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African Americans are nearly three times as likely to be killed by police as whites. This paper examines whether this racial disparity is due in part to racial differences in the circumstances of police killings. To assess whether and how these circumstances predict the race of a decedent, I use machine learning techniques and a novel data set of police killings containing over 120 descriptors. I find that decedent characteristics, criminal activity, threat levels, police actions, and the setting of the lethal interaction are not predictive of race, indicating that the police—given contact—are killing blacks and whites under largely similar circumstances. The findings suggest that the racial disparity in the rate of lethal force is most likely driven by higher rates of police contact among African Americans rather than racial differences in the circumstances of the interaction and officer bias in the application of lethal force. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article illuminates the role of southern African American female librarians during the long civil rights movement (1930s through 1960s). Black women faced the “double jeopardy” of race and gender, but college-educated, “Female Talented Tenth” members such as Mollie Huston Lee and other North Carolina librarians committed to personal and community uplift. Institutions such as the North Carolina Negro Library Association (1935-55) and the Richard B. Harrison Library (established in 1935) were incubators of innovative resistance strategies to white racism and were crucial in setting the stage for direct action in the 1960s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores racial differences in police use of force. On nonlethal uses of force, blacks and Hispanics are more than 50 percent more likely to experience some form of force in interactions with police. Adding controls that account for important context and civilian behavior reduces, but cannot fully explain, these disparities. On the most extreme use of force—officer-involved shootings—we find no racial differences either in the raw data or when contextual factors are taken into account. We argue that the patterns in the data are consistent with a model in which police officers are utility maximizers, a fraction of whom have a preference for discrimination, who incur relatively high expected costs of officer-involved shootings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 1920s and 1930s, U.S. physical anthropologists imagined Hawai'i as a racial laboratory, a controllable site for the study of race mixing and the effects of migration on bodily form. Gradually a more dynamic and historical understanding of human populations came to substitute for older classificatory and typological approaches in the colonial laboratory, leading to the creation of the field of human biology and challenges to scientific racism. Elite U.S. institutions and philanthropic foundations competed for the authority to define Pacific bodies and mentalities during this period. The emergent scientific validation of liberal Hawaiian attitudes toward human difference and race amalgamation or formation exerted considerable influence on biological anthropology after World War II, but ultimately it would fail in Hawai'i to resist the incoming tide of continental U.S. racial thought and practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article traces the career of Addison “Add” Bates, a furniture maker, dancer, and sometime-gallerist who was active in Harlem art circles from the 1930s through the 1960s. It highlights his connections to painters Jacob Lawrence—who may have painted him in his workshop—and Romare Bearden—for whom he staged the artist’s first solo show; as well as commissions for Richard Wright and a working relationship with Ralph Ellison. His artistic philosophy encompassed formal rigor—a belief in the expressive power of simple, bold forms in compelling composition—and social justice—an abiding commitment to the dignity of the human body and equal opportunity for African American artists. His career demonstrates the centrality of artist networks in supporting and nurturing artistic experimentation and growth, in particular the multimedia connections that sustained African American artists in the twentieth century in the face of institutionalized racism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers portrayal of American lawyer Pauli Murray as depicted in the books "Jane Crow: The Life of Pauli Murray" by Rosalind Rosenberg, and "Beyond Respectability: The Intellectual Thought of Race Women" by Brittney Cooper. It informs that she was the first African Americans to use nonviolent direct action to challenge Jim Crow segregation. It also mentions the history of racism in the U.S.

This paper analyzes some of the cultural dynamics that shape the significance of race in the United States. The focus is on the role of social conventions governing speech and the operation of categorical identities, such as “individual” and “group.” These cultural dynamics are examined via moments of humor—some that are received poorly and others that are successful—because jokes both condense and engage deep reservoirs of implicit cultural knowledge. The goal of this discussion is to highlight how these conventions and categories shape Americans' assessments of what counts as “racial.” In juxtaposing a series of “racial remarks” (by Don Imus and Michael Richards) with a series of television ads that deploy many racial signifiers but drew little critical commentary, my aim is to analyze how Americans can keep laughing about race even as they draw emphatic lines about not being amused by racist remarks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the vast scholarship on Japanese American "internment," with its ever more sophisticated attention to euphemism and doublespeak, the U.S. government's so-called relocation centers have often been characterized as concentration camps. This paper ask if they should also be considered as indoctrination centers. My essay first examines the vital role of camp schools in Americanizing imprisoned Japanese American children and adults. Second, I look at a particular set of popular representations that traded on a long-standing American creation myth, the pioneer narrative, which was adopted and partially transformed by Japanese Americans inclined toward assimilation. Finally, I probe the more explicitly religious components of Americanization and the leadership positions held by Japanese American women in those campaigns. WRA officials and Japanese American Christians clearly saw incarceration as an unprecedented opportunity to evangelize on a grand scale. In the gendered hierarchies of church leadership, just below the male clergy, women lay leaders in particular led the charge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I use Karen Brodkin's How Jews Became White Folks" as an analytic compass to consider the question: Are US. Latinos becoming "White"? The purpose of this paper is to meet the question head-on and to help unravel some of the complexity and contradictor, issues related to the changing status of a historically marginalized and heterogeneous ethnic group within a society that operates in a Black/White racial binary. My goal is to also describe a social process that may already be under way. The essay explores several indicators that point to this process, including the growing importance of Latinos as consumers for capital accumulation in the neoliberal marketplace, the mounting significance of Latino elites to the American political scene, extant intra-Latino class differences, results of the 2000 U.S. Census, the growing xenophobia against new Latino immigrants, especially racialized indigenos coming across the southwest border, and the enduring power of the American dream, all of which must be interpreted in light of the dramatic and growing decline in the number of "Whites" in America. In this framework, I examine race as racism, and its role in reproducing a class structure where Blackness lurks in the shadows, the marker against which success can be measured and belonging determined, hi an effort to anticipate the "dreadfully predictable" patterns and practices of Whiteness, I suggest that the White racial category is likely to expand to in include a growing portion of Latinos, particularly those who are "aspiring," assimilated, and "English-proficient." In turn, we are likely to see their ever-growing distance firm Blackness as well as from the poorer, "darker." more recent, and undocumented Hispanic indegenos. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Evelyn Brooks Higginbotham's "metalanguage of race" as a black feminist legal theory of racism. It demonstrates how Higginbotham's essay exposes racism's far-reaching effects on the construction of other social and power relations by looking primarily at the ways in which the law helped to solidify the power of white supremacy in the United States. I argue that the signal contribution of Higginbotham's essay, its concept of the metalanguage of race, is part of a genealogy of black feminist legal theorizing that recognizes the role of race in determining the meanings of gender. Higginbotham and other black feminist legal thinkers such as Kimberlé Crenshaw and Pauli Murray have created a black feminist interpretive practice attentive to the contradictions and connections between race and other relations of power and difference. Indeed, the consideration of the contradictions and connections in the courts' understanding of race and gender brings us some of our most prominent and pronounced theorizing of black feminism, especially the concepts of Jane Crow, intersectionality, and metalanguage of race. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: This scoping review examines the methods used in studies of antiracism interventions in the United States during 2014–2021. Method: Following PRISMA-ScR guidelines, we used a systematic search and review process to identify, screen, and summarize research on individual-level interventions intended to reduce racial bias and discrimination. Results: The search recovered 1,928 citations. After screening, 17 articles were retained for a full-text review. Of those, 9 studies used a pre- and post-intervention design without a comparison or control group, 5 used a comparison group, 1 used a randomized control group, and 2 used a single-group posttest-only approach. Except for one study with 8,634 participants, samples ranged from 20 to 721 participants (M = 112, SD = 164.8). Eleven studies used reliable/valid instruments to measure racial bias and discrimination. Thirteen studies explicitly stated theoretical models used in intervention development. Conclusions: Based on features of the 17 interventions, participants and sampling methods, analytical methods, guiding theories, and effectiveness, we recommend (a) use of more rigorous designs to enhance internal validity and (b) use of advanced analytic techniques to control selection bias. If implemented, these recommendations would substantially strengthen research on individual-level interventions designed to reduce racial bias and discrimination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent developments in Canada, the United States, and beyond continue to test librarians' resolve and to redefine how we view ourselves and engage with communities. Drawing on examples from both Canada and the United States and deploying the concept of "border" as an analytical trope, we seek to probe and unsettle the geographic, professional, and ideological interfaces that librarians constantly negotiate. In a world where data know no borders but indigenous and other bodies are constrained by them, how do we respond to the "Calls to Action" of Canada's Truth and Reconciliation Commission, to the violent displacement of millions of Syrians, to the resurgence of divisive politics and racist rhetorics, or to the surrender to data? Using the Trump election as a launching point, we explore key drivers for change in LIS in instances when politics spill into our professional purview. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historians of pre-professional anthropology in nineteenth-century U.S. society have generally emphasized the roles of individuals and institutions in the development of the field. Their reliance on particular kinds of archives and sources has led some of them to neglect the work of intellectuals of color, many of whom had important anthropological insights. Thus, the hegemonic genealogies of U.S. anthropology make it difficult to discern alternative understandings of the emerging field before the Civil War by virtually eliminating dissenting voices. This paper calls attention to the anthropological thought of James McCune Smith- intellectual, former slave, and radical abolitionist-and situates his perspective in the sociohistorical context of antebellum America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency. White noise, is a technical term describing a steady complex unobtrusive sound, such as the drone of a fan, that drowns out, or makes imperceptible, other surrounding sounds. In the late-twentieth-century United States, both critics of and apologists for racism typically saw it as an issue concerning the disadvantaging of people with marked racialized identities, often called "visible minorities," emphasizing the role of perception in defining difference.

This paper examines segregation in American cities from 1890 to 1990. From 1890 to 1940, ghettos were born as blacks migrated to urban areas and cities developed vast expanses filled with almost entirely black housing. From 1940 to 1970, black migration continued and the physical areas of the ghettos expanded. Since 1970, there has been a decline in segregation as blacks have moved into previously all-white areas of cities and suburbs. Across all these time periods there is a strong positive relation between urban population or density and segregation. Data on house prices and attitudes toward integration suggest that in the mid-twentieth century, segregation was a product of collective actions taken by whites to exclude blacks from their neighborhoods. By 1990, the legal barriers enforcing segregation had been replaced by decentralized racism, where whites pay more than blacks to live in predominantly white areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the U.S. Supreme Court's ruling in the 1971 case Palmer v. Thompson which deals with the constitutionality of Jackson, Mississippi's decision to close all of the city's public swimming pools due to an inability to operate racially desegregated pools in a safe manner, and it mentions other constitutional law matters such as Plessy v. Ferguson and Korematsu v. United States. The U.S. Constitution's equal Protection Clause and racial bias are examined.

We explore the conjecture that norms of racial rhetoric in US campaigns have shifted over the last several years. Prior work suggests that the way politicians talk about race affects the power of racial attitudes in political judgments. Racial priming theory suggests that explicit racial rhetoric—messages overtly hostile toward minorities—would be rejected. When race is cued subtly, however, the power of racial attitudes on issues is significantly enhanced. Replication attempts have recently failed. We identify two historically related shifts that lead us to expect that the effective distinction between explicit and implicit racial rhetoric has declined in recent years. Four nationally representative survey experiments strongly support our predictions: regardless of whether political messages are racially explicit or implicit, the power of racial attitudes is large and stable. Finally, many citizens recognize racially hostile content in political communications but are no longer angered or disturbed by it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Black male football players are stigmatized as being aggressive and violent in news media and on campus. The violent behavior of Black athletes is often explained as a result of masculinity “gone awry.” This article examines NCAA Black male athletes’ experiences with structural violence on a university campus in order to complicate this trope. Through ethnographic research with student‐athletes, it offers insights into how Black men experience and respond to daily encounters with racism in a predominantly White university. I show how Black male student‐athletes harbor significant anger, frustration, and sadness where they are aware of their treatment as bodies and not people. This can be seen in how they are expected to meet high standards of physical performance while being marginalized in the university, including lack of access to proper sleep and nutrition, contingent funding, and precarious student status. In addition, these athletes are paraded around the university as specimens of Black prowess, which also impacts their self‐esteem and feelings of power. I argue that we must understand Black male student‐athletes’ behavior through their lived experiences within the structural violence of the university setting. Violent behaviors can thus be read through the context of desires to exert power in relation to their daily lived experiences with racism and structural violence in college sports. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A bevy of research highlights how racial minority and long-term are impacted when their neighborhoods undergo gentrification. Less discussed is how Black institutions are affected when their surrounding neighborhoods undergo these processes. Based on research conducted at an eighty-year-old Black church in Washington, DC, this article examines some of the ways in which these institutions are responding to neighborhood changes brought on by gentrification and unequal development. This article enriches our understanding of the subtle ways in which Black churches are being pushed out of their communities as a result of political and cultural displacement. Differing views about neighborhood social norms, parking tensions, and complaints about church façade and noise levels, are some of the micro-aggressive acts that church members feel threaten their sense of belonging. Such acts create an inhospitable tension with which parishioners must contend. As certain Black neighborhoods yield to a white and more affluent residential base, the future of Black churches becomes uncertain. Centering the experiences of elder church members, this article highlights how Black churches are responding to tensions around race, space, and urban change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Perhaps the most demonized group following the uprising that occurred after the death of Freddie Gray in Baltimore were the youth of the city. As ethnographers working in the same neighborhoods where the Baltimore Uprising took place, we debated the representations we would make, cognizant that, in an atmosphere of both overt and covert racism, any representation we produced would be subject to political appropriation from the same mass media we were criticizing. However, we were not the only actors in Baltimore's representational field, and, instead of making our own ethnographic films, we began to look to the representations of the city produced by the youth who were directly impacted by the structural forces that precipitated the uprising. In doing so, we are advocating anthropologists on certain occasions to 'push it along,' or in other words, speak alongside our collaborators to ascertain a more nuanced vision of events through a networked anthropology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article talks about racial tensions and injustice by the U.S. Military in Northern Ireland during the Second World War focusing on African American servicemen. Topics discussed include severe prejudice faced by the servicemen compared to their white counterparts, and American troops in Great Britain being subject to American military law due to the Visiting Forces Act.

An introduction to a series of essays about racism and whiteness in the U.S. Included are information on anthropology's contribution to critical whiteness studies, the complexity by which whiteness in its various manifestations intersects with other identity formations, the continued strength of anthropological sensibilities in relation to the interrogation of interpretive repertoires of social life and their entanglement with rhetorics/realities of race, and a critique of racism in the U.S.

The stakes of being a raced body are high, in certain places at certain times they are tangible, even deadly. Responses to race and racism in the U.S. often rely on structures and frameworks for interpretation, converting events and experiences into local examples. But the reality on the ground demands a closer look. This study expands on structural interpretations by detailing experiences and events, both past and present, which include the local landscape as a key player within White supremacy. I argue that racism does not simply happen in a general way, but that racism lingers in a landscape, and contributes to the visibility of certain raced bodies and the invisibility of others, while making itself appear in a moment, felt in and on the skin. It is from the skin and in the landscape that White supremacy can be understood anew, and that possibility can be re-imagined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Legal cases are won or lost on the basis of statistical discrimination measures, but workers' perceptions of discriminatory behavior are important for understanding labor supply decisions. Workers who believe that they have been discriminated against are more likely to leave their employers, and workers' perceptions of discrimination likely drive formal complaints to the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. Yet the relationship between statistical and self-assessed measures of discrimination is far from obvious. We expand on the previous literature by using data from the After the J.D. study to compare standard Blinder-Oaxaca measures of earnings discrimination to self-reported measures of client discrimination, other work-related discrimination, and harassment. Our results indicate that conventional measures of earnings discrimination are not closely linked to the racial and gender bias that new lawyers believe they have experienced on the job. Moreover, statistical earnings discrimination does not explain the disparity in self-assessed bias across gender and racial groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Old-fashioned racism (OFR) was unrelated to white Americans’ partisan preferences throughout the post-civil rights era. This study argues OFR could return to white partisanship following decades of dormancy because of Obama’s presidency. After first demonstrating that such attitudes were significantly stronger predictors of opposition to Obama than ideologically similar white Democrats, I support that spillover hypothesis with the following evidence: opposition to interracial dating was correlated with white partisanship in 2009 despite being unrelated to party identification in 12 earlier surveys; moreover, evaluations of Obama completely mediated that relationship between OFR and partisanship; old-fashioned racism predicted changes in white panelists’ partisanship between 2006 and 2011; these attitudes were also a stronger determinant of midterm vote preferences in 2010 than they were in 2006, with that relationship once again mediated by President Obama; and experimentally connecting Obama to congressional candidates significantly increased the relationship between OFR and 2010 preferences. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the influence of slavery on the progress of African Americans in the 20th and 21st centuries, particularly exploring socioeconomic aspects of African American poverty. It comments on the criminalization of African Americans that reinforced conditions of peonage and poverty in the U.S. South, economic exploitation, and the link between race and economic inequalities. Other topics include U.S. social policy, racism and race relations, Southern cultural values, and the Civil Rights Movement.

The article discusses the history of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) in Texas. The author reflects on the Texas State Conference as the governing body of all NAACP branches to consolidate efforts against racial discrimination and segregation. Emphasis is given to the lawsuit Sweatt v. Painter and desegregation of the University of Texas Law School. The article concludes by describing the decline of the Texas NAACP due to accusations of communist influence and state investigations.

The article discusses legal discrimination and racism in the U.S. judicial system and the case of U.S. sergeant Edgar Caldwell. The author reflects on legal lynching in southern states and the efforts of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) to defend Caldwell's civil rights as an African American veteran. Legal proceedings to execute Caldwell for the murder of a white man are discussed in the context of segregation and southern racism. Other topics include fair treatment for black soldiers, publicity to raise legal funds, the doctrine of states' rights in the political ideologies of southern white leaders, and the intervention of the U.S. Supreme Court.

Uncovering the effect of school racial composition is difficult because racial mixing is not accidental but instead an outcome of government and family choices. Using rich panel data on the achievement of Texas students, we disentangle racial composition effects from other aspects of school quality and from differences in abilities and family background. The estimates strongly indicate that a higher percentage of black schoolmates reduces achievement for blacks, while it implies a much smaller and generally insignificant effect on whites. These results suggest that existing levels of segregation in Texas explain small but meaningful portion of the racial achievement gap. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines how the activism and racial militancy of African American veterans shaped the historical development and ideological diversity of the New Negro movement. The movement was a product of the domestic and global upheavals of World War I and its aftermath, and was rooted in the political consciousness and collective racial identity of African Americans in the communities throughout the U.S. It stresses that Black veterans channeled their interconnected racial, gender and political consciousness into creating an American society reflective of their military sacrifice.

There is much debate about the reach and seriousness of racial prejudice today. We ask: How do ordinary people come to view events as racist? Using an experiment, we investigate the effects of elite charges of racism on public perceptions of police conduct. We test several hypotheses, including discounting, expertise, and ingroup bias, pertaining to how public stereotypes moderate elite influence. We find that stereotypes matter, and that Democrats, Republicans, blacks, and whites cannot make claims about racism with equal success. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the emergence of revolutionary consciousness in the middle of political mobilization around the concept of the New Negro Movement in the U.S. The New Negro projects the image of a determined, assertive and militant African American. It is suggested that the longstanding intellectual tradition of black protest intersected with Japan's struggle to achieve racial equality with the white nations.

The article focuses on the essay "Das neue Vaterland," that was addressed by W. E. B. Du Bois to Germans who had departed from Prince Otto Eduard Leopold von Bismarck's empire for the U.S. The migrations were motivated primarily by economic concerns and objectives. Du Bois has argued that the followers of Martin Luther would not accept southern racist views about African Americans. Du Bois has also claimed that religion was more of a divisive force than race.

This article analyzes the motion picture "Monster's Ball," by Marc Forster regarding death penalty in black and white. The film is a southern drama of death, racism and desire. The death of penalty in the U.S. history claims that the South has always been more violent than the North. One may suppose that the continued employment of punishments for slaves acclimated white southerners to punishments more generally. In discourse on the death penalty, the psychic life of southerners goes largely unnoticed. This is perhaps the problem of an analytic rather than a phenomenological approach to theorize the death penalty and other subjects. For those who argue for the withholding of the death penalty, the connection is based on confirmation from the past that has no bearing on the figures and facts in the present. Then and now, the South's excess of punishment is individually applicable to black bodies, as the historical essentiality to manage a captive labor force attuned southern discipline to the theater of punishment.

This article focuses on the National Society of the Daughters of the American Revolution (DAR), the largest and the oldest women's patriotic organization based on lineal descent in the United States. By examining DAR's thoughts and actions, I hope to see how nationalism in the United States has always been deeply racialized, contrary to the prevailing notion that it is civic and universalistic (that is, "raceless") in nature. I will try to briefly explain to you why I chose this subject, how historians so far have or have not dealt with it, and what I expect to find out from the history of the DAR and race. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the roots of white support for capital punishment in the United States. Our analysis addresses individual-level and contextual factors, paying particular attention to how racial attitudes and racial composition influence white support for capital punishment. Our findings suggest that white support hinges on a range of attitudes wider than prior research has indicated, including social and governmental trust and individualist and authoritarian values. Extending individual-level analyses, we also find that white responses to capital punishment are sensitive to local context. Perhaps most important, our results clarify the impact of race in two ways. First, racial prejudice emerges here as a comparatively strong predictor of white support for the death penalty. Second, black residential proximity functions to polarize white opinion along lines of racial attitude. As the black percentage of county residents rises, so too does the impact of racial prejudice on white support for capital punishment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analyzes the social and racial status of African-American women and white women in the United States during 1980s and 1990s period. Arguments of the author on gender-based differences; Critiques on the social status of African-American men; Explanations for poverty and racial inequality; Emergence of racism concept within the identities of white women.