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This study is focused on the impact of religion on the electoral pattern of the people of Punjab. Religion as a determinant of voting behavior is best expressed in the votes secured by the religious parties. Thus, religious parties vote in Pakistan and Punjab is studied to build an argument. Religion has a strong impact on human life. It influences each act and attitude of the individual especially in developing countries. In Pakistan; religion has a solid affect in shaping the political attitudes and beliefs of the individuals. It is one of the key elements of politics.2018 general elections saw a sudden rise in the vote bank of religious political parties. It witnessed a 2.17 % increase in the religious vote country wide and 1.32% increase in Punjab. Tahreek Labbaik Pakistan appeared on the scene as a radical Sunni Islamic party, it mobilized the barelvi vote bank to great effect. And it emerged as the third largest party of Punjab, in terms of votes polled. 2018 general elections also witnessed the rise of Milli Muslim League which was a political wing of Jamaat-ud-Dawa, who were previously rejecting the parliamentary form of government and were critical of voting in elections. The increase in the influence of the various spiritual gaddi nasheen in the electoral politics of Punjab was also a prominent factor during the 11th general election. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Though Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) is significantly weakened and dislodged from former Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) yet, it has relocated to bordering areas in Afghanistan under ideological umbrella of the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) and gets operational and logistics support through Afghan and Indian intelligence agencies. ISIS, having been greatly marginalized in the Middle East is struggling to gain foothold in Afghanistan with TTP as its proxy to execute the deadly terrorist attacks in Pakistan. The presence of ISIS in Afghanistan not only poses threat to Afghanistan but its collusion with TTP threatens Pakistan's internal security as well. Pakistan's sacrifices go in vain if cooperation from Afghanistan and the US forces is not forthcoming in defeating ISIS and TTP operating from Afghanistan. The article argues while domestic reforms and effective implementation of National Action Plan (NAP) by Pakistan is important to quell extremism and terrorism from urban centres, the cooperation from regional countries, harbouring TTP is vital for the elimination of scourge of terrorism from the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Twenty first century has witnessed a new kind of war, "War on Terror". Pakistan joined this war after the terrorist attacks of 9/11 and became a front line state in this war. Resultantly, Pakistan had to end its support for the Taliban regime in Afghanistan. The Afghan Taliban did not accept that policy shift and in reaction began attacking almost every place and segment of society right from military to politicians, mosques to parks, and hospitals to schools. The relationship between media and terrorism is indispensable because terrorists need media coverage and publicity, and media needs shocking and sensational news stories. Given this backdrop, this study intends to investigate two research questions. First, "What reasons of terrorist attacks were discussed in the editorials of major Urdu and English newspaper of Pakistan?" and second, "What solutions were suggested in the major Urdu and English newspaper of Pakistan?" Two newspapers, daily Dawn (English Newspaper) and daily Jang (Urdu Newspaper) have been selected for this study. Content analysis has been used as methodology and editorials published during 2001 to 2016 constitute the population for this research study. The results show that shift in foreign policy of Pakistan towards Afghanistan was discussed as a major reason of terrorist attacks and similarly, as solution, review of foreign policy of Pakistan towards Afghanistan was discussed in highest number of editorials. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although Afghanistan shares a common religion, race, history, ethnicity and geography with Pakistan, yet the relations between both have never been smooth and remained estranged. The nature of Pak-Afghan relations saw many ups and downs in past decades and has always been flimsy and they are found in murky waters. Since Pakistan's independence, there have been concerns and determination to have jovial and friendly relations between both the countries. The relationships between the two neighbors can be described as challenging and complex. The detriments that mainly manipulate these relationships have been questionable and experienced ebb and flow for historical and geopolitical reasons with the exception of brief interludes. This distrust at times bordering on hostility continues to date although some has been done to improve the working relationship by third parties i.e., US and EU. In the changed regional context of post 9/11 developments carry hallmark significance in the world history as it has brought both the countries at the brink of major national disasters. The post 9/11 scenario provided an opportunity to Pakistan to renew its diplomatic ties and political relations with Afghanistan and to reconsider her Afghan policy. This paper aims at discussing the core problems and highlights the future prospects of Pak-Afghan relations in post 9/11 scenario, as it brought a drastic change in world in generally and in this region particularly. It is a turning point in history when Taliban government was ousted as a result of American military action in Afghanistan. The study will explore and reveal its overall impact on both the countries with the existing diplomatic relations, areas of hostility and economic relations with making suitable recommendations for strengthening political stability in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is going to explain about the power politics among the political and apolitical institutions in Pakistan. Politics is an activity for seeking power in a legitimate way. Persuasion is a force that obliges the state actors to achieve objectives through power. Power is a capability to shift the probability in to ones own favour especially when circumstances are going against any actor. Political institutions are a backbone of any country and they keep the country on a right track. However, if the institutions became dysfunctional owing to their bad construction or composition, it undermines the state on a large scale. Pakistan's political institutions like parliament have been under pressure due to the persuasive role of apolitical institutions that are judiciary, military and bureaucracy. It is the case of legitimacy and authority, our political institutions do not enjoy. The dynastic politics among leading interest (political) groups, nepotism, and corruption are such social evils that allow apolitical institutions to intervene in the state. The regular elections within political groups are necessary for transforming those groups in to political parties. This paper is based on empirical method of research and purely on personal analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Natural or man-made disasters are dreadful incidents that devastate lives, disturb the socioeconomic and socio-political structure of a society and preserve or erase developments and gains based on decades, within few minutes. A catastrophe has the capacity to affect existing general population to their base, parting an occasion for self-investigation and reassessment of their framework and composition. This study signifies the Radar Digital Elevation Model centered pattern of drainage network to appraise the catastrophic landslide events due to the 2005 earthquake in Neelum-Jhelum Valley in SE-Indus Kohistan Zone north of Pakistan. This investigation highlights zones affected by the earthquake and vulnerable to landslides by utilizing Hypsometric integrals (HI values) and Hack SL-gradient techniques that are proficient in detecting erosion, land mass and tectonic movements. Dataset principally includes "Shuttle Radar Topography Mission (SRTM)" Digital Elevation Model having pixel resolution of 90 meters. Hypsometric investigation brings evidence related to the deformation periods of a geographical stage. To accomplish this objective, D8 method was used, 355 subbasins of 4th Strahler order, from 5th Strahler order 75 subbasins and from 6th Strahler order 15 subbasins were delineated. To appraise the indentations of erosional scarps, Hypsometric curves (HC) and Hypsometric integrals (HI) for all distinct subbasins were computed. Variable topographic elevations (Maximun, minimum and mean) were determined to decipher the HI values. The HCs are characterized as convex up, S shaped and concave down curves. Curvature of convex up symbolizes a lesser amount of eroded or deformed subbasins (comparatively young geography), and are located in conjunction of the North-Eastern anticline side of the Muzaffarabad that indicates the tectonic behavior of HKS, however S-shaped curvatures denote the transitional stage between the convex up and concave down deformational stage. The curvatures of concave down represents extreme deformation phase and are located west and eastern side of HKS. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A refugee is a person who has been displaced and forced to cross the border because of the situation of conflict or war in the country. After the World War II the UN adopted a legal definition of refugee. In the light of this convention, refugees have got some rights that includes right to return, right to family unification, right to travel and restriction to forward movement. There are two main perspectives on refugee influx. The first is humanitarian perspective and the second is political and military. Pakistan has remained a home for more than a million of Afghan population, i.e. among the world's largest refugee population, for past 40 years. The issue of Afghan refugees in Pakistan is the protracted one because of long conflict in Afghanistan by the major powers in the past, and now the terrorist organizations, violence and political and economic turmoil has kept the refugee influx alive in Afghanistan. The presence of the huge mass of Afghan refugees residing (or having lived) in Pakistan is testament of the international community, regional stakeholders, and Afghan national regimes inability to solve the root causes of massive human displacement - conflict, disaster, oppression, and chaos. Over the years, the Afghan refugee crisis has greatly caused a stern in Pakistan-Afghan relations. This is primarily due to war on terror, domestic threat posed byrefugees, fragile Pakistan economy and declining donor assistance. In total there are three million registered and unregistered Afghan refugees exist in Pakistan (Nation, 2016). Making Pakistan vulnerable to security issues, mass movements and illegal trade of drugs and arms from Afghanistan. The Afghan refugees in Pakistan are given a legal status until the end of 2017 (UNHCR, 2017). UNHCR takes care of the refugees by providing assistance but for only registered number of refugees. It also provides assistance to return to their homeland through Voluntary Repatriation Program. But most of the Afghan families are hesitant to return back to the country due to fragile conditions in Afghanistan. The paper proposes an integrated counter-terrorism policy response wherein national security and humanitarian interests are inevitably inter-linked. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The word 'Islamic Republic' is debatable among scholars as what meaning and role the word 'Islam' adds to the republic is still not agreed upon. Therefore, there is a need for resolving this ambiguity by explicitly defining and explaining the meaning and role of Islam in an Islamic Republic. Pakistan, too, is an Islamic Republic, which got the name 'Islamic Republic of Pakistan' for the first time in the constitution of 1956. This study intends to comprehend the mentioned issue by highlighting the similarities and differences between democracy and Islamic system of governance. In this qualitative study, iterative analysis of semi-structured interviews of ten doctorate scholars is carried out. The study comes across primary contradictions between the two systems and gives a way out for a system having characteristics of both Islam and democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contemplates issues of provincial autonomy in Pakistan. It describes historical background and rationale of federal character of the state. The nature of Indian Administrative Acts founding basis of provincial settings in the Sub-continent has been reviewed. The revision further examines articulation and expansion of the subject matter in constitutional documents of the country. Centralization of the state political system by dictators and consequent demolition of constitutional guarantees for federating units form part of the study. The study keeping in view the observant findings of state judiciary proposes resolution of the issues for strengthening federal framework of the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Separatist tendencies emerged in India and Pakistan even before the end of colonial rule in both countries in 1947. The political leadership of these states while dominating the political systems in their respective countries equally demonstrated much determination to curb the separatism. However their response to the challenge of separatist movements, particularly in Indian Tamil Nadu and Pakistani East Bengal, was different to each other. The outcome of separatist movements in two regions were altogether dissimilar. Indian leadership succeeded in repealing the Tamil Movement while Pakistani leadership fell short to the Bengali Movement. This paper is an attempt to expose that India and Pakistan both remained leader centred political systems during most of the time when they were confronted with the challenge of separatism in Tamil Nadu and East Pakistan respectively. While revealing the features of Tamil and Bengali Movement it compares the responses of Indian and Pakistani leadership to the challenges in their relevant spheres. The measures adopted by the political leadership of these countries to appease these movements have been explored in comparison with each other. The dealing of language issue, central to the separatism in both cases, has been specially assessed for the comparative study of response to challenge of separatism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper deliberates upon the issue of performance management in the specific context of civil service of Pakistan It evaluates the existing system of Performance Evaluation in view of the New Public Management (NPM) reform initiated during the late 1970s (Daley, 1993) across countries including Pakistan. The study adopts a qualitative approach to draw findings. It reveals that performance management system of the Civil Service of Pakistan at both Federal and Provincial level has certain strengths including; thoroughness, comprehensiveness, disciplined tool for promotion and accountability etc. However, the system also suffers from political meddling, extraneous factors, lack of quantification and standardization that hinder the effective functioning of the system. The paper suggests useful policy recommendations and reform measures towards improving the system in this direction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The key feature of Pakistan political history is instability and major time of history of Pakistan is occupied military governments. That is why it is still under develop. That is why it was essential that there should be stability in the country but unfortunately Political stability is far away from Pakistan. Thus without political stability there will be no progress and prosperity in the country. A country needs secure border and internal and external peace for smooth development. Unfortunately Pakistan had both internal and external disturbances throughout its history. First India left no stone unturned to destroy Pakistan. India forced three major Wars to Pakistan. In 1971, India was able to separate its East Wing from the rest of the country. Similarly its another neighbor Afghanistan remain a source of irritation for Pakistan. It tried its level best to change the geography of Pakistan through the slogan of pashtoonistan and claimed all Pashtoo speaking areas of K.P.K, Balochistan and FATA should be included in it. FATA areas of Pakistan are tribal areas and therefore the Pakistani government normally does not interfere in the affairs of this area. These areas have a long border line with Afghanistan and people of Afghanistan and that of FATA area have relations with each other. British government tried its level best to colonize this area but failed and British regime kept this area under the tight grip of unjust laws for their vested interests to get man power for its Army to fight with Afghans. But unfortunately, these areas are still backward and there is very low level of literacy, health facilities are either absent or of very low standard. Women are not allowed to participate in daily routine work with men. They are bound to stay at home. Due to backwardness of these areas, there emerged militancy which is increasing day by day. The situation in Afghanistan also badly effected the peace of these areas. To combat militancy and for long lasting peace in this areas, it is necessary to include FATA areas in the mainstream of Pakistan. The tribal status of these areas should be replaced by inclusion of these areas into Pakistan either as an independent province/administrative set up or either by making it part of K.P.K as a district. An attempt is made in this paper to describe the backwardness of these areas and how it can be included in the mainstream of Pakistan State. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Balochistan is a land which has always been visited by different nations throughout the history. Despite of many phases of obscurity, this marvelous land never lost its geo political and geo-strategic importance. Being located close to Middle East, Central Asia, South Asia and Indian Ocean, Balochistan has always been serving as a passage for foreign historian, politicians and armies. The geographical location of Balochistan makes it a sensitive region not only for Pakistan but also plays the key role in determining the significance of this region on international level by developing historic interest of the global powers. Being the best possible marine passage in the Indian Ocean of the Eastern, Central, and Western divisions of Asia, Balochistan has attained highly significant position among international powers by developing great atmosphere of competition for securing and dominating its sea paths which are now essential for the enormous world trade and energy shipment. Unique and outstanding physical geography of Balochistan is taking on increased importance in regional political affairs. Vast fields of natural gas reserves and other valuable minerals have become the centre for attraction and interest of foreign investors and developers which would provide an ideal profitable aim for global powers. The objectives of foreign states are to become economically more powerful to get global hegemony by controlling the major portion of world's energy resources. so it is the biggest requirement of time to spread their influence over world energy resources, energy transit corridors, major land and maritime trade links and for this purpose, Balochistan has especially become the focus of global geo-political exploitation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of the current study is to find out the male's perception about female political participation. Prior researchers in this area were mostly quantitative hence the current study is a qualitative study to get an in-depth understanding of the phenomenon. This study used purposive sampling technique and the findings of the study are based on 20 in-depth interviews and 2 focus group discussions. The study concluded that religious, economic and patriarchal mind-set is the main factors that hinder women in the field of politics. The findings of the current study can be effectively used to make women participate in a more productive way by increasing the awareness at the grass root level and by making appropriate policies and the national level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although, historically, the first political manifestations of Pakhtun nationalism may be traced to Bayazid Ansari's (1525-85) Roshani movement (Gregorian, 1969 :43-45; and Misdaq, 2006: 36-39) and Khushal Khan Khattak's (1513-89) rebellion against the Mughal rule, however, its ethno-nationalist roots are usually mapped out from the pre-partition mobilization of common Pakhtun masses by the Khudai Khidmatgar (servants of the God) movement of Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan. Starting off as a social reform society, the Khudai Khidmatgars metamorphosized into first an anti-colonial nationalist movement, evolving on the eve of partition of India, into one of ethnic nationalism. The post-independence period witnessed calls for attainment of either an independent Pakhtunistan or greater autonomy for the Pakhtun regions within a federal structure of the state. The irredentist trend in Pakhtun ethno-nationalist politics manifested itself in the controversial Pakhtunistan issue that strained relations between Pakistan and Afghanistan. Pakistani state's growth and rise in ethnic Pakhtun share in the civil-military bureaucracy witnessed greater integration of Pakhtuns within the polity of Pakistan and a dampening of separatist tendencies in them. Renaming of NWFP as Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and extension of provincial autonomy under the 18th Amendment further boosted Pakhtun ethnic integration into the state of Pakistan. More recently, however, Pakhtun ethno-nationalist movement is believed to be assuming a distinct fervor. The rise of Taliban phenomenon in the tribal belt and settled districts of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa has been labeled as a violent manifestation of Pakhtun ethno-nationalism manifested in an Islamist garb. The paper, besides analyzing the integrationist and the separatist (irredentist) trends in Pakhtun ethno-nationalist politics, also aims at exploring the more recent phenomena of its construction around the conceptual framework of 'ethnicizing Islam' in the Pakhtun context. It argues that the current Islamist manifestation of Pakhtun ethno-politics is a product of Pakistani state's attempts at subduing the irredentist Pakhtun strain (that bothered the state throughout the 1960s and the 1970s in Pakhtunistan issue) through support to the Islamist movement inside Afghanistan, especially in later half of 1970s and in the wake of Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. This paper analyzes the Pakhtun ethno-nationalist struggle, especially in the earlier decades as a form of class struggle to attain political power in the state. As such, it primarily adopts a Marxist lens to the problem of ethnic nationalism among the Pakhtuns for the beginning phase of it. Most of the analyses are historical in a sense that the paper traces the history of Pakhtun ethno nationalism in Pakistan. Moreover, the paper does not claim to be a consummate effort, rather it proposes that there are alternative explanations as plausible as this one to understand the issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to explore and analyze the genesis and dynamics of extremism in Pakistan, phenomena which can have serious political implications for South Asia. While analyzing the evolution and growth of extremism in Pakistan, the underlying hypothesis of this paper is that Pakistani society as a whole, more specifically, its intellectuals, displayed strong resistance to extremism preached or practiced by any group or individual. Intellectuals from west Punjab, no less than those from other provinces and areas of Pakistan, were always in the forefront in all such political phases or instances. A general study of the times and literary works of Shah Hussain, Bullah Shah, Habib Jalib, Munir Niazi et al, will clearly reflect that throughout history, the Punjabi poets have never endorsed acts which might endanger human life and always stood up against violence and extremism. For them, human existence was not about hatred or violence. Instead, they always emphasised on unconditional love for humanity as a whole irrespective of caste, creed and religion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan detonated its nuclear test on May 28, 1998 in the Chagai hills which is along the western border of the province, Baluchistan. Many personalities and organizations were involved in developing the nuclear device against a backdrop of political, security and economic constraints, as well as opportunities. India's 1974 nuclear explosion had proved a fundamental flashpoint for Pakistan's nuclear program. Pakistan decided to accomplish its vow to "eat grass or go hungry" in its mission on its advance for the nuclear weapons. Pakistan's nuclear program evolved under immensely intricate and challenging security dilemmas and circumstances. Historical experience, a combination of cultural nuances, idiosyncrasies of personalities, and domestic politics existed throughout the nuclearization process. Pakistan faced regional crises, geographical compulsions, technical challenges, global politics, external pressure and international propaganda to nuclear materials know-how. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Extremism and militancy is the prime issue of Pakistan in general and Southern Punjab in particular. As far as demographic enormity of the province is concerned, the issue of radicalization has got primacy. Do economic and social conditions echo in the backdrop of this issue or these are religious organizations that are coining their vested agendas? These questions need to be addressed with empirical evidence. This research article prods into issue and bring put some genuine results. In order to address the issue of radicalization, it is highly required that social and economic grievances of the region should be addressed and effective legislation should be done to monitor and administer the madrasahs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper narrates the history of authoritarianism in the post-independence Pakistan and its effect on the process and prospects of democratisation and the possibilities of institutionalisation of local government reforms. The political history of Pakistan after the independence and other associated contextual factors highly differentiate her contemporary political organisation from other comparable countries in South Asia. For instance, India and Pakistan emerged as independent states from the colonial rule on the same day and both states inherited the almost similar administrative setups from the British rule nonetheless, the subsequent development of democratic credentials and the establishment of local governments as a regular third tier of government in India unequivocally distinguishes her case from that of Pakistan's. Pakistan's six decades of chaotic history has seen frequent changes in government including three major military regimes. The politically centralising factors have led Pakistan to become a security state where the apex twin institution i.e. the civil-military bureaucracy takes the lead in running the government and state's affairs at all levels. In such a context, the process of democratisation has remained precarious at large. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historically speaking Pakistan and Israel are not directly engaged in any hostility or clash with each other. Pakistan did not recognise Israel since its inception because of her consistent support to Palestine issue and its apprehension that India Israel connections are against her security, ultimately shattering sub-continental balance of power. During General Musharraf regime, the debate to recognise Israel was on high side. It had been debated at academic, official as well as public levels. It was believed at that time that if Pakistan accord recognition to sate of Israel, the sensitivities associated with the issue might change. The cost and advantage quotient of recognition were kept in mind and discussed openly. During Musharraf regime and onwards, the moot point in Pakistan has been the cost benefit analysis of recognition. The existing world scenario has changed the ground realities and placed Pakistan in a difficult situation that how it can move closer to Israel without abandoning historical stand on Palestinian cause. It is also believed that if the transformation and change in Pakistan's policy is not hasty, only then it might be more productive and successful. The eventuality of recognising Israel might spur the sentiments of public and it may take some time to have popular placement in our society By analysing different and conflicting view points, this paper will investigate primarily the debate held during Musharraf era in the light of historical background and shall see what course Pakistan should take on in this regard after assessing pros and cons of recognition. After going through different approaches on the subject, this will also contribute whether Pakistan should shift her stance about Israel or otherwise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India and Pakistan are two countries that, having tussles since the day they emerged on the globe as independent countries in 1947. The dispute between the two countries has a number of constraints in terms of historical, political and strategic terms. However, the most important amongst them is Kashmir, over which a number of wars have been fought. In May 1998, the relations between India and Pakistan took a new turn when India conducted its nuclear tests on 11 and 13 May 1998, followed by Pakistan conducting its own series of nuclear tests on 28 and 30 May 1998. Thus began a complicated nuclear race between the two that concerned the international community at large because any conflict between the two having a nuclear angle would have global ramifications. This research is focused on the domestic constraints of Pakistan related to the nuclear issue of 1998 and provides a better perspective, from a Pakistani viewpoint. The acquisition of nuclear weapons by India and Pakistan did not lead to instability in the region, both have adopted a policy of deterrence, the leadership of both sides is thinking rationally and stable relations in the form of deadlock are current. Both in India and Pakistan there exists a common belief that their nuclear programs are the guarantors of national security and national power. Due to these explosions, nuclear weapons have been put to political use by both countries. And both states are now targets for the nuclear missiles of all the other nuclear weapon states, as well as each other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of extremism topology is not only applicable to the past and present situation but also defines its roots in the future extremism. It is important to investigate that how Pakistani society engulfed in extremism? All phases are required to be investigated with the analysis of causes and their implication within the global political structure. The present study focuses to explore the nature of issue in the case of Pakistan. Pakistan has adopted many policies to counter the activities by the extremist groups. Reforms in education system and focus on youth can be helpful in managing the issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last quarter of 6th century BC the Achaemenians of Iran captured Indus region(correctly present Pakistan) and maintained their occupation almost for two centuries till they were overpowered by Alexander Macedonian. Unfortunately no connected account of the political history of this region survived except stray references in the works of classical writers. However, culturally, Achaemenians greatly contributed to this land which was benefitted even after Achaemenians political sway ended. Some of the cultural traits still survive to present days. In this paper author would critically evaluate Achaemenian cultural impact on this land in the following pages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan got freedom from British colonial rule under the Indian Independence Act 1947. Constituent Assembly initiated the process of framing federal parliamentary constitution. The process was not accomplished until 1956. Failing in constituting state structure on merits, ruling class of the country took refuge in provisions of Imperial Acts of eighteenth century and deprived people to function as sovereign nation. The paper presents substance of corresponding Articles of constitutions of Pakistan and the government of India Act 1935 containing identical drive of rulers over popular will of the nation. Independence of state means independence of the nation. It is obtained to develop system of self-rule so that rights and obligations of the state must actually vest in the population. When it happens so, the state becomes fully sovereign capable of claiming, operating and maintaining its sovereign status. Present political system has been obtained to operate in which sovereignty of people is in distress. The nation is not working as sovereign and political system has emerged with uneven constitutional format, which is in practical resemblance of colonial status. The conditions are producing issues confronting sovereign character of Pakistan. The study will analyze the issues confronting the people and will suggest strategies for improvement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]