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This article discusses the use of services that support independent living in the community; how service use has changed over three years; and how socio-economic position, living conditions, social network, morbidity, tiredness and coping with activities of daily living predict service use. The study was conducted as part of a follow-up and development project ongoing in the Päijär-Häme region from 2002 through to 2012. The questionnaire data were collected in 2002 and 2005 from an age cohort born in 1926-1930. At the time of the first data collection in 2002, the respondents were aged 72-76 years, three years later 75-79 years. The material comprises all respondents who answered the questionnaire on both occasions (n=629). Based on the results it seems that poor self-reported coping and high education predict the use of services that support independent living. The lowest quintile with the poorest functional capacity is at high risk of having to resort to these services. Women, people living in sparsely populated regions and people who feel extremely tired are more likely to use supportive services than others, even though these factors did not independently predict service use. The RAND-36 questionnaire used in this study can quite easily produce reliable data on how older people cope with activities of daily living, It is important that frontline staff work to identify and assess risk factors that predict service use. The early identification of people who have difficulty coping helps efficiently allocate preventive services. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The post-war babyboom cohorts became of age in the late 1960s, during a period of intense migration and cultural change in Finland. The country also saw dramatic changes in its economic structure, developing from an agrarian society into one dominated by manufacturing and service sectors, and a rapid expansion of its educational system. The aim of this study was to explore the social and geographic origins of babyboomers representing the occupational elite of the Helsinki area, i.e. those in upper white-collar occupations. We were interested both in class recruitment (inflow analyses) and chances of upward social mobility (outflow analyses). More specifically, we had the following research questions: (1) Is the occupational elite in the Helsinki area recruited from the occupational elite of the previous generations in Helsinki, or is this elite also composed of men and women from lower social classes and other regions? (2) Does the Helsinki elite differ from the elite in other areas? (3) Does the male elite differ from the female elite? (4) How likely is it for men and women from different social backgrounds to rise the Helsinki elite? The analyses were based on a 10% sample of the 1950 census records linked to 1990 census records at the individual level. Babyboom cohorts born in 1945-50 were 0-5 years old at the rime of the 1950 census. Social class of origin was determined according to head of household in 1950 and social class of destination according to the subjects' social class in 1990. The data comprised about 48,500 babyboomers: The results showed that the Helsinki area elite was recruited from close by. Almost one-third of the Helsinki babyboom elite was recruited from the Helsinki area, and almost one-half descended from the white-collar and managerial class. Furthermore, the Helsinki elite is somewhat more elitist in its social background than the corresponding elite elsewhere in the country. The structural changes behind the expansion of upper... [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]