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This paper examines how the practice of international election observation in the Commonwealth Caribbean was affected by the COVID-19 pandemic. Many countries were faced with the decision on whether to conduct or delay elections during the pandemic. Between March 2020 and June 2022, 10 out of 12 Commonwealth Caribbean countries held elections. All these countries, except for Barbados, have had their elections observed by at least one regional or international organization during the last two decades. The closure of borders and the various quarantine requirements had practical implications for maintaining this trend during the pandemic. Most countries that regularly invite international observers did not have their pandemic held elections observed. This paper considers the reasons for the absence of observers in some elections and explores the adjustments observer groups have had to make during the last two years. The discussion also explores how Caribbean countries were able to indicate their commitment to holding free and fair elections in the absence of observers. For the countries that had observers, the discussion examines how these missions navigated issues of cost, shorter invitation periods, challenges in international travel, the recruitment of suitable observers and local pandemic protocols and conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper sheds light on an overlooked issue in economics, namely the social responsibility of central banks in a democracy. We consider central banks as institutions of power, and, as such, neither are they nor their policies neutral, in the sense that there are inevitable winners and losers. We explain why and how their power should be regulated and controlled by society. Specifically, we focus on the income distributive nature of monetary policy to demonstrate this assertion. From this, we explain that the time is ripe to build a new framework for central banking aiming at improving central banks' social responsibility consistent with the spirit of a democratic system, and resting on new rules, new types of inner organization and, more broadly, an ethics of responsibility of a new kind. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes "Concejo a la casa", the initiative developed by DemoLab, the Open Council Laboratory of Bogota, as the first case of political innovation in Colombia that uses lottery as a selection mechanism for a process of citizen participation. It builds upon both the conceptual framework based on political innovation and lottery, and the descriptive analysis of the data collected by "Concejo a la casa" to explore the relationship between the descriptive representation of randomness and the conditions that enhance the reduction of some barriers and bias related to participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the latest years, one of the major concerns with political systems around the world is what some authors have called the "democratic recession". Some recent discussions on these issues focus on the capacity of the state to respond to the demands of its citizens. This paper studies the relationship between state capacity -understood as state performance on areas such as providing security, justice administration, tax collection and guaranteeing rights-, and support for democratic principles and Colombia's regime. The empirical results show that lower levels of assessment of state's capacity are associated to lower levels of support for democratic principles and performance. These results are discussed in the context of the peace agreements between the Colombian government and the FARC guerrillas, as well as the implications posed by this relationship in regards to the challenges and opportunities for post conflict Colombia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the latest years, one of the major concerns with political systems around the world is what some authors have called the "democratic recession". Some recent discussions on these issues focus on the capacity of the state to respond to the demands of its citizens. This paper studies the relationship between state capacity -understood as state performance on areas such as providing security, justice administration, tax collection and guaranteeing rights-, and support for democratic principles and Colombia's regime. The empirical results show that lower levels of assessment of state's capacity are associated to lower levels of support for democratic principles and performance. These results are discussed in the context of the peace agreements between the Colombian government and the FARC guerrillas, as well as the implications posed by this relationship in regards to the challenges and opportunities for post conflict Colombia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzed some of the reasons why Britain participated only half-way in the European Union and ended up voting for Bremen on 23 June 2016. It also examines the options open to the European Union and Great Britain. Europe must show that it can work by showing results. In Britain it is necessary to break the established molds of thought and reshape the structure of political parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents some theoretical components of comparative historical institutionalism components compared. It begins with an overview of the theory and the importance its followers give to institutions in the construction of the modern state, liberal democracy and economic development. Two analyses of Latin America are compared with Korea and Taiwan during the decades in which the development model predominated, while the second shows the progress undergone by the State in the region during the twentieth century. In addition to this, the return of the state is presented with a series of measures with a content that is different to its actions in Latin America is presented. Finally, some of the limitations of comparative historical institutionalism are shown to understand the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the non compliance of the law in Latin America, particularly in Colombia. The core of the paper is the contrast between two different approaches: the strategic vision which argues that this failure is a consequence of the lack of institutional capacity to impose effective penalties; and the rebellion vision, which explains the failure as an expression of values or ideologies. The article examines the doctrinal roots related with the strategic vision --the social capital theories, studies in Law and economics and the new institutionalism-- their reception in our environment and their application in the context of the judicial reform. This critical examination highlights the analytical differences between these two visions and their implications in the justice system and the social law: even though both visions are partial, each one of them is partly true. Compliance of law can not be achieved only by imposing sanctions and incentives, or by promoting a unilateral favorable attitude for compliance of the law. Rational behavior must also be complemented by the perception of the legitimacy of the institutions. Market and the democracy are both equally essential for the existence of a Rule of law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]