Search

Population aging has positioned as a key demographic change. This paper analyzes the characteristics of older adults in situations of dependence, care strategies and the profile of caregivers for Chile, Colombia, Paraguay, El Salvador and Uruguay. The population in a situation of functional dependence is mostly female and over 75 years old. Between 54% and 70% receive some type of care, with unpaid family care being the main care strategy. Unpaid caregivers are mostly women, under 65, and economically inactive. We evidence a negative relationship between the status of elderly caregiver and employment, that is stronger for women. Although elderly informal care leads to a lower probability of employment among individuals of all ages and income quintiles, the employment gap between caregivers and non-caregivers narrows substantially among higher-income people. Improving care for older people would have positive effects on female employment and inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/Context: Much of the research on conflict resolution has focused on the conditions for getting parties involved in a conflict to sign a peace agreement. Less attention has been paid to what happens next. In this document, we offer a review of the factors shaping peace agreement implementation (PAI). Methodology: The paper is based on a review of the available academic literature on the factors that shape peace agreement implementation (PAI). Conclusions: We conceive the implementation process as composed of multiple temporal stages (short- to long-term), layers (from international to local), and dimensions (including politics, justice, the economy, and culture). In an implementation phase, all these need to be addressed in parallel, as they exert mutual impact and shape each other’s progress. Originality: The general overview presented here will provide scholars and policymakers with a broad sense of the most important debates within the literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research paper presents a queer feminist analysis of gendered discourses in South Africa's (SA) (2020-2025) National Action Plan (NAP) on Women, Peace, and Security (WPS). It builds on an extensive field of WPS scholarship by using the case study of SA's NAP to illustrate how policy can be used to harness critical gendered language and create possibilities for radical (re)imaginings of gendered peace. While a considerable knowledge base that explores the gendered discourses of NAPs on WPS already exists, a key gap in the literature --that has only more recently begun to be explored with greater rigor-- is the bridging of queer and feminist theories to further push the boundaries of discursive policy analysis. Against this backdrop, feminist critical discourse analysis (CDA) was applied to the NAP case study to surface dominant and counter-discourses on gender and their possible inclusionary/exclusionary effects. Key findings centre the potential value of policy discourses which, in their fragmentation, ruptures, continuities and ambivalences, can facilitate opportunities for queer peace at the instrumental level and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/context: Gender mainstreaming policies have been adopted by local governments to advance gender equality as well as women's rights. Existing research addresses several dimensions of this policy. However, a crucial dimension is its governance structure. In this article, we address the governance of gender mainstreaming policies under the governments of the Frente Amplio in Montevideo (Uruguay) and the Socialist Party in Rosario (Argentina), two left-wing parties with gender agendas. Methodology: The research is based on an analysis of policy trajectories over a decade and a half of implementation, comparing Montevideo and Rosario. By focusing on the governance structures of these policies, the paper examines legal, institutional and participatory instruments. The two cases are selected for their support to gender policies uninterruptedly for three decades, as well as for their recognition as successful experiences in Latin America. Conclusions: A significant contrast is identified between the two local administrations, despite their similarities. In general terms, the governance of gender mainstreaming in Montevideo tended to be broader and more democratic, while in Rosario it was partial and with a reduced multi-stakeholder participation. The explanations of these differences are linked to the characteristics of the local processes of decentralization and management reforms promoted by both governments. Originality: The originality of the article is given by an explanatory framework drawing upon broader discussions of the social sciences regarding decentralization and policy management, and extending it to account for the different governance structures of gender mainstreaming. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A recent strategy known as "femvertising" appears to seek to end the sexism that has always accompanied much of advertising. It not only proposes overcoming sexist paradigms, but also incorporates elements of female empowerment. However, it is not exempt from risks, given its ambivalent nature and the gender interests it invokes. This paper reflects on the theoretical aspects of "femvertising" and employs a case study as a way to approach this type of advertising, on which there is hardly any literature. The conclusions suggest that this is a complex phenomenon that requires deeper analysis in order to diagnose its commitment to equality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the process by which the legal recognition of gender identity has spread throughout the world, understood as a process of transnational diffusion of human rights standards. To that extent, the paper is founded in a dialogue between the literature regarding transnational diffusion and life cycle of norms in the international system. It argues that the analyzed norm is currently in an advanced stage of the emergence phase; therefore, states are influenced by the international context in order to adopt the norm, however internal pressure is still necessary. This is supported by the study of the Argentinean Identity Gender Law enacted in 2012. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Feminist frameworks have focused on gender inequality as the fundamental explanatory factor of male violence against women in union. This paper extends the analysis to contributions produced through social research. The approaches studied consider the personal characteristics of victims and aggressors (individual focus), the male-female power relationship within the couple (dyadic focus), and structural and symbolic factors (macro-social focus). An exploration of the respective contributions of these different perspectives shows that they offer only partial, inadequate approaches, given the multidimensional complexity of the problem. The main conclusions recognize that it is necessary to develop multi-level and inter-relational analytical frameworks such as the intersectional paradigm, in order to achieve a better understanding of the connection between gender inequality and male violence against women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The "gender digital divide" constitutes a prolific research program that compares the differences between women and men in access to Information and Communication Technologies (ICT). Nevertheless, those using feminist socio-constructivist perspectives argue for the need to pay attention, not only to "access," but also to "design," in addition to considering social relations as something that is coded within technological artifacts. From this perspective, gender constitutes an integral part of technological production. This paper explores the co-constitution of gender and technology, considering a specific action- research experience. It is argued that the re-signification of gendered and technological codes drifts through: a) the opening of gendered and technological codes; b) the production of new cultural imaginaries that question hegemonic representations of gender; and c) the production of new subjectivities through the reorganization of socio-technical practices to develop performative acts that transform patriarchal relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent decades, the large increase in international migration has challenged the traditional conception of citizenship based on nationality and confined to the borders of the nation-state. Several contributions point to the need to take into account key elements in order to expand the concept in a cosmopolitan context. Nevertheless, the role of immigrant women is hardly discussed. This paper aims to contribute to this debate by presenting a critique of the traditional concept of citizenship. The article also introduces the role of immigrant women in the practice of citizenship through their everyday experiences. From a transnational perspective, we argue that immigrant women promote a more inclusive citizenship due to their links with grassroots organizations and informal spaces of participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 1940s and 50s, doctors and policymakers considered the diet of many Mexicans to be one of the main causes of poverty and 'backwardness' in the country. Inadequate calorie and protein consumption, along with unhygienic living conditions, caused workers and peasants to be weak, frequently ill, and to miss work. As a result, state welfare institutions made fighting malnutrition a priority. Doctors deemed that sanitized kitchens and animal protein-rich diets would help develop the nation. By changing eating practices, reformers sought to create not only healthy and well-nourished workers, but also a disciplined and productive workforce. This paper explores the rhetoric of welfare and discusses the role of women in the implementation of government policies. It concentrates on the studies carried out by the Institute of National Nutrition in rural communities and on the life history of a visiting nurse in rural Mexico of the 1950s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]