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Current scholarship on Chinese public perceptions of international affairs tends to highlight the growing hawkishness and nationalistic tendencies in popular public opinion during the Xi Jinping era. Whereas these studies tend to deal with cases and contexts directly involving China, little is known about how the Chinese public responds to geopolitical crises in which China is not a direct participant. Our study attempts to address this gap by examining how Chinese social media commentators narrated and debated Russia's war in Ukraine—a major geopolitical event that has shaped China's interests but thus far has not directly implicated China in the conflict. Our analysis, drawing on online commentaries during the first six months of the Russia-Ukraine war, finds that the dominant narratives are still rooted in China-centric objectives and experiences. These nationalistic sentiments, however, diverge when it comes to advocating for China's positions on this war, ranging from direct support of Russia as part of China's battle against the West, to a cautionary position of learning from Russia's mistakes, to support for Ukraine as rooted in China's own experiences with foreign aggression. All these positions are distinct from the official stance of ambiguity in this conflict, highlighting the possibility of alternative, albeit still nationalistic, perspectives presenting themselves on social media despite strict censorship. This analysis contributes to our understanding of popular expressions on international affairs in the Xi era and, specifically, of the different manifestations of Chinese popular nationalism in contexts outside of China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"From Culturalist Nationalism to Conservatism: Origins and Diversification of Conservative Ideas in Republican China" by Aymeric Xu is an intellectual-political study that explores Chinese conservative thought from the late Qing dynasty to the Republican period. The author challenges the notion that conservatism did not exist in China, arguing that Chinese conservatism is a polysemic term that attributes different values and judgments to liberalism, capitalism, industrialization, statism, social hierarchy, democracy, and Westernization. Xu identifies four typologies of Chinese conservatism: liberal conservatism, antimodern conservatism, philosophical conservatism, and authoritarianism. The book highlights the importance of the culture-politics nexus in modern China and examines the diverse perspectives within the conservative movement. While conservatism ultimately failed in Republican China, there has been a revival of New Confucianism in recent years. However, the book suggests that conservatism is unlikely to become an adequate political strategy in China. Overall, this well-researched book contributes to the understanding of modern Chinese thought and intellectual history. [Extracted from the article]

Trump's earlier statements about China and the US losing out on trade primed his supporters for the "China virus" narratives that epitomized Trump's references to the COVID-19 pandemic. Keywords: Trump; China; victimhood; nationalism EN Trump China victimhood nationalism 882 889 8 10/04/22 20221001 NES 221001 This paper analyses the deployment of victimhood nationalism towards China by Donald Trump during his two presidential campaigns and presidency. [Extracted from the article]

What explains the origins of nationalism? In this article, we trace the origins of an important early twentieth-century nationalist movement to Christian missionary activity. A growing literature credits missionaries with spreading schooling and democracy. Yet missionary activity often led to a political backlash and to antiforeign, nationalist mobilization. Drawing on evidence from China, we show how missionary activity sparked nationalist mobilization in the early 1900s. We gather new data on early nationalist secret societies, missionary activity, and antimissionary violence. Qualitative and quantitative evidence shows how missionaries threatened the political power of local elites, who responded by mobilizing violent antiforeign protests and participating in nationalist political societies. The findings challenge the idea that Christian missionaries influenced long-run political development primarily because they spread schooling and literacy. Instead, we show that missionaries also sparked early nationalist mobilization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under the current Xi administration, China has marked December 13 as the national public Memorial Day for the Nanjing Massacre's victims. The reaffirmation of this historical trauma under Xi continues the official narrative of the rejuvenation of a humiliated Chinese nation promoted in patriotic education of the 1990s. Simultaneously, there have been widespread state-promoted campaigns of "positivity," with frequent announcements that China has entered "a New Era." This article traces the representations of the Nanjing Massacre in different "contact zones" to reveal how certain negative emotions associated with the trauma are deliberately activated to serve instrumental purposes in China's contemporary governance. It shows the party-state's time-tested strategy of encouraging the public to internalize positive feelings of living in a great new era through comparison with past misery. It also demonstrates the extension of the party-state's disciplinary power in the affective realm to inspire unity and legitimize its rule. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the uneasy position of Mainlanders within and in relation to the Anti-Extradition Movement amid rising anti-Mainland sentiment in Hong Kong. It shows how the continued reliance on the Chinese language, contact, and media for information, communication, and socialization have contained them within the Chinese "national space," influencing their perceptions of the Movement and curtailing the discursive space for articulating political views. Meanwhile, language barriers prevent non-Cantonese-speaking Mainlanders from integrating with the local society and participating in the Movement, in which Cantonese is dominant. The nativist sentiment among protestors also makes those who supported or joined the Movement feel marginalized and invisible. It remains a huge challenge for Mainlanders to break down or bridge over such divisions guarded by both the Great Firewall and nativist sentiments in both Mainland China and Hong Kong. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Italy has emerged as a leading producer of luxury goods on the international stage, while China has been asserting itself as a strategic market for luxury firms. Italy took advantage of the World Expos, in both Shanghai and Milan, to redefine its relationship with China. What do Chinese people consume when they buy an Italian product? They consume the images produced by Italian trade agencies and marketing services. This narrative, based on the image of consumption, is the product of a construction that has its roots in the Fascist era. The political implications of such nation branding are analyzed by confronting both the present and the past. An analysis of both the genealogy of the global Italian landscape promoted by commercial diplomacy and the protests that surrounded the opening of the Italian World Expo calls into question the transformation of nationalism in a global setting: Italy as it emerges in the Italian-Chinese interface is fetishized; a sense of inauthenticity is created among the Italians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relation of science to science fiction in the history of Chinese science fiction has been closely linked to both the influence of Western science and to ideals of progress, nationalism, and empire. But when we turn to China's long history of philosophical speculation, a rather different story needs to be told. This article examines the ways in which the indigenous Chinese sciences have fed into fiction, and considers the consequences for our understandings of the genre of science fiction itself and its broader social and historical contexts, as well as relationships between modernity, progress, and science in a non-Western, but globally crucial, context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of ideology in authoritarian regimes--of how public preferences are configured and constrained--has received relatively little scholarly attention. Using data from a large-scale online survey, we study ideology in China. We find that public preferences are weakly constrained, and the configuration of preferences is multidimensional, but the latent traits of these dimensions are highly correlated. Those who prefer authoritarian rule are more likely to support nationalism, state intervention in the economy, and traditional social values; those who prefer democratic institutions and values are more likely to support market reforms but less likely to be nationalistic and less likely to support traditional social values. This latter set of preferences appears more in provinces with higher levels of development and among wealthier and better-educated respondents. These findings suggest that preferences are not simply split along a proregime or antiregime cleavage and indicate a possible link between China's economic reform and ideology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the 2008 Summer Olympic Games in Beijing, China and examines how hosting the event influenced Chinese education policy related to citizenship education. Particular focus is paid to ways in which Chinese nationalism and China's role as a global power were emphasized in citizenship education during this time. The relationship between citizenship, sport, and globalization are examined along with the rationale behind China's bid to host the games. Other topics include China's educational curriculum since the 1970s, educational research methodology, and international cooperation in education.

The author focuses on how China viewed Taiwan and the people of Taiwan between 1931, the year Japan invaded Manchuria, and 1941, the year the U.S. entered World War II. Some of the subjects considered include nationalism, Chinese identity, Chinese political thought, and the ideology of nation-building and cultural identity. An overview of the historiography of competing Chinese and Taiwanese national identity exemplified in the writings of historians Emma Jinhua Teng, Alan M. Wachman, and Steven E. Phillips, is presented.

The article argues that nationalism has become a part of a cosmopolitan Chinese youth identity in overseas locations. The author examines two demonstrations which occurred in March and April of 2008 in which Chinese students and graduates in the U.S. protested against Western media coverage of rioting in Tibet. Chinese nationalism is explored from a generational standpoint. The use of the internet in nationalism is examined. The article also discusses the global surge of Chinese nationalism which occurred in 1999 after the U.S. bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade. Serbia.

This article focuses on the political writings of minjian (unofficial) online writers to examine the richness, fluidity, and complexity of Chinese cyberspace. In a period in which Chinese society is undergoing rapid transformation, researchers have generally underestimated both this group's ability to express itself politically by using the Internet and the current state's ability to improve modes of governmentality and apply more refined control mechanisms to minjian writers in particular and intellectuals in general. In this new domain, both the Chinese state and minjian writers have to negotiate new boundaries. On the one hand, by not identifying with either the state or the mainstream Chinese intelligentsia, minjian writers assert their new citizenship through receiving and interpreting information independently and holding very divergent political points of view. On the other, the state can also enlist new factors such as private capital to serve its control goal. The case of minjian online writers touches on a series of theoretical issues of great concern to anthropologists, among them citizenship, human agency, nationalism, political expression and practice, governmentality, and the relationship between state and intellectuals. This article is an attempt to contribute to a timely discussion of these issues through concrete ethnographic case studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Explores the history of modern botany and modern science in China. Overview of nationalism in China; Status of its science during the World War II; Relationship between science and politics during its cultural revolution.