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Racisms are among the social structures that shaped Canada's past and are shaping Canada's present. Anti-essentialist antiracism accounts for these structures by recognizing that there are many different racisms, but all racisms meet conditions of racialization, of the organization of racializations into exclusions, and of the enactment of negative consequences on the excluded. These conditions lead to strategies for antiracist research, which are key to rebuilding the linkages between people that racisms destroy. This paper builds a theoretically informed argument while examining the historical and present-day experiences of Chinese Canadians. Engaging with present-day realities, moving beyond common-sense explanations that individualize racism, and building on the sources of the racialized and excluded make evident the structure of racism. Chinese language sources document the "apartheiding" of Canada and its effects. They also enable the dialogical re-reading of dominant sources to pinpoint moments of organizing this structure into the world. Today, historically produced cultural narratives and the cultural landscapes of modern cities mark those racialized as Chinese as people who either do not belong or whose presence needs explanation. These narratives and landscapes are the products of the anti-Chinese racism that was built into the settler colonialism that made Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article opens with autobiographical reflections outlining how the author came to study the histories of race, racism, and whiteness in Canada; namely, through a biographical examination of Canadian academic and public intellectual Watson Kirkconnell. The article then discusses the author's engagement with the scant Canadian literature on race science/scientific racism. After defining whiteness and discussing its relationships with gender and class, the article provides suggestions for future research on race and whiteness in Canada; in particular, the need for definitional, temporal, and geographical specificity; the need for original archival research and collaboration with archivists; and the importance of biographical research. Drawing connections between the past and present, the article concludes by stressing the importance of this research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taking the societal climate surrounding issues of race and racism in the study of the past as my point of departure, I propose to examine how it translates into the practice of French-language historiography of Canadian and Quebecois societies. Do disciplinary institutions publish on issues of race and racism? This study also responds to historian Geneviève Dorais' arguments in the Bulletin d'histoire politique in 2020 about anti-Black racism in Quebec historiography, and to the call by historians Crystal Gail Fraser and Allyson Stevenson for a critical perspective on our discipline in the post-Truth and Reconciliation Commission era. This paper consists of four sections. I first sketch out some definitions related to the concepts of race, racism, and ignorance. I then turn to the relationship these questions have with historical epistemology and the role that the discipline of history has played in the history of racism. In the third section, I present the results of my research on francophone-Canadian historical knowledge production in the past few years, which asked the following questions: Is the concept of race present in this disciplinary field? In what way is it used? Finally, I conclude by returning to the results of this study and reflect on what a better understanding of the critical concept of race in historical studies can contribute to our understanding of Quebec and Canada's past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 20th century, the General Drafting Company was one of the "Big Three" American road map makers. When it came to the Company's Christmas card maps cultural biases overrode their commitment to accuracy and high standards. Starting in 1930, General Drafting produced a series of Christmas card maps that featured Santa Claus. Cultural and regional stereotypes are highlighted in the 1930s maps; the 1950s maps also reveal a prominent American nationalist worldview. Although Santa Claus generally serves as an avatar for the benevolent "Traditional American" who is generous and jolly, the Santa of General Drafting maps portray him differently. Santas are seen harvesting natural resources, hunting animals, and being shown deference by non-Americans while disparaging the Soviet Union. Most disturbingly, Santa is shooting a Native American in the back, and enslaving other Santas in Siberia. The abhorrent behavior is being cloaked by the kindly image of Santa Claus to make his (America's) actions more palatable. These Christmas card maps are compelling and unique examples that illustrate how accurate cartography can be supplanted by deeply engrained cultural stereotypes and ideologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Journal of Canadian Studies is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

As a critical counter-reading of Michel de Certeau's classic text, The Practice of Everyday Life, this essay argues that today, in the age of neo-liberal biopolitics, it is death that is quotidian. While "life" itself now figures as the paratactical and memetic ruse of our dominant order, the essay problematizes conventional forms of tactical resistance, claiming that resistance is often complicitous and has been co-opted in advance. It is death that must henceforth inform our struggles to make (a) life in the ruins. Examples of racialized deaths suggest a rhetorical agency, and a rallying cry, for political protest and resistance beyond the tactics of a progressive embourgeoisement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article revisits a 2008 complaint brought against the Canadian magazine Maclean's for its publication of excerpts from Mark Steyn's 2006 book America Alone, a complaint whose dismissal was seen as affirmation of the principle of freedom of speech. The authors refute this claim, invoking the moral principles that underpin free speech, interrogating the notion of an ideal speech situation and an equitable public sphere in a case that involves racism and unequal power relations, and commenting on the pressures placed upon academics and activists who seek to counter anti-Muslim discourse. This article is a co-written analysis that includes the personal recollections of one author who was involved in the case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Beginning with the necessary question "Why me?," I look at a system which bars BIPOC bodies and theory. In her open letter to the US Black Studies academic community, Sylvia Wynter (1994) spoke about the problem of "no human involved" ("NHI") in the policing and incarceration of Black bodies as being pertinent for how Black studies was positioned institutionally. This same white supremacist governance and surveillance "NHI" exists in universities on both sides of the Atlantic. There is something very wrong with the system of which I am a part that persistently and consistently bars BIPOC bodies and theory and only avails our presence and thought a marginal position on the proviso that the status quo of whiteliness (Yancy 2008) is not disturbed. Nothing really changes in terms of anti-BIPOC racism. Rather, it remains strangely the white supremacist (settler) colonial same within Canadian race-evasive multiculturalism and UK 'post-race' racism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Emerging in Toronto in the late 1960s, the Edmund Burke Society (ebs) became a leading far-right outlet. From picketing Model United Nations meetings and gatherings of left-wing groups to staging pro-Vietnam War protests and engaging in racially motivated vandalism, the ebs became a bellweather of what journalists and social scientists identified as a "virtual explosion" of Canadian right-wing extremism. The far right has a long history in Canada, and, in this regard, ebs members' views reflected long-standing strains of extreme nationalism, racism, anti-statism, and anti-communism. However, the ebs and its successor organizations were very much concerned with issues that were current in late twentieth-century Canada: the expanding welfare state; changes in Canadian immigration policy; multiculturalism and a more civic-based nationalism; and the entrenchment of the rights revolution. Furthermore, the group was also a response to 1960s counterculture, a counter-counterculture in that it offered a radical challenge from the right, not only to the status quo but also to the New Left. While much of the history of Canada in the 1960s is focused on the left, the emergence of the ebs highlights the growth of activism at the other end of the political spectrum. Providing an important look at Canadian far-right extremism, this examination of the ebs serves as a reminder that the 1960s were not all Trudeaumania and flower power and that societal changes in the later decades of the century did not go uncontested. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Gab is a social network and a haven for racism, sexism, and extremism. With accessible design and tech-forward products, this "platform for the people" has surged in popularity. Analysis: This article examines Gab News, analyzing its topics, sources, and platform integration. Its mix of topics creates an expansive world. Its mix of neutral and hyperpartisan sources creates a believable (yet still conservative) world. And its mix of moderate and explicit content establishes a sustainable (yet still hateful) world. Conclusion: Gab's strategic communication offers a sustainable foundation for the radical right; understanding this is key for counteracting hate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the varied understandings of human rights in Ontario in the immediate aftermath of the Second World War. The article compares the social origins and implementation of Ontario's Fair Employment Practices Act – which combatted racist and religious discrimination – with Ontario's Female Employees Fair Remuneration Act – which mandated equal pay for women who did the same work as men. Although a few feminists called for the Fair Employment Practices Act to prohibit sex discrimination as well, their pleas fell mainly on deaf ears in this period. Men and women who fought against racist injustice were frequently unaware of gender injustice, for they, like so many others, subscribed to the deeply embedded ideology of the family wage. Conversely, some of the most outspoken advocates of women's rights were unconscious of – or chose to ignore – racism. At the same time, some of the most committed advocates of equal pay for equal work actually reinforced certain conventional assumptions about men's gender privilege at work and at home. Moreover, while the enforcement of both acts was constrained by the conciliatory framework embedded within them, the government officials who were charged with applying both acts interpreted the equal pay act quite narrowly and were significantly more diligent in tackling racist and religious employment discrimination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The First World War inflicted suffering upon hundreds of thousands of Canadian families between 1914 and 1918. In response, the state modernized its pension system to partially alleviate the postwar suffering of these families, reflecting the changing role of government in the lives of Canadians. To receive a pension after the war, Canadian veterans and dependants had to prove their postwar suffering arose directly from the battlefield, yet not all who qualified were accorded the same treatment. Unlike their non-Indigenous counterparts, external administrators were appointed to oversee the expenditure of pensions given to Indigenous veterans and dependants to ensure they were spent responsibly. Disabled Indigenous veterans and dependants recognized this as a profoundly discriminatory system – reducing them to their "Indian" identity – and drew from the nineteenth-century language of imperial nationalism and patriotism to demand equitable compensation and treatment from the state. Understanding the experiences of death and disability as intimately as the racist discrimination they faced, they envisioned their place as equals within the larger community of Canadian war casualties even though settlers and the state refused to recognize them as such. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Bulletin of Medical History is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Film Studies is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Following the mediatized death of Jamel Dunn in Florida in 2017, this paper situates the event of death within familiar cycles of moral condemnation, on the left, and the context of recursive circuits of mediatized and racialized violence, on the right. As we watch ourselves watching the boys watching (and filming) his death, the paper hopes to complicate our understanding of digital hate speech, moral subjectivity, and culpability. Between the curse of death and its recursive afterlife, it advances a tentative claim about ethical complicity across our digital media ecologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The US reality television show The Bachelorette is one of the most successful productions in its genre. It only recently featured its first African American lead, a long-expected departure from the show's dominantly white cast. By analysing how the show discusses race, this article sheds light on how reality television sensationalizes racism. Racism in reality television is not, as the production wants to make viewers believe, the result of individual cases of prejudice, but a problem of those responsible in the control room and, arguably, of those tuning in. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the role of race in structuring the movement of seasonal tobacco workers from the Southern United States to Ontario from the 1920s to the 1960s. Over this period, tens of thousands of southern migrant workers of varying skill levels travelled to Ontario to take up jobs in all aspects of tobacco production. Participation in the movement was limited exclusively to white workers until 1966, when it was integrated at the behest of American officials fearful of contravening the 1964 Civil Rights Act. Methodologically, the article follows Michel-Rolph Trouillot and is an exercise in uncovering silences in the archive, as civil servants in both countries and employer representatives in Ontario were extremely hesitant about mentioning the movement's racial character on record. Beyond methodology, the findings presented contribute to developing a better understanding of the uneven nature of the "deracialization" of Canada's immigration policies in the 1960s and to charting more of Canada's role in the construction and maintenance of transnational systems of white supremacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Bulletin of Medical History is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In "Risking Nationalism: NAFTA and the Limits of the New American Studies" (1997), Bryce Traister draws on Amy Kaplan to caution against favouring models of pluralism in American studies that leave "national borders intact without interrogating their formation" (Kaplan 15). Conversely, many Canadianists remain deeply sceptical about both borderlands studies and hemispheric studies. Rather than dismissing American depictions of Canada outright as clichéd and stereotyped, it would behove scholars to consider why there is a long-standing American tradition of writers employing Canada, literally and figuratively (frequently by moving characters across the forty-ninth parallel), to deeply explore American concerns and why this fictional migration matters-both for Canadians and Americans. This article inverts the fearful presumptions cultivated by Canadians about America by using Richard Ford's Canada as a test case for such an analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reading five late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century lynching poems chronologically, this article argues that pre-1920 lynching poetry focuses on the white audience, and after 1920, it focuses on the black body. (A curious concomitance, the 1920s was the first decade in which the number of African Americans executed exceeded the number lynched.) In Paul Laurence Dunbar's “The Haunted Oak,” Leslie Pinckney Hill's “So Quietly,” and Claude McKay's “The Lynching,” the victim is silent, and instead critique of the lynch mob is privileged. Using Hortense Spillers's distinction between body and flesh, this article argues that these poems objectify black bodies to represent violent white racism. None unleash the terrors of miscegenation on the Southern psyche or discuss the sexual humiliation of the lynched to preserve virginal whiteness. After the historical shift from lynching to execution, Jean Toomer's “Portrait in Georgia” and Langston Hughes's “Three Songs about Lynching” create corporeal tension between sound and silence. Instead of wordless black bodies, the bodies of these poems either speak or choose silence, becoming flesh. Symbiotic race relations lead to problematic definitions of self when the power and relative position of whiteness determines the autonomy of the lynched corpse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Film Studies is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Review of American Studies is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of International Journal of Canadian Studies is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the late nineteenth century, politically powerful residents of Sydney, Nova Scotia, launched a campaign to remove from King's Road a small Mi'kmaw community that refused to surrender its urban tract and move outside of the city. An Indian Act amendment of 1911 made possible a federal Exchequer Court hearing, which, after gathering testimony from witnesses in support of and opposed to relocation, was empowered to decide the fate of the King's Road Reserve. This paper highlights the court's transcript to explore twentieth-century colonialism as it unfolded in an urban setting. It considers how formative negative stereotypes of First Nations femininity were in the shaping of a colonial policy that assumed that Indians--particularly women--were a detriment to urban progress. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the varied understandings of human rights in Ontario in the immediate aftermath of the Second World War. The article compares the social origins and implementation of Ontario's Fair Employment Practices Act - which combatted racist and religious discrimination - with Ontario's Female Employees Fair Remuneration Act - which mandated equal pay for women who did the same work as men. Although a few feminists called for the Fair Employment Practices Act to prohibit sex discrimination as well, their pleas fell mainly on deaf ears in this period. Men and women who fought against racist injustice were frequently unaware of gender injustice, for they, like so many others, subscribed to the deeply embedded ideology of the family wage. Conversely, some of the most outspoken advocates of women's rights were unconscious of - or chose to ignore - racism. At the same time, some of the most committed advocates of equal pay for equal work actually reinforced certain conventional assumptions about men's gender privilege at work and at home. Moreover, while the enforcement of both acts was constrained by the conciliatory framework embedded within them, the government officials who were charged with applying both acts interpreted the equal pay act quite narrowly and were significantly more diligent in tackling racist and religious employment discrimination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Segregated schools are a widely documented component of American history. Conversely, in Canada, provincially legislated segregation of Black Canadians has not been fully acknowledged. This historical amnesia raises numerous questions about the construction of Black experiences in both states. This interview examines Sylvia Hamilton's documentary The Little Black School House (2007), which explores the past as a means to contribute to the ongoing vitality of Black communities. Our discussion places this film within the historical context of legislated segregation in Canada and the United States, drawing attention to histories that have been largely absent within the dominant Canadian historical narrative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the meaning of police denials of racial profiling. Based on interviews with members of Hamilton Police Service, we suggest that the concept of a police subculture offers the most credible backdrop for understanding what is commonly termed racial profiling. When contextualized in this manner, racial profiling is perceived by the police as one in a series of activities that define their work. We argue that, when seen in the context of police subcultures, such profiling occurs even in the absence of officers who may be inclined to prejudice or discrimination against members of visible minorities. As well, that subculture provides police with a powerful and convincing deflection rhetoric to neutralize claims that the policing institution has failed to root out the racist practices of its officers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]