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The Russian military has failed the tests of the Ukraine war, and its leadership and chain of command are seriously compromised. A costly modernization program failed to deliver the promised superiority in key weapon systems, offensive capabilities are exhausted, and the quality of manpower has deteriorated. The ill-fated reliance on the Wagner Group was a result of this degradation. Nuclear weapons cannot be used to break the pattern of slow-moving defeat, and the resource base for sustaining the long war is being depleted. In the medium term, Russia cannot count on rehabilitating its capacity for threatening its neighbors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

North Korea's 2022 was largely a continuation of the political/economic, military, and diplomatic dynamic from 2020--21, but with different accents. Given the path dependence of military/nuclear modernization, domestic political/economic structural constraints, and the geostrategic situation in East Asia, 2023 in North Korea is likely to continue these same trends. Two big questions loom. (1) How will North Korea open up from COVID border closures, which might make better economic performance possible? (2) How will North Korea manage inter-Korean relations, and is the Korean Peninsula headed for a situation in which the security dilemma of a long-term deterrence relationship between the US--South Korea alliance and North Korea spills over into kinetic conflict? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

North Korea's asymmetric provocations over the last decades can be classified into two periods: tactical provocations at sea in 1970-1990 and strategic (nuclear) provocations in 2000-2020. What is the logic underlying the North Korean imbroglio? And how does the former period differ from the latter? The first set of provocations was intended to shift the threat imbalance caused by a widening gap in conventional military capabilities into a balance of insecurity, where the weaker North Korean side faced South Korea and the combined ROK-US forces. The second set was intended to shift the balance of insecurity into an imbalance of terror while ensuring that only Pyongyang would be armed with nuclear weapons in the area. The "gray zone" discourse of the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula (rather than North Korea) ended up bolstering North Korea's nuclear program, while South Korea intensified only its conventional weapons program. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What explains South Korean public opinion on nuclear weapons development? Despite the US security commitment, most South Koreans consistently support independent nuclear weapons development. To solve this puzzle, we investigate the mechanisms of security threat and security commitment under which individuals develop their opinion on nuclear proliferation. An original survey of 1,988 South Korean adults shows empirically supported correlates of South Korean public opinion on nuclear proliferation. Public support for proliferation is largely shaped by external security threats: nuclear threats from North Korea and China, but also the latent nuclear superiority of Japan. Public opposition to proliferation is fostered by the perceived credibility of the US security commitment, but not by its perceived effectiveness. The results provide insights into South Korean public opinion on nuclear proliferation and can inform the design of a nonproliferation policy tailored to South Korea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is the Kim Jong-un regime genuinely pursuing a peaceful solution, to eventually give up its nuclear arsenal, after a series of summits and negotiations with the US and South Korea? We examine how military and economic power networks on the peninsula are associated with the prospect of North Korea's denuclearization. North Korea could use its nuclear weapons program, an internal tool designed to promote national security and power, to build up power in both military and economic power networks. Drawing lessons and speculation from the literature on states' hedging behavior, and using agentbased models, we explain that denuclearization as part of a hedging strategy would be a viable policy option for North Korea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Efforts to denuclearize North Korea continue, but it is highly doubtful whether this goal will be reached. An often-expressed fear of a nuclear-armed North Korea is that it might use this capability to coerce reunification with the South on its terms. Though its leaders often speak of the desire for reunification, North Korea will not and could not pursue a successful nuclear coercion strategy because it carries an inordinate amount of risk, even for Pyongyang, which raises serious doubts about the credibility of its nuclear threats, the possibility of success, and the likelihood of pursuing such a strategy in the first place. And even if North Korea were to succeed, its efforts to integrate the South Korean economy would be a disaster, leading to the end of the North Korean regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article will analyze the connection between history, countervailing ideologies, that is, the legacy of the Cold War, and the perceived identification of human rights violations as they pertain to countries with major security interests in Northeast Asia. This article will further show that the enduring nuclear-weapons problem in North Korea has been inextricably linked to human rights issues there, specifically because Washington wants to change the behavior of officials in Pyongyang so that the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) becomes a state that at least remotely resembles a liberal democracy. Although supported by much of the international community, including the United States' South Korean and Japanese allies in Northeast Asia, Washington's North Korean policy has remained ineffective, as Pyongyang has continued to perform missile testing and still possesses nuclear weapons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is widely believed that Pakistan's newly demonstrated nuclear weapons capability emboldened that country to launch what became the Kargil conflict of 1999 and correspondingly restrained India in responding to the attack. This article argues, however, that decision-making on both sides was driven by non-nuclear factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the lose-lose outcome of the ongoing trade war between China and the U.S. as of September 2019. Topics discussed include impact of North Korea's nuclear weapons program, tariffs imposed by U.S. President Donald Trump, status of negotiations regarding the trade war and overview of the Made in China 2025 plan by the Chinese government.

While the nuclear mushroom cloud rising above the Nevada desert is an iconic and familiar image, what went on beneath the cloud is hazier and less well understood. At the surface level nuclear tests at the Nevada Test Site in the 1950s entailed extensive scientific, military, and social experiments. This article focuses on two projects overseen by the Federal Civil Defense Administration (FCDA), Doom Town I and II, and their ties with 1950s cultural values and the consumer landscape. This article situates the two mock American townscapes as part of the cultural battlefield of the Cold War and explores how they served as powerful but also deeply flawed symbols of U.S. capitalism and a new suburban way of life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A compelling case can be made to develop a NATO's missile defence system in response to the advancement of missile technology and the danger of nuclear weapons. However, this development also undermines Russia's retaliatory capacity, and consequently heightens the offensive potential of nuclear weapons. This article explores the offence/defence posture of NATO's missile defence plans in terms of both capabilities and strategy. It is argued that NATO is incrementally increasing the strength and reach of its missile defence components, while rejecting any international treaty to regulate and limit their future expansion. This corresponds with a strategy of achieving invulnerability through counterforce and utilising NATO as an ‘insurance policy’ against Russia, to be activated when conflicts arise. We conclude that NATO has the capacity to distinguish between an offensive and defensive posture by discriminating between potential targets, but it has displayed no intention to do so. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the determinants of North Korea's foreign policymaking to show why denuclearization efforts continue to fail to curb, let alone end, its nuclear weapons program. Two determinants, namely South Korea's existential threat and North Korea's juche ideology, are explored to conclude that "nuclear North Korea" is a natural and non-negotiable manifestation of its foreign policymaking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Kim Jong Un further consolidated his leadership position at the Seventh Congress of the Workers' Party in May, the first congress since 1980. Pyongyang conducted two nuclear tests and made advances in missile delivery, eliciting strong sanctions resolutions from the UN Security Council, first in March and again in November. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The North Korean state under a young and unproven leader faces severe challenges. The regime will not change because of a leadership transition or because of the West's hope of reform. It could crack because its ideology is at odds with the country's incremental societal change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

North Korea upgraded its nuclear and military power and grew its economy slightly, thereby realizing Kim Jong Un's byungjin line. It also attempted to open new external fronts and to coerce the South to cooperate on its terms, but failed. Instead, it retreated into a repaired relationship with China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author offers insights on political issues concerning the diplomatic relations between the U.S. and North Korea. Topics discussed include the commitment expressed by U.S. President Donald Trump to defending the nation against North Korean nuclear weapons, the military actions considered by Trump in response to the nuclear program of North Korea, and the June 2018 summit meeting between Trump and North Korean Supreme Leader Kim Jong-un in Singapore.

The article examines aspects of nuclear disarmament as of January 2018. Topics include international negotiation of a nuclear weapons ban, the advancement of North Korea's nuclear weapons program, and the 2010 Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty. Also discussed are U.S. President Donald Trump's views on nuclear weapons, the concern that North Korea will attack the U.S. using nuclear weapons, and the 1996 Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty.

In 2014, North Korea neither overcame its isolation due to its nuclear weapons and hostile geostrategic posture nor reformed its economy. Kim Jong Un learned on the job, consolidated his leadership, avoided military risk, and opened new channels to South Korea, Japan, and Russia to reduce dependence on China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India's Agni-V missile test of April 2012 opens new questions as to India's intentions. This article investigates three principal bureaucratic determinants of Indian military nuclear policy. Greater control over policymaking is required from the Prime Minister's Office to resolve governance questions surrounding India's nuclear policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The new government led by President Park Geun-hye faced challenges that the previous government had largely failed to address: rising income disparity, stagnant growth, political reform, and foreign policy issues, including a nuclear North Korea and an assertive Japan. Park's foreign policy scored some successes while her old- style management of political affairs supported by the old guard caused a prolonged political stalemate with the opposition party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article looks at the détente in relations between Iran and the United States during the term of Iranian president Hassan Rouhani as of 2013. Topics reviewed include the 2013 Iranian presidential elections won by Rouhani, former Iranian president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's policy, described by the author as "confrontational," and perspectives for the possible development of Iran's nuclear program.

The article speculates on South Korea's politics as the country elects a new president in December 2012. It cites leadership changes in Taiwan, North Korea, and Russia in early 2012, while China, the U.S. and South Korea will take their turn in late 2012, which could hold crucial implications for Northeast Asian nations as well as the U.S. The Korean presidential election is seen to have far-reaching domestic and foreign political and policy ramifications greater than ever in recent history. It cites domestic issues such as the growing disparities between the rich and poor and social welfare. It also talks about dealing with a nuclear North Korea and maintaining strong alliances with the U.S. while seeking an appropriate balance with its Chinese neighbor.

This article discusses the political and social conditions in North Korea during 2011, focusing on the death of National Defense Commission Chairman Kim Jong-il in December. Topics include the leadership transition to Kim Jong-un, Kim Jong-il's third son, as the commander of the Korean People's Army, North Korean international relations with China, the U.S., Russia, and South Korea, and settlement talks with the U.S. concerning denuclearization and the end to the uranium enrichment program in exchange for nutritional assistance.

The article focuses on the important role of the predictions of the Dual Threats Model comprising the U.S. military response and the stability of North Korea on China's effort in formulating its response to North Korea's nuclear weapons provocations. It states that China's effort to prevent military conflicts on the Korean Peninsula is vital because peace and security in the region is important to ensure the country's continued economic growth. It mentions that the prospect of bolstered U.S. military activity cannot guarantee the country's support in confronting North Korea's misbehavior, because the fear of the instability in North Korea compels Beijing to refrain from exerting pressure on its troublesome fragile ally.

In this article the author examines political and social conditions in North Korea during 2010. It is noted that the government of North Korea precipitated a crisis on the Korean peninsula in May 2010 when it sunk a South Korean naval vessel, and in November 2010 when it bombarded a South Korean island. Both incidents resulted in significant loss of life. A number of topics are addressed including preparations for a third generation of North Korean rule by the Kim family, an increase in North Korea's nuclear weapons development, and the impact of close relations with China.

The article discusses Iran's potential acquisition of nuclear weapons and its political implications in the Middle East. It describes Israel's military superiority in relation to Iran's military capabilities, the foreign policies of Iranian president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, and the initiation of the Iranian nuclear program by shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. Other subjects under discussion include the effect of the Iran-Iraq war on Iranian political policies, the effect of Middle Eastern nuclear proliferation on the political parties of Hezbollah and Hamas, and the influence of Islamic fundamentalism on potential Iranian political actions.

The article discusses foreign relations between North and South Korea, which have become strained in 2010 because of the sinking of the South Korean Navy vessel Cheonan by North Korea and its nuclear program. Particular attention is paid to North Korea's foreign relations strategy regarding its neighbor, the military policy of North Korean leader Kim Jong-il to increase forces, and economic conditions within the nation. The foreign policy of the United States regarding North Korea and its reaction to its nuclear weapons are discussed as is the possibility of a unified Korea.

This article discusses North Korea's willingness to engage in diplomatic relations with members of the United Nations Security Council. The author notes that after North Korea's second nuclear test in 2009 and the tightening of United Nations sanctions, North Korea increased its relations with partners who are not interested in the sanctions. It has also drawn back from economic reform. This article notes that concerns over the government's weakening control over the economy have caused it to turn to a stricter control policy. The article also notes that a shift in trade patterns has made it difficult for an effective sanctions strategy.

This article examines South Korea's strategic thinking about dealing with nuclear crises caused by North Korea and its policy towards North Korea and Korean unification. The article also notes that the United States and North Korea have had problems in agreeing on a consensus when it comes to North Korea's nuclear incidents. The author notes that the lack of consensus has existed through the terms of both U.S. Presidents Bill Clinton and George W. Bush and is likely to continue into the administration of Barack Obama. It is suggested that Obama and South Korean President Lee Myung-bak might draw some lessons from previous responses to North Korea's nuclear threats.

The article surveys events that took place in South Korea during 2009. Assessed is the performance of the Lee Myung-bak government in dealing with a number of difficulties including Korean reaction to the continuing effects of the global financial crisis of 2008-09 and the subsequent world-wide recession and the continuing development of nuclear weapons by North Korea. The article lays out an agenda for 2010 noting that Lee Myung-bak will encounter difficulties when trying to win local elections, sustaining national unity and managing North Korea.

The article examines events that took place in North Korea during 2009. The central focus of the article is North Korea's relations with South Korea which stood in a state of disarray. In addition, the North Korea nuclear weapons policy remained in effect and was exacerbated by the country's second nuclear test which alarmed and angered the entire world community. The author notes that in August 2009 the North Korea regime adopted a more accommodating foreign policy stance but remained insistent that it would not relinquish nuclear weapons.

This article discusses whether or not Russia will be willing to negotiate with the United States in an offer extended by U.S. President Barack Obama. The U.S. is seeking to change its relationship with Russia so that it can secure Russia's support in resolving the Iran nuclear program and the war in Afghanistan. In exchange for Russia's help, the U.S. would make a new strategic arms treaty with Russia, end its plans for ballistic missile defense in Central Europe, and overlook the lack of democracy in the Russian government. The article also explores reasons that Russia might not support United States positions on Iran and Afghanistan.

The article presents information about the negotiations between United States President Barack Obama and Russian President Dmitri Medvedev on a continuation of the 1991 Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (START) between U.S. and Russia. According to the article, an agreement must be made before START expires on December 5, 2009 because it will become much more difficult to negotiate everything all over again. The U.S. would like to use an agreement to reset relations with Russia. Future negotiations will putatively deal with more difficult topics, including tactical nuclear weapons, non-deployed strategic warheads, and missile defense limits.

In this article the author examines the wielding of Japanese economic power in multilateral talks on North Korea. The policy is particularly effective when dealing with the United States, the article notes. The author examines the role played by Japan in nuclear negotiations concerning North Korea. He expresses the view that Japan's foreign policy and security concerns are in league with the degree of political power it has acquired, commensurate with its economic might. Among other issues Japan's re-militarisation is examined.

In this article the author considers a number of aspects of international relations between Russia and North Korea. Of primary importance is an examination of Russia's two most important objectives in the pursuit of relations with North Korea: a ban of nuclear weapons for that country and the promotion of Russian influence in North Korea as a counterweight to the importance of the United States and Japan on the Korean peninsular. The author examines the failure of Russia's anti-nuclear campaign and its position going forward.

Article 8(2)(b) of the Rome Statute treats as a war crime in international armed conflict the use of poison or poisoned weapons, of asphyxiating, poisonous or other gases, and of expanding bullets. Early drains of the Statute included the use of these forbidden weapons in non-international as well as in international armed conflict. They also included as crimes the use of chemical, biological, and nuclear weapons (weapons of mass destruction). Proposals are circulating about revisiting these and other weapons issues at the Review Conference to be held in 2010, or in later reviews. This article examines the history of the negotiations culminating in Rome. It then turns to possibilities for building on the Rome provisions both by expanding the prohibitions to non-international conflict and by adding to the list of prohibited weapons. As well as reconsidering weapons of mass destruction, the author suggests that attention should be given to such items as nondetectable fragments, blinding laser weapons, antipersonnel land mines, and cluster munitions. Ambiguities in the Rome Statute's amendment provisions that affect whether such additions can be made applicable to all parties to the Statute, or only to those who agree specifically to them, are also addressed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the creation of the oratorio entitled "Nagasaki" by Alfred Schnittke which depicts the emergence of cultural agendas in the Soviet Union. It examines the country's attitudes toward nuclear weapons and the global Cold War. It discusses the domestic broadcast of the oratorio and how it obtained excessive pessimism regardless of many public rebukes. Moreover, it highlights the use of Radio Moscow to represent Soviet Union's foreign policy toward Japan.

This article assess the state of nuclear disarmament. After decades of attempting to limit testing and proliferation, many experts are calling for the total elimination of nuclear weapons. The decline of bipolar diplomacy and the rise of terrorism has established a new geopolitical paradigm where the dangers of proliferation outweigh the deterrent aspects of the weapons.

In this article the author discusses events in that took place in North Korea during 2008. According to the author the central occurrences of that year were increased tension between North and South Korea, the reappearance of food shortages, and the failure of negotiations between Korea and a coalition of powers including the United States, Russia and Japan. Also noted is the U.S. removal of North Korea from a list of terrorist nations and the inability to verify North Korean development of nuclear weapons. In addition the article assesses reports that the North Korean leader, Kim Jong-il, suffered a stroke.

In this article the author examines the state of international relations between the United States and Asia during 2008. It is noted that despite the fact that the Asia Pacific region underwent significant economic damage as a result of the global financial crisis originating in the United State, relations with the U.S. are not strained. The author notes that this lack of tension in the region is widespread despite concerns that North Korea will develop nuclear weapons and the lack of resolution in difficulties between Taiwan and China.

This article describes the politics regarding nuclear technology and proliferation in the Middle East. As Iran closes in on the technical ability to build a nuclear weapon, other rival nations in the region are beginning to pursue it as well. The author fears that a nuclear arms race in the region will significantly raise the possibility of a nuclear war.

India took important steps in 2006 to develop its economy and improve its standing abroad. Strengthening its strategic partnership with the United States, while at the same time maintaining positive relations with China, was a particularly important achievement. Increased attention to energy security has driven India to reach out to countries well beyond its borders. For the first time in India's history, New Delhi appears comfortable using the military and diplomatic tools that great powers have used throughout history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents the structural flaws of the non-proliferation system on nuclear weapons. The problem of maintaining political legitimacy and the will to enforce rules built on a double standard poses difficulty in the system. The rule-based system requires maintenance and strength with intense and creative leadership to confront such flaws.

This article presents views on the threats of nuclear amnesia and nuclear legitimacy. The urgency to address the possible use of a nuclear weapon against the United States is emphasized. Tracking down terrorists and warning rogue states that they are accountable for their actions are requirements to face up to the threat.

This article examines the U.S-India agreement allowing the transfer of civilian nuclear technology to India and the manner in which domestic politics affected the implementation of the agreement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reports on the withdrawal of Pyongyang from the nuclear weapons program negotiations in North Korea. Interests of the country on nuclear weapons; Risk of Pyongyang's transferring nuclear material or technology to other countries or terrorist groups; Details on the current nuclear crisis in the country.

Focuses on the history of Iran's nuclear program which begun by Mohammad Reza Shah under the watchful eye of the United States. Attempts pf the International Atomic Energy Agency and the EU-3, an ad hoc coalition of France, Germany and Great Britain in improving oversight of Iran's nuclear energy activities.

Discusses the key myths that lead officials and policy elites in emphasizing the dangers of terrorism. Statement that terrorists are not especially interested in staging a nuclear catastrophe; Arguments that terrorists would remain focused on violence at relatively modest scales; Belief of many officials that the nuclear materials required to make a bomb are nearly impossible for terrorists to obtain.

States that the middle-term challenges of averting a nuclear arms race in Asia are closely linked to the more immediate concern of reversing proliferation in North Korea. Description of North Korea's plutonium and uranium programs; Influence of a combination of domestic and international politics on North Korea's future nuclear decision; Discussion of the common interests of Asia's nuclear powers and the United States and its Asian allies in nuclear stability.