. The Quebec government subsequently made several decisions, such as lifting the ban on private insurance for some health services already offered in the public system. We interviewed 42 stakeholders who were involved in the decision process between 1999 and 2008 and analyzed their views. We identified three types of positions on privatization, based on two key factors raised in these encounters: (a) the ideological and political inertia of both civil society and the state and (b) the concerted action of stakeholders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines political founding in an internet age. Drawing on Hannah Arendt and Harold Innis, the article considers the 2011 Egyptian revolution in light of three features of founding: the problems posed by beginning, authority, and appearance. It finds that death narratives, acceleration, and a personalized media dynamic complicated the Egyptian effort, but that new forms of visibility may prove promising. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The question of the future of families emerges as a topic especially during times of rapid social change and uncertainty. Typically, the trends of the future are anticipated on the basis of existing expert knowledge. However, the interest of this paper will be in ordinary people, especially young adults' knowledge and ways of envisioning the future from their position in life. The approach is based on an interpretative, fictive and narrative perspective to the future, using the role-play method with students. As a result, three different story types of the futures of families are found: families can strengthen, families can weaken or a catastrophe threatens families and puts them in danger of being destroyed. In all of these future stories the young adults explain the changes in families in terms of economy, values and religions, family policy and ecological factors. The results add to knowledge of how culture and values reshape family change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As long as we know, marriages have always existed in Europe. When Christianity came the rituals also came or changed. In, for example, Iceland, these new rituals were only to some extent accepted for hundreds of years. In most other countries marriage the Christian way became also a concern for the states. And the few existing non-marital cohabitation couples were "deviants" in the meaning that they did not follow the rules of the social institution of marriage. Many of these were based upon poverty. During the 1960's many of the traditional way couples lived were questioned, especially by activists, and changes came in some countries and in the beginning of the 1970s in other countries. The three Scandinavian countries were first with the changes. Cohabitation rapidly came as a social institution along marriage. To start with people in these new cohabitations were actively against the social institution of marriage and were in that sense "deviant". Soon many became followers and they were certainly not in opposition to the societal values. These changes will be discussed with a theoretical background on what marriage has meant and means today together with a view on a follower of the changes and cohabitation, namely LAT relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Australian and New Zealand health systems are both heavily reliant on international medical graduates (IMGs) to meet workforce demands. In that context, those responsible for deciding whether or not to register IMGs to practise must balance the need to ensure the quality and acceptability of medical services against the requirement that these services remain available and accessible. This paper examines and compares the approaches that have been taken in Australia and New Zealand in this area from 2000 to 2012 and the impacts of that decision-making on public protection and the wider public interest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyses Paul Ryan's 2013 budget proposal in conjunction with Giorgio Agamben's The Kingdom and the Glory (2011). Agamben contends that early Christian attempts to differentiate between "the being of God and his activity" continue to structure politics today. Drawing on Agamben's reading of Thomas Aquinas, I demonstrate how the argument of Ryan's budget is not only predicated on fiscal responsibility and a moral objection to "big government" but also on a politico-theological conviction that bureaucracies of men and women should not intervene in matters best left to a free market guided by divine providence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay examines connections between protest camps and artist interventions in the Canadian context, focussing on two cases. In October 20m, Occupy Toronto organizers set up a protest camp in St. James Park as part of a global movement in 950 cities to decry the effects of global capitalism. Six months later, another collective set up an artistic occupation consisting of 200 A-frame tents called The Encampment at Fort York National Historic Site. This intervention recast the military fort, which conventionally operates as an open-air living history museum depicting the social and military history of the War of 1812, as a space that showcased the war's civilian history. The author approaches each as a space of convergence dependent upon the calculated co-ordination of people and tents to signal calls for change. The author also takes into account significant differences between the two camps in that Occupy Toronto was a hard intervention that was ultimately evicted by order of the Ontario Superior Court of Justice, while The Encampment was a soft one, co-commissioned by the city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author comments on the proposed Bill 60 known as "Charter Affirming the Values of State Secularism and Religious Neutrality and of Equality Between Women and Men, and Providing a Framework for Accommodation Requests" in Quebec. Topics discussed include the provisions of the bill including wearing of religious signs, the claim of the opposition that the charter is an attack on religious minorities and the divided stance of the people about the charter.

Saskatchewan has long been viewed as possessing a unique form of social democratic politics that sets it apart from other Canadian provinces. Drawing on three separate academic surveys, the authors argue that Saskatchewan residents are in fact very centrist in their political values, while their policy positions depict less consistency. Moreover, Saskatchewan residents appear to hold values and support policy positions quite similar to those of residents of other Canadian provinces. This centrism means that Saskatchewan's political parties must be able to attract centrist voters while maintaining policies that motivate their social democratic or conservative electoral bases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Republicanism has emerged as an important school of thought in political theory and has exerted a strong influence on Anglo-American legal scholarship. Republicanism has, however, been largely absent from Canadian constitutional law scholarship and this absence is particularly noticeable in the legal literature on federalism. In this article, I intend to show that a particular version of republicanism, which stresses the norm of non-domination, provides a promising normative framework for analysing the multinational elements of Canadian federalism. The argument seeks to achieve two main goals. First, it aims to build on Philip Pettit's suggestive analyses of minority rights and federalism in order to arrive at a robust republican conception of multinational federations. Second, the argument aims to demonstrate that republican theory can benefit from a close contextual analysis of a particular set of political institutions and that Pettit's version of republicanism is amenable to this kind of attention to context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper compares the public indebtedness of the Canadian provinces and the US states (including a share of the federal debt) over the 2000–2007 period. It presents rankings of the most indebted subnational jurisdictions based on five public debt concepts. Among the provinces, Quebec (with the lowest average rank) and Alberta (with the highest average rank) display the most stable position across the rankings. All other provinces show important fluctuations in their position in the rankings. Hence, allocating the federal debt to subnational states and the specific debt concept being considered significantly influence the rankings, quite spectacularly in some instances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this critical commentary on the political uses of memory in contemporary Canada, the author examines the conscription of the Canadian past by the Harper government since it came to power in 2006. He shows how the conservatives' reconstruction of the nation's past serves their broader project of reconstructing the nation tout court. Moreover, he presents the various strategies they have deployed to remake Canada's history in their own image: the increased emphasis on military history and on the ties that bind Canadians to the monarchy: the endeavour to cast the War of 1812 and the First World War as foundational events in the making of modern Canada; the creation of the Canadian Museum of History. The author also discusses the dismantling of Library and Archives Canada, the main repository of the nation's memory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this critical commentary on the political uses of memory in contemporary Canada, the author examines the conscription of the Canadian past by the Harper government since it came to power in 2006. He shows how the conservatives' reconstruction of the nation's past serves their broader project of reconstructing the nation tout court. Moreover, he presents the various strategies they have deployed to remake Canada's history in their own image: the increased emphasis on military history and on the ties that bind Canadians to the monarchy; the endeavour to cast the War of 1812 and the First World War as foundational events in the making of modern Canada; the creation of the Canadian Museum of History. The author also discusses the dismantling of Library and Archives Canada, the main repository of the nation's memory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In-depth interviews with government officials are a critical research method for the study of government. Historical and institutional factors, and particularly the informal internal dynamics that influence policy, require a depth of understanding that is often best investigated through such interview methods. At the federal level in Canada we see many trends that point to the increasing centralization and control of government information. There has been political interference in Access to Information Requests; the outcomes of scientific research have been suppressed; and media access to politicians has become highly constrained. This led us to ask whether tightening controls on information have also affected access to research interviews with government officials. This paper explores this issue by interviewing both academics and public servants in the Canadian federal government. We ask is there evidence of a tightening grip on access to governmental research interviews and, if so, is this affecting how and what we research? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the beginning of the twenty-first century, the world-wide movement of peoples has increased from 175 million in 2000 to 218 million in 2012. Although it is only 3.5 per cent of the world's population that migrates, the accelerated pace of migrations as well as changing patterns of migrants' integration and acculturation in host societies have created challenges to devise just citizenship and migrations policies world-wide. How does the control of first entry, citizenship, and naturalization practices by states affect the life chances of the global poor? Is the institution of birthright citizenship justifiable legally and/or morally? This essay considers these questions through a review of Ayelet Schachar's book, The Birthright Lottery: Citizenship and Global Inequality (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2009). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Canada, advocates of universal child-care often point to policies implemented in Quebec as providing a model for early education and care policies in other provinces. While these policies have proven to be highly popular among citizens, initial evaluations of access to these programs indicated they led to a multitude of undesirable child developmental, health, and family outcomes. These research findings ignited substantial controversy and criticism. In this study, we show the robustness of the initial analyses to 1) concerns over whether negative outcomes would vanish over time as suppliers gained experience providing child-care; 2)concerns regarding multiple testing; and 3) concerns that the original estimates measured the causal impact of child-care availability and not child-care attendance. A notable exception is that despite estimated effects stemming from the policy indicating declines in motor-social development scores in Quebec relative to the rest of Canada, our analyses imply that on average attending child-care in Canada leads to a significant increase in this test score. However, our analysis reveals substantial heterogeneity in program impacts that occur in response to the Quebec policies and indicates that most of the negative impacts reported in earlier research are driven by children from families who only attended child-care in response to the implementation of this policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2004 and 2005, the Supreme Court of Canada handed down a trilogy of decisions that outlined the doctrine of the duty to consult and accommodate, thereby changing how resource development occurs in Aboriginal traditional territories. As a result of these decisions, new avenues of economic development for well-resourced First Nations have opened up, with the hope of creating a new future for remote Aboriginal communities; but are these types of agreements meeting the expectations of First Nations and their members? The authors visited a First Nations community that recently negotiated impact and benefit agreements with large industrial proponents. The authors conducted in-depth, long interviews with 17 key informants: former chiefs and grand chiefs, executive directors of community agencies, program directors, business persons, spiritual persons and elders, property managers, and direct-service practitioners. Five themes, or areas of concern, emerged from the research: unemployment, employment, and economic stimulation; social and physical health concerns; negotiations and meaningful community involvement; corporate social responsibility, capacity building, and social capital; and environmental concerns and cultural relevance. Despite the concerns these agreements raised, 14 of 17 informants remained in favour of the impact and benefit agreements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Fewer Politicians Act (FPA), 1999 (Ontario) led to the creation of identical national and provincial electoral constituencies in the province. While the bill was intended by the provincial Conservative government to reduce costs and increase efficiency, the FPA has also had substantial unanticipated consequences for political party organizations in Ontario. I first review the introduction of the FPA and, second, draw on 60 interviews with party constituency association officials, including seven long-term participants with experience prior to the introduction of the FPA, and make a comparison of associations in Ontario and New Brunswick (where boundaries are not identical) to demonstrate that congruent boundaries facilitate integration and cooperation between national and provincial political parties in the constituencies. Congruent riding boundaries do so by merging the geographic and ecological contexts that both national and provincial party organizations structure themselves in response to, and by reducing the number of actors participating in national-provincial cooperation. The FPA can therefore be understood as a case study of legislation containing important unanticipated consequences, and I conclude the article by evaluating the FPA from this perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

First, I begin by interrogating why blood as kinship, ethnicity, nationality, identity, etc., has been so clinically removed from so much Humanities-oriented poststructuralist and postcolonial diaspora theory, rendering it both bloodless and hostile towards the notion of a return to an ethnic homeland. Second, I analyze policies based on the "migration-development nexus" promoted by organizations like the World Bank with its reliance on a conception of bloody roots and an enduring ethnic homeland that is both essentialist and static. To point out the limitations of these theories, I examine some recent frontier heritage migrations in which Asian and African diasporic elites raised in Euro-America are "returning" to their ethnic homelands. Finally, I attempt to lay out some of the parameters of a more fluid, supple theory of diaspora for the twenty-first century that explores blood as an analytic tool that takes into account not only mobile yet bloody identities but also mutable places, dynamic economic change, and new forms of spatiotemporality. In other words, returning to the homeland is not what it used to be, hence new constructions of blood identification are now possible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the status of theological education in Canada in the 21st Century wherein 35 institutions are represented by the Christian Higher Education Canada (CHEC). Preservation of identity and the creation of useful economies can be attained if institutions such as seminaries, Christian universities, and Bible colleges join forces. Issues regarding education must be addressed by the Church through assistance from theological educators and institutions. The possible market for Christian post-secondary education has been studied by the 2007 Ipsos-Reid poll sponsored by CHEC and the Evangelical Fellowship of Canada (EFC).

The ARUC Work History Project in New-Brunswick (LHTNB) aims to show that the labour experience is an important and essential part of New Brunswick's provincial heritage. Through partnerships with different community organizations, the research team organized public activities and participated in collaboration projects in many regions of the province. The aim of this essay is two-fold: first the author evaluates the nature and the efficiency of the partnerships developed in Madawaska, an Acadian region of New Brunswick. Did the research team succeed in developing genuine partnerships in Madawaska? Was there a real sense of "sharing authority" between the research team and its community partners in that region? What has been public's role since the project began? Second, the author analyzes the effect of public activities and collaboration projects on the Madawaska community and attempts to draw conclusions from what the research team has learned from these experiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Europeans who conquered the Americas in the early modern era lived in a remarkably violent world. Nowhere was this more true than in the world of sports, which often saw mortal combat between humans, blood sports between man and animals, and collective contests where maiming was the rule. Against this background, the Puritan reformers of England and New England formulated a contrasting set of sporting ideals remarkably consistent with the modern amateur and Olympic commitment to athletes who embody "a sound mind in a healthy body." Puritan support of certain types of sports is relatively little known because the Puritans famously opposed James Ts Book of Sports (1616). They did so not out of hostility to physical recreation, however, but out of support for the principle of Sabbatarianism, and Puritans — both in England and New England — enjoyed a number of sports that involved what modern peoples would call track and field events, along with other forms of sport. Although the Cotswold Games, which began in England in 1612 and which the Puritans vehemently opposed as sinful and immoral, are considered by many to have marked the beginning of the modern Olympic tradition's revival, the Puritan sporting ethic may be just as important as an early modern precursor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This commentary reflects back on an article that we published in the 1999 volume of this journal, which offered a number of observations about the condition of Canadian academic criminology at the turn of the new century. In this brief update, we consider some of the trends that have unfolded over the intervening six years, which have contributed to the continuing polarization of the discipline and the resurgence of traditional paradigms of state crime control and order maintenance (albeit under the purportedly new banners of risk management, computational criminology, administrative criminology, crime mapping, and the like). While innovative, progressive, and counter-hegemonic work continues to flourish in many quarters, the reward structures of twenty-first-century corporate university systems and criminological research environments militate overwhelmingly, and increasingly, in favour of the (re)ascendant ‘new orthodoxy.’ [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the author's views on Canadian theater in 21st century. Various plays that are discussed include "A Vision of Canada: Herman Voaden's Dramatic Works 1928-1945," "The Saints and Apostles," and "Robertson Davies: Two Plays, Fortune, My Foe and Eros at Breakfast." It further discusses historical aspects of these plays.