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Neste artigo, discute-se se as matérias relacionadas com educação e ensino foram objeto de entendimento ou de conflito entre o Estado autoritário e a Igreja Católica em Portugal. Cobre-se o período temporal de toda a ditadura (1933-1974) e analisa-se quer o estatuto conferido à religião no ensino público e estruturas estatais de enquadramento da juventude, quer o regime estabelecido para o ensino particular confessional. Inicia-se a exposição com breve caracterização do que foi o modelo de relacionamento entre o Estado e a instituição eclesial, aqui designado por «segunda separação». Em seguida, procura-se confirmar o quadro traçado, observando os dossiers mais importantes que, no âmbito daquelas «matérias mistas», se colocaram ao Estado e à Igreja Católica: alterações constitucionais relativas aos princípios orientadores do ensino público, afixação de cruxifixos nas escolas, assistência religiosa nas organizações estatais de juventude, situação do ensino privado, criação da Universidade Católica Portuguesa e regulação da incumbência do ensino da moral e da religião. Questionam-se estratégias da governação: definições de agenda política, processos de decisão política e feitura das leis. Exploram-se comportamentos dos agentes eclesiais, apreciando: estratégias compromissórias, de resistência ou de promoção de interesses religiosos e a sua capacidade de influência sobre os decisores políticos.

During Joseph II’s reign a deep cultural shift took place within the intellectual and religious establishment, with the acceptance of philosophical and pedagogical ideas that bore a distinctive Enlightenment and Protestant stamp. This cultural shift was applied to the teaching of religion by some relevant figures of the episcopal and pedagogical elites (J. A. Gall, F.M. Vierthaler, F. de Paula Gaheis, J. M. Leonhard). New handbooks and textbooks of the catechism were written which introduced new dialogic methods, more narrative, and borrowed Rochow’s typology of moral short stories. The content of Bishop Gall’s books was heavily rationalistic, whereas subsequent texts tried to balance reason and faith. Vierthaler, Gaheis, and Leonhard used a language that was more suitable for children and closer to the New Testament, with the use of parables and short stories. The so-called Socratic method was used in different ways by these authors.In the age of the Restoration, in spite of the process of school confessionalization, the heritage of the spirit of Enlightenment was still present, since by law the pedagogy taught in the Empire’s academic chairs and teacher training courses was the one defined by Milde, which bore a Kantian imprint, and stressed the importance of developing inner moral law in pupils. Leonhard was a follower of Milde, and his catechism, eventually approved for elementary schools for decades, bore this stamp.So at the end of the eighteenth and the beginning of the nineteenth centuries a new way of teaching religion was introduced, debated and contested in Habsburg Catholic territories. Rousseau’s and Salzmann’s theories were discussed; rationalism and faith, natural religion and revelation were confronted. In the end more attention was devoted to child psychology and language. The cultural fracture caused by Josephinism became less severe: orthodoxy was restored, but new pedagogical ideas actually entered the teaching of religion.

Pour les socialistes français, la laïcité (c’est-à-dire de la stricte séparation entre Etat et religions) est un enjeu central, tant dans leurs programmes que dans les politiques publiques qu’ils ont menées. C’est en particulier autour de l’école que s’est noué ce rapport spécifique entre ce courant politique et cette notion. Or, en 1959, le gouvernement de Michel Debré a fait voter une loi (qui porte son nom), ouvrant droit à financement public aux écoles privées, celles-ci étant majoritairement catholiques. Cette situation a suscité des réactions complexes des socialistes, du vote de ce texte juridique à aujourd’hui. En effet, étant dans l’opposition jusqu’en 1981, ils ont tout d’abord promis l’abrogation de la loi Debré, puis la nationalisation des écoles privées payées par l’Etat. Depuis les années 1980, et l’expérience du pouvoir, les socialistes ont abandonné le projet et préfèrent un compromis avec l’enseignement catholique. Depuis les années 2000, la question du développement d’autres écoles privées confessionnelles (juives, musulmanes, protestantes évangéliques, catholiques traditionalistes) vient à nouveau susciter le débat chez les socialistes.

Introducción al número monográfico "Educación y religión católica en el Europa moderna y contemporánea"

Reseña del libro de Antonio Viñao, Religión en las aulas. Una materia controvertida

Reseña del libro de Luciano Caimi y Giovanni Vian (eds.), La religione istruita nella scuola e nella cultura dell’Italia contemporánea.

Denominational schools have played a fundamental role in Hungarian education for centuries. The relations between church and state were characterised by co-operation and a division of tasks. As a result of the Communist takeover, however, church schools were nationalised in 1948. Only 10 of them were allowed to exist within strict constraints. During the decades of communism they became from the asylum of the social groups deprived of their learning opportunities and forced into a marginal situation in the 1950s into partly elite schools by the 1980s. The transformation of the role of church-run schools determined how they sought their mission after the political transformation of 1989-90. Meanwhile, church policy started softening in parallel with the erosion of state socialism. The ideological and political loss of marginalised social strata was unimportant for the communist regime, but certain churches started to gain experience in working with those groups at that time, e.g. in Gypsy mission. During our research we collected archive documents, photographs and interviews.The most important hypothesis was the existence of a so-called underground school that had operated at a Roma village in spite of the fact that no Greek Catholic schools were allowed to exist during the communist regime. The school was very successful in educating the highly marginalised Roma community, which lived under substandard conditions. The methodology of the school, fitted out in a chapel, foreshadowed what we call culturally responsive teaching today. In the first part of the study the political climate of religious education is presented during the communist regime in Hungary. In the second part, the first results of our empirical research about the underground church-run school during the time of the founder of the school (Sója Miklós) are presented.

The presence of schools ruled by religious orders and congregations in the Basque Country throughout the twentieth century is a known phenomenon. What is less known are the kinds of activities religious practices carried out in these schools. The objective of this collaboration is to analyse this situation, with a focus on two aspects: 1) the religious activities and, 2) the extracurricular religious activities. The first of these were carried out within the schools (liturgical acts, masses, rosaries, etc.). They were the rituals bywhich the student body could live spiritually through the religious teaching linked to catechism, religious education, the gospel or sacred history. The extracurricular activities were related to religious associations which were used for carrying out certain apostolic actions. Many of these activities served to recruit religious vocations or to involve the youth in Catholic Action. In the 1970s, these activities diminished and evolved. As an example of this process, which was extended to the majority of the schools, we have focused on the De La Salle schools in the Basque Country. A historical methodology has been applied to the diverse sources that have been analysed (photographs, archival documentation, etc.). The documentary corpus comes from the files and museums of De La Salle Brothers. We can conclude that during Franco’s regime, under which the teaching of the Catholic religion played an important role, the practice of these activities increased.

The catholic world of the Sixteenth century, especially after the Council of Trent, exalted the condition of monastic life as the most perfect and noblest of the conditions of life traditionally reserved for women. The monastic state became the model to which the educational path of every woman had to conform to, even if she was destined to live in the world (as mother, virgin, widow, or married woman). The strong paradigmatic value exerted by the monastic condition of life is clear from the analysis of the pedagogical literature devoted to women published in this period.The present article focuses on two relevant examples of this literature: the Costituzioni per le monache (Constitutions for Nuns, 1539) by Gian Matteo Giberti and the Ricordi lasciati alle monache (Recollections left to nuns, 1575) by Agostino Valier. The two texts contain very interesting reasons for understanding the pedagogical directions of the time, which are highlighted by the author with specific references to the historical context and thanks to the support of documentary and published sources. These two works were written by two great reformer bishops, and are highly meaningful not only because they complement each other, since both were prepared for the religious women of the diocese of Verona, but mainly because they offer one very vivid insight into the growing importance assigned to the monastic modus vivendi in Sixteenth century Catholic society.

The Spanish educational model, which has teded historically to be singular with regard to religion, was redefined under the Constitution of 1978, incorporating values of pluralism, even in the realm of religion. The study of religions in the school is of outstanding educational interest in our globalized and multi-religious world. But in the Spanish case the development of Religious Education has been a controversial, provocative process marked by problems with the design and implementation of the subject, one key isuue being its development within a framework of segregated education. The contexts of the implementation of religious education (both in its confessional and non-confessional ways) in Spain are tackled in this article. The proposal that reflected religious diversity in a pedagogically correct mode, in non-segregated classrooms and from an integrative and non-confessional perspective, took form in the subject named «History and Culture of the Religions», which was taught between 2007 and 2014 in Spanish Schools.

El presente artículo, a través de boletines oficiales eclesiásticos y manuales de Religión, compara la gestión del sentimiento del miedo que hace la Iglesia católica española antes y después del Concilio Vaticano II. Comprueba la erosión de los miedos naturales, a las epidemias, el hambre, la guerra…(la humanización de Dios no parece compatible con su ira), de los miedos escatológicos, donde más pesaban los elementos sensitivos del miedo (la repolitización de la religión católica sitúa el miedo cada vez más en lugares profanos), o incluso el miedo al otro no católico (ecumenismo). Pero comprueba también, especialmente en los manuales de la Iglesia neointegrista, el mantenimiento de otros miedos inducidos, donde se imponen claramente los elementos cognitivos del miedo: miedo a la secularización de la ciencia y del pensamiento, a la pérdida de influencia en la sociedad, a las novedades del Concilio Vaticano II, a la teología de la liberación, al laicismo o a la pérdida de la protección del Estado con que cuenta la Iglesia católica española. Es problemático, por tanto, afirmar, como hacen algunos autores, que el Concilio Vaticano II supone el paso de una institución estatalmente orientada a otra orientada a la sociedad.