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Since 2015, local governments of 30 Mexican states have joined the National Open Government Partnership to enhance openness through mechanisms of transparency, accountability and citizen participation. The objective of this paper is to analyze the frameworks promoted by the State Government of Michoacán on public participation since the adoption of an open government policy. To achieve the objective, press releases from the Michoacán State Government's page were collected and subsequently examined through a framing analysis. Findings indicate that this subnational government has framed public participation in two ways: as a democratic advance and as a transfer of responsibilities to citizens. At the same time, there is a recognition of new public and private actors sharing public decisions with the government. Despite the progress found in this subnational context, the authors warn of serious risks due to the absence of clear rules for the implementation of mechanisms for public participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to identify the public innovation generated through the "Full Time Schools Program" in Mexico, particularly for the 2018-2019 school year in the schools of the State of Puebla, evaluating the generation of public value through a survey perception answered by 612 principals of schools benefited from this program in the state. The research shows that although the program's operating rules point out the criteria for generating public value, there are sections of political control in the operation that could be improved in the state public management. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After several decades with scarce information about the relationship between corruption and electoral participation, recently some literature has emerged on this subject. There are several hypotheses that try to explain this phenomenon; one of them considers corruption as a mobilizing agent and another one as a paralyzing agent in electoral activities. In this paper, we study the role played by corruption over electoral participation in the municipality of Culiacán, with information obtained through a survey on political culture and electoral behavior. The statistical results suggest that the probability of voting is negatively related to higher levels of perceived corruption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents an extended model that includes Thirlwall's simple rule. Growth in Mexico fell from an annual average of 6.76% in 1961-1981 to 2.95% in the 1982-2004 period. Net lows of capital, rents and transfers promote and stabilize the economy, but devaluation does not improve growth. Income growth rates and income elasticities between Mexico and the United States have become equal, which prevents convergence of per capita income. Mexico must design and implement an industrial policy if it wants to increase its rate of growth and face the fall of oil reserves and the changes in US immigration policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]