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Palestinian filmmakers are largely dependent on foreign funding for production and on foreign festivals for publicity. Making a Palestinian film can seem as "impossible" as remaining Palestinian amid fragmenting effects of occupation/war and peace accords. Against such pressures, Palestinian filmmaker Annemarie Jacir tells stories with protagonists, who, for foreign funders, can seem like "unruly subjects" for remaining Palestinian. As a consequence, her films themselves can seem like "unruly subjects" to industry film critics. Her films like twenty impossibles (ka'inana ashrun mustaheel, 2003), Salt of This Sea (Milh Hadha al-Bahr, 2008), When I Saw You (Lamma Shoftak, 2012), and Wajib (2017) tell stories about Palestinians debating each other (rather than Israelis via US negotiators) during key moments in Palestinian history, including the Nakba (1948), the Naksa (1967), the Oslo Accords (1993), and Al-Aqsa or second Intifada (2000–05). Jacir's protagonists refuse the limiting choices on offer. They demand to be recognized as Palestinian, as does Jacir as a Palestinian filmmaker against the efforts of Western industry critics, festivals, and funders to label her as an "Arab woman filmmaker," often carrying colonial assumptions of "oppressed" or "exceptional" women throughout Southwest Asia ("the Middle East"). Her films do more than offer a glimpse of everyday life to "humanize" Palestinians; they are "unruly subjects" that unsettle assumptions to reframe the debates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Russia, attempts at liberalizing state finances have long run up against the autocratic desire for control of the money supply. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At a time of soul-searching and demoralization in Germany, a revival of the great philosopher of history might provide guidance—but many Germans prefer to avoid thinking about their country's history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses animating history at a cellular level. Topics include growing animated canon bringing Indigenous traditions into the twenty-first century, keying into the potential of this medium to reanimate long-forgotten histories about the "pueblos originarios" all over the continent. Nahuel y el libro mágico (Nahuel and the Magic Book, Germán Acuña, 2020), for instance, is based on Mapuche mythology.

This paper analyzes the roles played by the legislative, executive, and business sector in Mexico's 2013 tax reform, drawing on original field-research findings. I examine each of these actors' influence over the public period of congressional debate, as well as the typically invisible agenda-setting stage and the adoption of executive decrees following the legislative process. I find that Congress remains subordinated to the executive in budgetary matters and that business is more central in shaping the details of the tax bill. The tax reform achieved little, leaving the overall fiscal capacity of the Mexican State largely unchanged. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses several reports published within issue on topics including socio-political factors that contributed to the ban of women's lucha libre in Mexico, the U.S. economic crisis of 1907, and tax reform approved by the Mexican government.

Ariella Aïsha Azoulay's new book, Potential History: Unlearning Imperialism, offers a rethinking of violence and modernity that presents collaborative, reparative forms of world building as the only viable means of resisting and overcoming the ravages of imperialism. The book is at once a reckoning with empire, a semiautobiographical theorization of complicity, and a magnificent analytic exposé of imperial technologies of knowing, including photography, art, archives and museums, history, sovereignty, and human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an introduction to the issue, which offers some critical perspectives on the clamorous contemporary formations of the geneticizing of human life, history, relationships, and identity.

The article evaluate the intensity of the migration of Eretz Yisrael Arabs between December 1, 1947 and June 1, 1948 and its various development phases, elucidate the different factors that impacted population movement directly and assess the main migration trajectories.

The article discusses the exhibition presented by the Museum of Modern Art in New York, N.Y. (MoMA) ''Catalan Cinema’s Radical Years, 1968-1978'' that focuses on revolutionary years in the history of Catalan amateur cinema during the period between radicalism of 1968 to the first democratic elections in 1977 and the writing of the Constitution of Spain in the 1978. The exhibition have been curated by Esteve Riambau, director of the Filmoteca de Catalunya, and Joshua Siegel, curator in MoMA’s Department of Film.

The bloody confrontation between Utes and the U.S. Cavalry at the Colorado Ute Indian Agency in 1879 was a significant chapter in U.S. history. The government and Colorado citizens used this battle as a rhetorical flashpoint to justify removal of Utes from their land. This conflict presents an opportunity to revisit nineteenth-century violence over land. I suggest that a religious studies framework can deepen our understanding of the entanglement of tensions among ethnicity, morality, and land use. Ute Indians pastured hundreds of horses on land that Nathan Meeker, the white Indian agent, wished to plow. This paper argues that notions of religious and racial difference framed the land conflict between Meeker and the Utes, even as both groups viewed land as a means to gain status. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Francisco Pacheco (1564-1644), the foremost Spanish art theorist of his generation, worked on his manuscript Libro de verdaderos retratos (Book of true portraits) for more than forty years. This essay addresses how the visual cultures of Pacheco's Seville, especially the city's reimagined imperial Roman past, Catholic Counter-Reformation image praxis, and visual conventions of Renaissance humanism, shaped his conception of how an illustrious past could be recovered and shown. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the Japanese American Citizens League's (JACL) postwar campaign to secure U.S. citizenship eligibility for first-generation Japanese (Issei) as a civil rights effort that brought Japanese Americans into contention with African American and Afro-Caribbean community leaders during the height of the U.S. Cold War in East Asia. At the same time, JACL's disagreements with Chinese Americans and Japanese American liberals precluded any coherent Japanese or Asian American position on postwar immigration policy. The resulting 1952 McCarran-Walter Act formally ended Asians' exclusion from U.S. immigration and naturalization, even as a colonial quota in the law severely restricted black immigration from the Caribbean and galvanized black protest. This episode of black-Japanese tension complicates scholarly understandings of the liberalization of U.S. immigration and naturalization laws toward Asian peoples as analogous with or complementary to black civil rights gains in the postwar years. In so doing, it suggests the need to think more critically and historically about the cleavages between immigration and civil rights law, and between immigrant rights and civil rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the late nineteenth century, the print culture associated with women's suffrage exhibited increasingly transnational connections. Between the 1870s and 1890s, suffragists in the United States, and then Australia and New Zealand, celebrated the early enfranchisement of women in the U.S. West. After the enfranchisement of antipodean women at the turn of the twentieth century, American suffragists in turn gained inspiration from New Zealand and Australia. In the process, suffrage print culture focused on the political and social possibilities associated with the frontier landscapes that defined these regions. However, by envisioning such landscapes as engendering white women's freedom, suffrage print culture conceptually excluded Indigenous peoples from its visions of enfranchisement. The imaginative connections fostered in transnational suffrage print culture further encouraged actual transpacific connections between the suffragists themselves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholarship on nineteenth-century missionary encounters emphasizes either how native converts "indigenized" Christian doctrine and practice, or how missionaries acted as agents of Western imperial expansion. These approaches, however, overlook the ways both missionaries and converts understood Protestant Christianity as a call to transnational community. This essay examines the ways that American Protestants and East Asian Christian converts looked for ways to build a transpacific communion. Despite radically different understandings of Christian scripture, and despite the geopolitics of empire, U.S. and East Asian Protestants nevertheless strove to bring together diverse theologies and experiences into a loosely defined, transnational Protestant community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers a close reading of the first geography textbook printed by the Ministry of Education after the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan annexed the West Bank in 1950. Examining the Hashemite regime's early curricular attempts to incorporate its new Palestinian citizens, refugees and otherwise, the article highlights the tactics used to achieve these ends, namely a topographic centralization of Jordan, an erasure of human geography in favor of a natural one, and the foreclosure of other forms of national attachment and belonging. The discussion seeks to expand our understanding of one of the most significant narrative materials confronted by Palestinians in the aftermath of the Nakba, seeing in it a possible mechanism by which to understand the challenges to Palestinian demands for a self-determined education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract This article examines the options for redressing abuse of office available to citizens in Soviet and post-Soviet Russia. I consider the courts, the procuracy, and the complaint mechanism as sites for citizens to lodge claims against abuse of office in late-Soviet and post-Soviet times. After the collapse of the Soviet system there was an attempt to overcome the Soviet legacy, to strengthen legal institutions and establish administrative justice. Analysis of Soviet and post-Soviet normative documents and statistical data allows us to argue that opportunities for Russian citizens to combat service crimes in the courts have improved substantially. However, the system for coping with abuse of office remains imperfect, and retains features of the Soviet legacy despite vague legislation about administrative justice and dual ways of coping with abuse through legal and quasi-legal mechanisms. The re-establishment of the complaint mechanism in the conditions of contemporary Russia exacerbates this imperfection. Overall, the complaint mechanism occupies a significant place in people's options for making claims against officials, especially claims against high-ranking officials. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract This paper examines two interrelated issues: the role of police as an institution of Russian society and their role during the past 25 years. This research is based on a series of in-depth interviews conducted by the author in 2014–2016 with former and current police officers in three Russian cities. The paper traces changes in the perceived institutional roles of the Russian police by comparing police officers' views during three periods: early through mid-1990s, late-1990s through mid-2000s, and mid-2000s through 2010s. The study reports that, during the early period, Russian police were disfranchised from the state and this abandonment was a source of institutional identity crisis for law enforcement officers who remained on the job. This process was coupled with high levels of job dissatisfaction and the overall feeling of "abandonment" of police by the state. At the same time, it was during this post-Soviet period, when ideas of policing as a service to the society were introduced and sometimes entertained among the professional circles of police officers and other government officials. Furthermore, this period was marked by continuous, though often sporadic, institutional reforms and anti-corruption measures. In the second period, the Russian police were slowly engaging back into the state-building process, which caused increased job satisfaction and better retention rates. At the same time, the second period signified a decline of the "police as service" ideology and the comeback of paternalistic views on policing. During this time, the government's efforts to reform police and anti-corruption measures became systemic and better organized. Also, in the second period, members of the civil society became more active in demanding public accountability and transparency from the Russian police. Finally, the modern period of police development presents a case in which the institutional identity of the Russian police has been clearly connected to the state's capacity. This process is coupled with increased paternalistic views among police officers and a failure of "police as a service" doctrine. In such an environment, the efforts by a maturing civil society to demand public transparency and accountability of the police are often met with hostility and anger. The paper concludes that further development of the Russian police depends on the role that they will play within the modern Russian state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholarship on nineteenth-century missionary encounters emphasizes either how native converts "indigenized" Christian doctrine and practice, or how missionaries acted as agents of Western imperial expansion. These approaches, however, overlook the ways both missionaries and converts understood Protestant Christianity as a call to transnational community. This essay examines the ways that American Protestants and East Asian Christian converts looked for ways to build a transpacific communion. Despite radically different understandings of Christian scripture, and despite the geopolitics of empire, U.S. and East Asian Protestants nevertheless strove to bring together diverse theologies and experiences into a loosely defined, transnational Protestant community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the Japanese American Citizens League's (JACL) postwar campaign to secure U.S. citizenship eligibility for first-generation Japanese (Issei) as a civil rights effort that brought Japanese Americans into contention with African American and Afro-Caribbean community leaders during the height of the U.S. Cold War in East Asia. At the same time, JACL's disagreements with Chinese Americans and Japanese American liberals precluded any coherent Japanese or Asian American position on postwar immigration policy. The resulting 1952 McCarran-Walter Act formally ended Asians' exclusion from U.S. immigration and naturalization, even as a colonial quota in the law severely restricted black immigration from the Caribbean and galvanized black protest. This episode of black- Japanese tension complicates scholarly understandings of the liberalization of U.S. immigration and naturalization laws toward Asian peoples as analogous with or complementary to black civil rights gains in the postwar years. In so doing, it suggests the need to think more critically and historically about the cleavages between immigration and civil rights law, and between immigrant rights and civil rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article chronicles the twenty-six-year history of the Saint Louis Art Museum Romare Bearden Graduate Museum Fellowship, which was created to increase the number of professional staff from underrepresented backgrounds working in museums. It provides an overview of early supporters/founders of the program and details the trajectory of a generation of Bearden Fellows, most of whom are now professionally engaged in museums and arts-related careers. This case study also examines the benefits of staff diversity to the inclusive culture sought by museums as they cultivate new audiences and search for innovative strategies to maintain their relevance and community relationships. It calls upon museums to view diversity as an evolutionary conversation by examining the motivations and objectives that constitute the contemporary ''diversity and inclusion'' discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay explores historical interpretation or categorizations of Hampton Institute as a vocational project in order to reassert liberal arts as an underlying philosophical tenet of the founding and early history of this now venerated historically Black university. Today, Hampton's educational mission and its museum are understood to be within the liberal arts tradition. This essay argues Hampton's nineteenth-century founding ethos also situates the university and museum within the spirit of liberal arts education, even where vocational or manual labor components of its early curriculum may have been defining in early twentieth century historical interpretations of the institution's mission and purpose. Contributions of the Hampton University Museum throughout its history give readers insight into the Hampton tradition of educating hand, heart, and mind and speak to the university's 150-year engagement with liberal arts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tuskegee University's rich archival collections have remained hidden to the public for many years. To alleviate the problem, the University Archives focused on a multilevel process of digitization and public outreach. This paper focuses on Tuskegee's endeavors to digitize its large collection of photographic images, negatives, and audio media. The process of learning about proper equipment and techniques has propelled the archives into one of the top digitizing archives among HBCUs, receiving over 850,000 hits (45 percent from abroad) in seven years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When Margaret Walker founded the Institute for the Study of the History, Life, and Culture of Black People in 1968, she stood at the forefront of a nascent Black studies movement. At the time, she had served on the faculty at Jackson State College since 1949. In both a racist and a sexist society, she used her scholarship and art as vehicles for activism. Today, the Margaret Walker Center, named for its founder, continues to lift up her legacy as a museum and special collections archive dedicated to Black experience in America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay investigates the cultural forces that shaped the development of the post 1945 founders, founding directors of African American museums and the pioneers at historically white institutions, such as the Smithsonian. All of these people were shaped by the ''Negro Canon'' whose principal components were the African American political and cultural activists of the earlier twentieth century such as Carter G. Woodson and Alain Locke, and their exposure to the society of ''historically Black colleges and universities'' (HBCUs). These experiences helped them creatively adapt to the rapidly shifting socio-political environment of the postwar era to change forever the cultural landscape of the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the state of Sonora, the 2009 Hermosillo ABC Day Care Center fire and the 2014 Cananea copper mine spill highlighted how deregulation and divestiture of state services by the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) and the National Action Party (PAN) served the interests of a few elites, who maintained rule through mechanisms of impunity: in other words, through actions undertaken without concern about the law or repercussions. Although impunity produces a seemingly incoherent set of policy and politics, results from dozens of semi-structured interviews by our team also suggest that exercising power through impunity is part of the culture of governance in Mexico, relying on global ties, but not necessarily requiring any specific individual or party leadership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The trial of Charles I (said mid-seventeenth-century radical Protestants) was "a Resemblance and Representation of the great day of Judgement." Situating the trial in its theological and iconographic context, viewing it as an expression of broader Puritan performance culture, this essay offers a close reading of its staging, arguing that we should view the assertion that the trial resembled Judgment Day not as an abstract theological aspiration but as a concrete description of the trial's visual, spatial, and dramatic representation of the Last Judgment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay discusses the politics of affect in post-1967 Arabic literary and cultural production. It argues that melancholia's underappreciated swerve from normative structures of power and mourning is a threshold moment of critical and cultural enablement in the Arab world, where the nexus between proxy and settler colonialisms continues to produce and reproduce almost all aspects of literature and culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay peers through the peephole of the word unit to reveal the word's journey across multiple fields from the mid-nineteenth century through the present. A keyword hidden in plain sight, unit links science and the world of measurement to society (family units), politics (political units), architecture (housing units), cities (neighborhood units), and, more recently, big data, the carceral state (crime units), and managerial oversight. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides information on politics in Zimbabwe during the administration of President Robert Mugabe and his Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) party. Topics discussed include the successes of the Mugabe regime in its early years in power particularly in education and health care, the toppling of Mugabe by the Zimbabwean army in late-2017, and the appointment of Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa as the new president.

This article develops the concept of erasure to understand the contemporary memory of Yesler Terrace, a New Deal–era public housing project in Seattle, and why this memory diverges so sharply from the history revealed in the archives. Though celebrated today for its early commitment to racial integration, the goal of Yesler Terrace was to demolish a multiracial slum and replace it with a model community of predominately white families. Examining the visual materials created at the time to promote the project, this article argues that the physical displacement of people and homes was made possible only through a prior symbolic displacement, a representation of the neighborhood that served to erase the existing community and justify its removal. The production of invisibility through mapping and photography mattered just as much as the bulldozers and construction crews that cleared and rebuilt the actual site. An attention to the symbolic dimension of the clearance process can illuminate not only the forced displacement of a marginalized community, but also their continued erasure in the present-day memory of the city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study contrasts Japanese American activism, centering on citizenship struggles surrounding the 1952 McCarran-Walter Act, to show alternatives to the emergence of the model minority trope. This complexity of activity worked to create and contest the making of a ‘‘successful’’ minority and ideas about U.S. democracy and equality at midcentury. Through a nuanced interpretation, this article reveals how certain narratives relied on a social progress framework and shifting global Cold War politics to create a ‘‘Japanese American Exceptionalism.’’ The little-known history of Japanese American Cold War progressivism shows the forging of deep solidarities and the refusal to promote domestic rights based on empire building. By inserting Japanese Americans into the ‘‘Long’’ freedom movement historiography, this article further examines intergenerational continuities and ruptures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The opera Telemaco, with a libretto by Marco Coltellini and music by Christoph Gluck, occupies a unique position as anopera seria that negotiates both tradition and reform. Scholars have long criticized the opera because of its ill-shaped libretto and uneven musical setting. This article contributes to the ongoing debate about operatic reform by reevaluating Telemaco based on its literary sources--Homer's Odyssey and Fénelon's novel Tél émaque (1699). The absorption of Homer and Fénelon into the fabric of Telemaco goes well beyond adaptation, touching both its general dramaturgy and the specific creation of its characters. Set on the island of Circe, Coltellini's libretto echoes the timeless, liminal status of the corresponding islands (Circe's and Calypso's) found in Homer and Fénelon. The characters reflect and blend features of their literary counterparts. They fall into two groups: those who fight their captive condition through impetuous behavior (Circe and Telemachus) and those who attempt to circumvent their predicament by clinging to a golden past (Asteria) or yearning for a hopeful future (Ulysses's desire to return home). Gluck's expression of the characters' longing and identity, achieved through a manipulation of form and textual re-composition, thus implies multiple temporal directions, suggesting a series of synchronic, revolving points of view that challenge the diachronic unfolding of events typically associated with opera reform in the eighteenth century. This method of analysis therefore offers insight into the creative process and helps refine our understanding of reformist opera, both in Gluck's output and broader eighteenth-century operatic practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The French sarabande is typically characterized as one of the most serious and noble baroque dances in the instrumental suite. New research synthesizing eyewitness accounts, literary sources, and musical analysis reveals the sarabande's rich history as a theatrical dance regularly performed by female dancers in French court ballets. The groups of girls and solo young women who danced it between 1651 and 1669 invite us to reshape our narrative of the sarabande in France. Both literary references and the theatrical context reveal how the sarabande resonated with layers of culturally inscribed meanings at a time when danced and non-danced sarabandes coexisted side by side. The same individuals moved easily between dancing, watching danced sarabandes in ballets, and playing sarabandes on the keyboard or lute. Spectators and listeners likewise encountered and interpreted sarabandes in multiple settings; knowledge gained through dancing or accompanying dancing did not simply disappear from one performance context to the next. While such embodied knowledge is no longer common cultural currency, examining the historically embodied presence of the sarabande and its ties to female dancers permits a better understanding of its cultural resonances and its appeal in the seventeenth century and opens up a wider range of interpretations of this multi-faceted, multivalent dance type. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay traces the evolution of landscape imagery in Aleksandr Rodchenko's photographic oeuvre, focusing especially on images produced during his journalistic trip to the White Sea-Baltic Canal, one of the first Soviet forced labor camps. Through close reading of photographs, it argues that Rodchenko's abandonment of avant-garde aesthetics, in particular the emphasis on photography's transformative powers and its medium-specificity, in these images did not represent a shift toward socialist realism but, rather, held critical potential in the face of contemporaneous official censure of formalism and "contemplation" in both science and art. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay traces the century-long history of contemporary literature as a field of study in English departments. Showing how prior debates about the scholarly status of contemporary literature coincided with both changing disciplinary methodologies and the changing political landscape of the university, the essay argues that prevailing anxieties about the study of the contemporary today are central to explaining the emergence of a new kind of contemporary novel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The "tender conscience" of seventeenth-century British discourse redirected the course of political history and the history of the emotions. In the 1640s, the unimpeachable repute of the tender conscience as a spiritual identity provided lay citizens with the authority needed to voice political dissent. The growing antiprelatical movement found in the tender conscience a ready-made resistance theory. For John Milton, the work of defining this conscience is so closely tied to arguments for the legitimacy of revolutionary action that his oeuvre can be read as a protracted struggle to establish its boundaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aboriginal Protectorates operated in the late 1830s and 1840s in the Port Phillip District of New South Wales (later to become the colony of Victoria) in Australia and New Zealand. This article examines a small selection of the extensive archive of Port Phillip and New Zealand Protectorates to illustrate the ways that language and communication work within colonial projects to support and extend colonial authority. Examining language acquisition by Protectors, it places attitudes to and use of Indigenous languages within the context of colonialism in each site, arguing that Indigenous voices in New Zealand were co-opted, and in Port Phillip were marginalised, in the service of divergent approaches to dispossessing Indigenous peoples from their land. The article also explores glimpses of Māori or Aboriginal experiences of humanitarianism, colonisation, and dispossession captured in this archive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the office of the Fiscal in Berbice (later British Guiana) between 1819 and 1834--a period encompassing amelioration and emancipation. It looks in particular at the lives and concerns of enslaved women as revealed in an extraordinary set of slave testimonies collected as part of the Fiscal's duties. It outlines the peculiar nature of the Office of the Fiscal and how it allowed enslaved women a voice to complain about aspects of their treatment under slavery in a particularly harsh slave regime. It connects this office also to a developing ideology of "protection" to be extended to non-whites in the British Empire in the second and third decades of the nineteenth century. Using the concept of "moral economy" as developed many years ago by E.P. Thompson to analyse early nineteenthcentury British working class culture and as extended by Emilia Viotta Da Costa to Demerara and Berbice, it suggests that enslaved women had clear expectations of what could be rightfully expected of them and what were unjust demands within a slave system designed to keep enslaved women in their place. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 1860 and 1911, a total of 152,641 Indian indentured workers arrived in the then British Colony of Natal. The first group of workers who returned home in 1871 complained of ill-treatment and abuse by employers and the Indian government refused to sanction further allotments of labourers until the Natal government investigated their complaints. The ensuing Coolie Commission of 1872 called for the appointment of a Protector of Indian Immigrants, as one of several recommendations. The Natal Government duly complied as the Colony was desperate for labour. Such officials were also appointed in other colonial contexts around this time. Instances of worker abuse, however, continued throughout the period of indenture in Natal, notwithstanding some observers' claim that the appointment of a Protector was a watershed moment for bonded labour. It appears that the vastness of the area under the Protector's jurisdiction and the enormous power of planters made it difficult for Protectors to balance the needs of workers and employers. But workers found creative ways to use the office of the Protector to resist the system; and, on occasion, the abuse was so great that the Protector was forced to intervene publicly to safeguard the rights of workers and the integrity of his office. In focusing on the Protector, this article makes a contribution to the emerging literature on empire that focuses on connections and networks across colonies and the agency and actions of ordinary people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the twentieth century some Australian states and the U.S. federal government enacted comparable policies that demonstrate how the discourse of protection continued to survive in an era when settler nations were focussed on "assimilating" Indigenous populations. The Australian policy of exemption and the U.S. policy of competency did not represent a true change in direction from past policies of protection. In contrast to the nineteenth century, though, these twentieth-century policies offered protection to only a deserving few. Drawing on records of exemption and competency from New SouthWales and Oklahoma in the 1940s and 1950s, this article shows how the policies of exemption and competency ostensibly gave the opportunity for some individuals to prove that they no longer needed the paternalism of colonial governments. They were judged using very different local criteria. In Australia, applicants were mostly judged on whether they engaged in "respectable" use of alcohol; in the United States, applicants were assessed on whether they had "business sense". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The historiography on protection in the nineteenth-century British Empire often assumes that British humanitarians were the progenitors of protection schemes. In contrast, this article argues that the position of Protector or Guardian for slaves and Indigenous peoples in the British Empire drew on Spanish, Dutch, and French legal precedents. The legal protections and slave codes operative in these European colonies are compared to British colonial territories, where there was no imperial slave code and no clear status of slaves at common law. Drawing on debates in the House of Commons, Parliamentary Commissions of Inquiry, and the published work of abolitionists and anti-slavery societies, the article examines how the pressure for amelioration in the British Empire coincided with the acquisition of new colonies that offered ready-made models for slave protection. British reformers combined their calls for greater protection for slaves with their extant knowledge of European protective regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Alfonso Reyes' plan to form a Pan-American intellectual elite contains an esoteric element. As Reyes introduces key poetic words and literary texts to convey the mysticism and arcane knowledge that he believes emanated from the American continent, he configures an obscure dimension that resonates within the community of intellectuals that he seeks to organize. By tracing Reyes' affinities with other Latin American and European intellectuals regarding his cultural project, and by addressing how these are inscribed in his historical context, this paper sheds new light on the operations Reyes assigned to a Pan-American intelligentsia that would guide the development of contemporary society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the state of ambiguity in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip under Israeli control since 1967. It states that Israel decline to withdraw from the territories or annex them, and has balked at declaring how it regards either the land or its inhabitants. It also states that Palestinians built their own structures and ran in municipal elections when the Israeli occupation authorities allowed them.

This essay links Julia Ward Howe's infamous "lost" text, The Hermphrodite (first published in 2004), with Honor'e de Balzac's Sarrasine (1830), arguing that Howe rewrites Balzac's figure of the "tragic hermaphrodite" with the intention of protesting nineteenth-century American assumptions regarding innate sexual difference. The Hermaphrodite tells the story of Laurence, a deeply contemplative, intelligent person whose sexual identity is disputed, but Howe never employs the term "hermaphrodite" outright. This situation encourages readers to judge Laurence's hermaphroditism by his behavior and actions in the novel, not his biology, and this is furthermore consistent with the way the term "hermaphrodite" was used and understood by mid-nineteenthcentury Americans. As such, this essay examines the claims that Howe makes about the social machinery of gender in The Hermaphrodite, arguing that while Laurence has much in common with Balzac's Sarrasine, Howe uses her protagonist as a means of revising outdated arguments about biological "truth." Howe's Laurence revisits and updates nineteenth-century considerations of the aesthetic androgyne in the service of a modern, political agenda concerning sexual demarcation and difference. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses whether inequality has led to a crisis for liberalism. Topics discussed include the liberal system consisting of four strands that include politics, religion, economic and ethics, the fall of communism in Europe which led to the belief in the moral superiority of liberalism, and liberalism being weakened due to theocratic challenge of political Islam and the rise of authoritarian leanings.

This article examines the 1967-1971 political prisoner solidarity movement for Black Panther Party co-founder Huey P. Newton as a case study of multiracial radical alliances in the San Francisco Bay Area. In contrast to the predominant trope of "unlikely allies," I argue that the activists examined in this article who formed alliances with Newton and the Panthers were predisposed to collaborative activism through their common antiimperialist orientation, expressed as anti-racism, anti-capitalism, and anti-U.S. military interventionism. In addition, I show that earlier alliances laid the foundation for alliances with later movements and organizations, creating what I term "genealogies of alliance" within the Free Huey Movement that demonstrate a persistent desire for collaborative activism throughout this era. This article prompts a reconsideration of Sixties radicalism; in contrast to scholarly and popular interpretations that focus on activists' sectarianism and divisiveness, the Free Huey Movement illuminates how activists theorized and endeavored to work toward the collective liberation of all people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reviews the exhibition "Border Cantos: Sight & Sound Explorations From the Mexcian-American Border" at the Crystal Bridges Museum of American Art in Bentonville, Arizona from February 18, 2017 to April 24, 2017.

The industrial past has become an inescapable and fundamental component of the identity of the Ruhr region. Throughout the twentieth century the Ruhr acquired a diverse public self-perception--incorporating multiculturalism, football, nationalism, urbanity, and nature--that was strongly imbued by images of the industrial past. Over recent decades, representations of the Ruhr's industrial heritage have been driven by a desire to build the future of the region on a proud sense of its past. However, there have also been signs of an increasing touristification and commercialization of industrial heritage that is sometimes presented in a selfcongratulatory way. Development of a critical "historical culture" involving the region's industrial past therefore remains a constant challenge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]