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Carbon pricing policies can play an important role in reducing global greenhouse gas emissions. However, policymakers often cite the lack of public support as a major obstacle to adopting and expanding the coverage of such policies. Using data from a large cross-country survey of about 28,500 people across 28 countries conducted during the summer of 2022, we show that providing information about the costs and benefits of carbon pricing can swing public support. Highlighting the efficacy and revenue recycling potential of carbon pricing increases support, especially in emerging market economies. In contrast, highlighting costs reduces support, but less so for people who report being already significantly impacted by climate change. Moreover, people adopt more negative views of subsidies for renewable energy and low-carbon technologies when the salience of their costs is increased, with the shift being more pronounced for people, especially in advanced economies, who believe that effective climate polices require global efforts. Our results suggest that there is scope to increase public support for climate mitigation measures by providing people with the policy information they may lack. Key policy insights: Support for climate change mitigation policies can be increased through information campaigns that clearly communicate the effectiveness and co-benefits of these policies. Given that the costs associated with climate policies are a key public concern, policymakers should provide clear explanations on how these costs are offset by long-term benefits and potential revenue recycling mechanisms. Increasing public awareness of the immediate human and economic losses caused by climate change at the local level can strengthen support for climate policies despite economic costs. Encouraging local and community-centric approaches to climate action by can help address concerns regarding collective action problems and coordination failures, and enhance support for national policy measures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Carbon pricing has emerged as a prominent policy tool to mitigate climate change due to its proclaimed high efficiency and effectiveness. However, the successful and sustainable implementation of carbon pricing also depends on the public acceptability. This paper investigates how revenue recycling shapes public attitudes towards carbon pricing. A systematic literature review identified 48 relevant studies from 2004 to March 2023. Using qualitative content analysis I discern relevant factors and construct a typology of revenue recycling options. Subsequently, a consensus ordinal ranking of revenue recycling options, based on the empirical findings of the reviewed studies, synthesizes current knowledge. The results reveal that revenue recycling has a crucial impact on public acceptability. While environmental earmarking ranks highest, and reducing corporate taxes is the least preferred option, numerous other revenue recycling options lie between these two options. Moreover, the literature presents divergent findings regarding the level of public acceptability of specific revenue recycling options. The diversity of research contexts and designs introduces inherent limitations that may explain variations in rankings observed across different studies. Notably, I identify political trust related to and salience of revenue recycling as important factors affecting public acceptability of carbon pricing. Finally, this research offers a framework for policymakers seeking to design revenue recycling strategies that align with public preferences to implement carbon pricing. KEY POLICY INSIGHTS: Revenue recycling is a critical element of effective carbon pricing mechanisms, as public acceptability depends substantially on how revenues are used. The proposed ranking offers a framework for policymakers to design carbon pricing policies. Environmental earmarking is the most preferred way of revenue recycling, but the acceptability of each revenue recycling option also depends on the specific context. Designing revenue recycling in line with public preferences can enhance public acceptability of carbon pricing policies, and hence, their implementation. Trust, communication and salience of revenue recycling can enhance public acceptability of carbon pricing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Countering violent extremism (CVE) intervention programs are often designed as non-punitive approaches to reduce the likelihood of youth joining terrorist groups through offering social, family, mental health, and/or practical supports. Since public support is crucial for determining whether a CVE intervention program is implemented or successful, we conducted two online vignette-based experiments to examine how factors such as political orientation, the youth's ethnicity, and the public's perspective-taking with at-risk youth can alter their support. Across both studies (U.S. online sample N = 153, U.K. online sample N = 760), participants generally reported less support for a CVE intervention program aimed at at-risk youth than a similar gang intervention program, although in the U.K., conservatives supported both programs the same relatively lower amount (compared to liberals). This effect was partially explained by participants reporting less perspective-taking with an at-risk youth considering joining a terrorist group than considering joining a gang, which in turn led to lower public support of the program. This suggests that CVE intervention programs face barriers, even among the more liberal-leaning members of the public, and that helping people to take the perspective of at-risk youth may be one pathway for increasing public support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractThis comparative study covering 41 countries explores whether the distribution of national carbon emissions shapes the public willingness to pay higher environmental taxes and if this relationship is moderated by the quality of government. Using multilevel regression models, it draws on data from all four waves of the International Social Survey Programme’s Environment modules (1993–2020), combined with carbon emissions data from the World Inequality Database. Cross-sectional and longitudinal results suggest that the public willingness to pay additional taxes is lower in contexts where the non-rich are responsible for a larger or increasing share of national carbon emissions, particularly in contexts with low or declining quality of government. It is concluded that the distribution of emissions may impact public support for environmental taxes, but that well-functioning government institutions can mitigate negative public backlash linked to the often-perceived regressive character of these taxes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract\nPoints of interestAdults with disabilities who live with government supports in their homes were among those most heavily impacted by COVID-19 public health measures, though few studies have considered the lived experiences of this group. This study invited Australian adults with disabilities who lived with government supports under the National Disability Insurance Scheme during the pandemic to share their experiences. The focus was changes in life satisfaction before, during and since stay-at-home orders (i.e. ‘lockdowns’). Thirty-four Australian adults completed an online survey. Findings revealed a decline in life satisfaction and mental health during lockdowns by comparison with pre-pandemic times. Informal supporters and paid support services were important but difficult to access during this period. Communication and community awareness of the challenges associated with public health policy for people with disabilities and their supporters were key issues. Resources addressing future health crises should be co-designed with people with disabilities and their supporters.Adults with disabilities who lived with government supports in their homes experienced declining mental health and life satisfaction when COVID-19 stay-at-home orders, also known as ‘lockdowns’, were introduced in Australia.Informal and paid supports were highly valued by these adults throughout the COVID-19 pandemic but were not always available.Resources for future health crises should be co-designed in collaboration with end-users (adults with disabilities as well as their supporters).Adults with disabilities who lived with government supports in their homes experienced declining mental health and life satisfaction when COVID-19 stay-at-home orders, also known as ‘lockdowns’, were introduced in Australia.Informal and paid supports were highly valued by these adults throughout the COVID-19 pandemic but were not always available.Resources for future health crises should be co-designed in collaboration with end-users (adults with disabilities as well as their supporters). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sea level rise induced flooding is projected to cause significant damage to the low-lying coastal areas of many countries around the planet. Many households located in vulnerable areas have already started to adapt to flooding, although some empirical studies indicate that informal adaptation is reaching its limit and that more formal countermeasures by governments will be necessary to cope with the increased flood risks. In such cases, public support for flood adaptation policy is crucial to ensure a successful and timely adaptation, as these strategies can directly affect coastal residents. However, there is limited understanding on the mechanisms and factors that determine public support for flood adaptation policy. Thus, this study proposes a new model – the Foundation of Adaptation Policy Support (FAPS) – which integrates the Protection Motivation Theory and the Risk Information Seeking and Processing models. FAPS was tested using structural equation modelling with latent variables and data that was collected from a household questionnaire survey conducted in the Tokyo lowland areas (n = 388), with the super levee representing a policy that could be applied to sea level rise adaptation. The proposed FAPS model showed a good fit with the collected data, indicating that the strongest predictors of policy support include the perceived effectiveness of the policy and the importance of the issue of flooding to individuals. Other important predictors of policy support include knowledge about flooding, the opinions of surrounding people (i.e. family and friends), and the systematic processing by respondents of information related to floods. The FAPS model sets the foundation for understanding the mechanisms of public support for adaptation policy and provides new insights into designing and planning such policies in practice. Key policy insights Perceived policy effectiveness and the importance of addressing floods are the strongest predictors of public support for adaptation policy. Increasing people's knowledge about flooding is essential to communicate the importance of adaptation policy. Investigating people's knowledge and the perceived importance of the issue of flooding prior to designing policies can predict public preferences for certain countermeasures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is the EU's rule of law crisis [ROLC] indicative of a deepening 'disunion' sparked by the rise of illiberal ideas? I sound a skeptical note, suggesting that disunion arguments exaggerate dissensus, overstate the role of ideology, and do not capture key events and political interactions shaping the crisis. Specifically, disunion arguments cannot explain the emergence of a pro-ROL consensus in the European Parliament, neglect member states repeatedly articulating and committing themselves to fundamental liberal values, understate the ideological opportunism and about-faces of self-styled 'illiberals,' and overstate dubious evidence of public support for illiberal ideas and backlash to EU enforcement. The evidence is more consistent with new intergovernmentalist claims that member governments across the ideological spectrum are willing to sacrifice the ROL to safeguard consensus in the European Council, and that the Commission retreats from its role as 'guardian of the Treaties' absent intergovernmental support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous research on delegative democracy has predominantly emphasized its structural aspects, leaving the individual-level determinants of support for this governance relatively unexplored. While some studies have investigated the association between trust in the president and delegative democratic attitudes (DDA), the connection between technocratic beliefs, DDA, and the context of national emergencies has been minimally addressed. This study aims to fill this research gap by examining the correlation between technocratic beliefs and DDA, specifically focusing on how emergencies influence this relationship. Analysing data from the Asian Barometer Survey and the World Values Survey, the results indicate a robust connection between individuals' technocratic beliefs and DDA. Moreover, this correlation exhibits greater strength as a country's level of emergency escalates. These results may provide valuable insights into our understanding of both individual and structural factors associated with public support for delegative democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Arms-exporting countries – even those that are liberal democracies – sell weapons to governments that violate human rights. Does the public support the provision of weapons to human rights violators? We examine public attitudes on arms exports through a survey experiment in Israel – a major arms exporter that is often criticized for arming repressive governments. Our analysis finds that human rights violations substantially increase the public's opposition to the sale of arms – by 21 percentage points. Furthermore, opposition to the arms sale arises even when the recipient country carries economic or strategic importance. Overall, we find a public preference for arms exports constrained by ethical concerns – a preference that is often at odds with governments' export practice. This study enhances our understanding of the domestic politics of the arms trade, which has received little scholarly attention, but increases in importance with rising public scrutiny and criticism of arms sales. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to the Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework, a "Whole-of-Society" approach is needed to initiate transitions to a nature-positive society. Many look at civil society to initiate and accelerate such transitions. In this article, we investigate strategies from Civil Society Actors (CSAs) to contribute to transformative change, with specific focus on Tiny Forests and Beach Clean-Ups in the Netherlands. Results show that CSAs have a clear Theory of Change to achieve their goals, and act upon that vision through assembling power and resources, developing policy-relevant environmental knowledge, mobilising public support and media coverage and initiating innovative sustainable practices. Adopting mosaic governance approaches, CSAs strategically position themselves in social and institutional networks, connecting professionals and citizens for political leverage. However, our findings show that the step from local impact towards transition remains a large one and the contribution of CSAs should be valued as emergent, co-produced and part of a broader transition movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 has become one of the greatest security crises since World War 2, with profound geopolitical and socio-economic implications for Europe and beyond. The upsurge of political and media attention to this war may have increased public support for EU enlargement, with new countries in the Eastern neighbourhood and the Western Balkans receiving the official EU candidate status. By drawing on mechanisms of securitisation and solidarity, this paper tests to what extent the Russian invasion has generated a positive politicisation of EU enlargement. While this crisis may have indeed fostered a permissive consensus in EU public opinion regarding Ukraine's future accession, I observe no such effects for the Western Balkans or Turkey. This finding also remains robust to identity and socioeconomic controls, which have traditionally structured public support for European integration. The empirical part is based on descriptive and regression analyses of data from a representative survey of 7678 respondents in France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, and Spain conducted at the end of 2022. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study, we compare three modes of public participation in government (policy endorsement, coproduction, and co-investment) and introduce a two-layer explanation to the variations in citizens' willingness to participate in these modes. We present effort as an overarching factor so more demanding modes receive lower public support. We also argue that issue importance, trust in government, and political ideology shape individuals' degree of participation. Using data from a public opinion survey on local infrastructure, we demonstrate the overarching role of effort and the direct effects of all three factors on the different levels of public participation in government policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While gender quota and parity laws are increasingly popular worldwide, their introduction often causes controversy. Thus far, we lack an understanding of how the framing of these measures affects public opinion. We conducted a survey experiment in the UK and France (combined N = 2677) to identify the causal effect of framing on levels of support for the policy and potential backlash against women candidates. Comparing (1) gender quotas to increase women’s underrepresentation and (2) gender parity laws to achieve gender balance, we find that overall levels of support are greater than opposition in both countries. Parity is more supported than quotas in France, but no such framing effects emerge in the UK. Respondents’ gender also matters, with men less supportive of both measures than women. We find no evidence that either type of positive action measure increases backlash in the form of reduced support for hypothetical women candidates running under such measures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the widespread adoption and expansion of DNA databases by countries around the world, few studies have investigated the factors that promote public support or opposition to their expansion. Drawing on the normative and instrumental models of police legitimacy, this study explored the mechanisms contributing to public support for expanding DNA databases in a national sample of approximately 1,000 adults in South Korea. Using structural equation modelling, we examined the direct and indirect effects of citizen perceptions of procedural justice, police effectiveness, and police legitimacy on citizen support for expanding DNA databases, a form of police empowerment. Our results indicated that trust in the police was a key antecedent of citizen support for the expansion of DNA databases. Both citizen perceptions of procedural justice and police effectiveness indirectly increased public support for expanding DNA databases via increased trust in the police, but neither had a direct impact. Notably, procedural justice had a stronger indirect impact than police effectiveness on public support for the expanded use of DNA technology. Our study emphasises the importance of law enforcement agencies’ efforts to build trust and legitimacy in the eyes of the public to enhance support for expanding DNA databases. This can be achieved by treating citizens in a procedurally fair manner and effectively addressing crime, with a greater emphasis on the former. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The term "strong leader" is generally understood to mean a leader who concentrates power in his or her hands, dominates public policy and the political party to which he or she belongs, and takes the big decisions. Many contemporary politicians present themselves as leaders in this mold and there is substantial public support around the world for this type of leader. Recent research, however, has questioned the desirability of strong leaders, finding that they are high-risk individuals who often have negative records in office. This article is concerned specifically with the personalist authoritarian strong leaders who hold office in the Former Soviet Union (FSU), a grouping that has received little attention in this emerging literature. The article sets out to ascertain whether these personalist authoritarians have been successful leaders as well as strong ones. We undertake this by examining performance (according to a variety of socio-economic and governance indicators) in the 15 states of the FSU in the period 2000–2020. This study finds no evidence of exceptional performance in the states with personalist authoritarian leaders in this time period. Rather, what these personalist leaders have offered is authoritarianism, poor governance, and socio-economic performance that is middling to poor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this study is to predict the active communication behaviors and their Behavioral Intentions to Support Federal Climate Policies from the view of government public relations. Using data from an online survey of 548 adults living in the United States, this study investigated the roles of Government-Citizen Relationships (GCR) and situational perceptions (i.e. Problem Recognition, Constraint Recognition, and Involvement Recognition) in predicting active communication behaviors (i.e. information seeking, forefending, and forwarding) and federal climate policies in the framework of situational theory of problem solving (STOPS). The results of this study indicate that GCR is critical in predicting active communication behaviors and public support. While Involvement Recognition among situational perceptions is significant to predict active communication behaviors and public support, program recognition and Constraint Recognition are partially significant. The results highlight the pivotal mediating roles of situational perceptions – Problem Recognition, Constraint Recognition, and Involvement Recognition – in the link between GCR and public support for federal climate policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores challenges and possible ways to increase the level of BIMSTEC regional integration from a socio-cultural perspective. It also investigates member states' vision of BIMSTEC and of the Bay of Bengal, especially where they intertwine and divert from one another. The paper postulates that, for BIMSTEC to transform itself into a socio-politically relevant organisation, it must also be culturally more integrated. BIMSTEC should strive to promulgate a shared narrative of regional identity based on the idea of the Bay of Bengal as an interconnected geographical and historical region. Through popular public imagination of the Bay of Bengal and coherent visions shared by its member states and, BIMSTEC will be able to situate itself into public consciousness and mobilise public support for the organisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While much research examines the challenges facing labor empowerment efforts, less work considers the role marketing could play in the revitalization of labor movements. In this paper, we reframe the challenges faced by labor movements as marketing problems. We then draw from several theoretical perspectives to examine the barriers that affect public awareness of labor issues, and the public's willingness to support policies and practices beneficial to workers. The paper concludes with a research agenda to guide scholars interested in this area of research, as well as nonprofits, government agencies, advocates, and social marketers looking to encourage public support for labor movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With growing numbers of forcibly displaced people and their tendency to spatially cluster, destination countries around the world consider dispersing them over their territory. While the egocentric not-in-my-back-yard syndrome (NIMBYism) predicts that dispersion will spark a public backlash, sociotropic considerations and appeals to civic fairness predict the contrary. I theorise that the institutional set-up determines which force prevails. Although the local proximity of refugees triggers public opposition, it can be substantially countered by tighter regulation on refugee dispersion. Setting clear guiding rules, such as an upper limit or proportional allocation can enhance both burden-sharing in the accommodation of refugees and public support for their incorporation. Evidence from survey experiments conducted in Norway and Israel supports these theoretical accounts. The findings have implications for understanding how countries can mitigate public backlash against immigrants and refugees while maintaining their admission and integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes Malay-Muslim insurgents' attacks in the three southern provinces of Thailand between the years of 2010–2021 and identifies the role of public holidays on the level of violence. The existing literature suggests terrorists consider holidays during attack planning. However, there is a lack of agreement on the effect direction. Some studies have found that holidays are a force for peace while others have found they can act as trigger for more violence. Applying environmental criminology to the timing of terrorist attacks, we argue that the type of the holiday matters. Therefore, we analyze public (secular), Islamic, and Buddhist holidays separately. We show that Islamic holidays witness increased violence while Buddhist and public holidays see reductions. We discuss that Islamic holidays increase the Malay-Muslim insurgents' motivation to attack by assigning to those dates a higher symbolic value. On the other hand, on Buddhist and public holidays, insurgents may hesitate to attack to avoid the adverse effects of losing public support and triggering a backlash. The results demonstrate the necessity to analyze the temporal dynamics of terrorist attacks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The theoretical literature on the meaning of qualification standards depicts a variety of definitions. Some definitions describe properties of examinees, whilst others rely on cohort-level or system-level characteristics. Different definitions can be compatible or contradictory. In this study, stakeholders' views of the meaning of qualification standards in Scotland were collected, using focus groups (82 participants) and a questionnaire (918 participants). Almost 60% of questionnaire participants responded that standards tell us about performances on the assessment (criterion-referencing) and approximately 40% responded that they tell you about an underlying ability (construct-referencing). Few participants considered that maintaining statistical grade distributions every year were important. Discrepancies in views raise questions regarding how an examination board manages the political and technical process of maintaining public confidence in standards. Based upon this Scottish case, the authors argue that social settlements regarding qualification standards are a social contract, and a solely technocratic view of standards is conceptually inadequate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the participation of Peruvian companies in public programmes for innovation support promoted by the Peruvian government from 2012 to 2014. Specifically, it examines the characteristics of firms that are informed about these programmes and, more importantly, the motives leading them to apply for this support. Using data from the 2015 National Survey of Peruvian Innovation in manufacturing firms, we find that knowledge about programmes is positively influenced by variables related to the percentage of qualified employees, R&D intensity, and their links with other agents. Firms with higher R&D intensity, are also more likely to apply for public support, together with firms perceiving the lack of external funds as an important innovation obstacle, while variables such as the perception of high cost of innovation and the utilized installed capacity, reduce the likelihood of application. These findings partially coincide with the previous empirical literature. Finally, the association between R&D intensity and public support is examined. Results show that total public support is associated with higher R&D intensity of supported firms, while in the case of only-funded programmes, non significant effects were found. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent literature on authoritarian stability and legitimation has highlighted the role of propaganda and information control, national identity politics, participation technologies and other communication strategies autocrats use to shape public opinion. The authoritarian tool kit is, incomplete if we do not account for governance-related measures. Focusing on authoritarian social policy and contributing to the literature on the authoritarian welfare state, this study measures the political effects of unconditional and conditional cash transfers, specifically focusing on child subsidies, that the Russian government has increasingly integrated into its policy tools. Social policy and child support earn the government political dividends in terms of shoring up public support and have acquired added significance over the last few years. It is part of the current social pact that enables authoritarian resilience during Russia's war against Ukraine and that is made possible by the actions at the federal, regional, and municipal levels of government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the face of the COVID-19 pandemic, police services around the world were granted unprecedented new powers to enforce social distancing restrictions. In this paper, we present data from a rolling representative sample survey of Londoners (n = 3,201) fielded during the height of the first wave of the pandemic (April to June 2020). We examine the scale of public support for giving police additional powers to enforce the regulations, whether support for different powers ebbed and flowed over time, and which factors predicted support for police powers. First, we use interrupted time-series analysis to model change over time. Second, we pool the data to test the predictors of support for police powers. Aside from one lockdown-specific temporal factor (the easing of restrictions), we find that even in the midst of a pandemic, legitimacy, procedural justice and affective evaluations of pandemic powers are the most important factors explaining variation in public support for police empowerment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Addressing climate change demands a varied policy toolkit, ranging from supportive measures to more assertive interventions. However, the latter, especially when impacting consumers' daily lives, often face public opposition. Current research mainly investigates personal or country-level characteristics and personal perceptions that are beyond the direct influence of policymakers, offering limited insight into enhancing the acceptability of specific policy instruments within a given societal context. Acceptability factors that policy-makers can directly influence have received less attention and mostly in single-case or single-factor studies. This perspective article critiques the current state of knowledge and calls for a surge in research on 'governable acceptability factors'. It introduces them as a key category for future research, proposes a definition, and outlines research needs and questions concerning four sub-categories of such factors: policy instrument characteristics, temporal aspects, actor involvement, and communication. Stringent climate policy measures can gain wider public support through a carefully designed policy bundle, combining highly intervening with supportive measures and consumption- with production-related measures. Inclusive participation in the policy-making process and carefully considered communication can also enhance public support. Strategic timing and coalition building as well as temporally limited policy trials or a phased policy implementation with increasing stringency also have potential for positive acceptability effects – but more research is needed on these factors. More comparative and mixed-methods research is necessary to investigate the context dependence and the interaction between acceptability factors. The results would empower policymakers to design and implement more acceptable climate policy measures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent decades, there has been increasing research interest in individuals' support of and resistance to climate and environmental policy instruments. However, there is an empirical bias in the literature, as few studies have been conducted in low-income countries. Based on a survey with 4,766 respondents we identify the level of public acceptability for climate policy instruments and their determinants in East Africa (Ethiopia, Kenya, Rwanda, Tanzania and Uganda). While our sample is not fully representative of the East-African population, we capture highly educated individuals in urban areas, who are likely to have a large influence on policy processes. In line with previous studies in other contexts, we find that higher education and climate change concern are linked to the acceptability of policies aimed at reducing fossil fuel consumption. Specifying how the revenue from a climate tax or subsidy removal would be used, almost doubled the support for these policy instruments. In contrast to earlier studies, we find that investments in social programmes, not environmental programmes, was the revenue specification that increased the acceptability the most. One possible explanation would be that in a context where poverty is more prevalent, social issues are more salient to people. We also find weak associations between trust in government and the acceptability of climate policy instruments in East Africa and large heterogeneity across the five focal East African countries. Besides establishing an empirical foundation for future research on climate policy support in East Africa, the study provides essential policy insights: Investing in education and improved information, contributing to increased awareness and understanding of climate concerns, can potentially increase support for climate policy proposals also in the East African context. Earmarking revenues from climate policy instruments for social programmes may also significantly boost support. However, as our study is not fully representative of the population in the five countries and relies on stated preferences, which may be subject to different biases, the results should be interpreted with caution. In a sample skewed towards more urban and educated East-Africans, specifying how the tax revenue would be used more than doubled the acceptability for climate taxes. Investments in social programmes was the revenue specification that increased the acceptability for climate taxes the most. Earmarking revenue use may be a way to increase carbon tax acceptability in East Africa. Investing in education and improved information contributing to increased awareness and understanding of climate concerns, can potentially increase support for climate policy proposals. The acceptability of a climate tax on fuel is lower than the acceptability of a quantity-based regulation on fossil fuel across the urban, well-educated and potentially politically influential population in East Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Given that the COVID-19 pandemic limited various functions of the society, this study examines the public's support and participation in nonprofit organizations (NPOs) during the pandemic (2020–2021). By adopting the theory of planned behavior as a theoretical framework, this study explores perceived knowledge and emotions as motivational factors influencing issue participation intention. In addition, organizational trust is examined as a key moderator influencing the final path from issue participation intention to actual issue participation behaviors. A survey (N = 312) was conducted to understand the public's participation in NPOs related to various social and political issues during 2020 and 2021. Theoretical and practical implications for strategic prosocial communication as well as nonprofit communications are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The limited size of public budgets raises the need to evaluate public policies more thoroughly. This need also concerns the public funding of social entrepreneurship in Europe and its effectiveness and efficiency when aiming to increase employment among socially excluded people. Based on the propensity score-matching approach, using place of residence, gender, year of birth, and employment status before taking part in the social entrepreneurship program financed by the Operational Program Human Resources and Employment (OP HRE), we compared 307 individuals who received employment support from public budgets and a control group of 1,228 individuals without support. We found a positive effect of the social entrepreneurship program on employment. The supported group has a 19.3% higher chance of being employed 1 year after the support compared to the comparison group. Thus, the OP HRE investment in social enterprise support programs is effective. It is estimated that the public budget will see its investment completely returned in 11 years. From this perspective, the public funding of social enterprises may have positive implications for public sector authorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Elected politicians and civil servants are key in developing climate policy. The articles in this special issue investigate factors that induce politico-administrative actors to adopt climate policies and dismantle anti-climate policies to advance decarbonisation. Politico-administrative actors have predominantly expanded climate policy and raised policy ambition in recent decades. However, economic crises and weakening public support may cause dismantling of climate policy and hamper policy ambition. Against this backdrop, articles in this special issue also study factors that propel climate policy dismantling. Together, the contributions show that interactions between politico-administrative actors and publics, organised interests, and international organisations shape climate and anti-climate policy change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Understanding the factors associated with acceptance of climate action is central in designing effective climate change communication strategies. An exploratory factor analysis of 12 science-consistent beliefs about the existence, causes, and consequences of climate change reveals three underlying factors: climate change [a] is real and human caused, [b] has increased the frequency of extreme weather events, and [c] negatively affects public health. In the presence of demographic, ideological, and party controls, this health factor significantly predicts a 3–6 percentage point increase in respondents' [a] willingness to advocate for climate change; [b] reported personal pro-climate behaviors; and [c] support for government policies addressing climate change. These results are robust when controlling for respondents' underlying belief in the existence and causes of climate change, respondent worry, self-efficacy, and respondent belief that extreme weather events and heat waves are increasing. These findings suggest ways to bolster public support for climate policies that may otherwise be at risk. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing from a case study in Finland, the paper analyses the performative practice of urban development projects in order to win public support for the desired future. The role of famous architects as agents of urban change is pivotal. This raises the concern of how the performative trend in planning cuts down the public discussion of possible alternative futures. The analysis uses the concept techniques of futuring and follows the repetition of performative action. It is relevant to ask if the role of the public is to engage in the story presented instead of engaging in the planning process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the strategic use of the popular television series Aghazadeh as a tool for disseminating regime propaganda and shaping public opinion in Iran. The regime's proactive approach in controlling and creating cultural productions is examined, highlighting its investment in countering foreign and diaspora narratives by creating commercially appealing entertainment that reinforces regime values. Aghazadeh employs populist discourse to mobilize public support, framing threats to the nation and its women as national rather than ideological challenges. The series portrays corrupt political elites as major contributors to social inequality and emphasizes the complexity of combatting corruption. It also subverts negative stereotypes associated with the Revolutionary Guards, presenting them as protectors of the nation. Ultimately, Aghazadeh (alongside its making-of documentary) serves to reinforce the existing power structure and manipulate public sentiment through cultural production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article shows how the presumed historical importance of 'unification' with Crimea ensured Russian public support for its annexation. Based on the analysis of patriotic discourse in Russia, I show how within its frame the terms 'People', 'Russia' and 'Motherland' correspond to sacred non-human beings. The ontological gap between them and humans is mediated by means of national history: created by human subjects, history ultimately belongs to the Russian nation. In this context, loving Russia means ensuring the greatness of Russian history. The historical significance of the annexation made it patriotic, and hence, a desirable course of action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Compensation is one of the few resources available to exonerees, as they do not qualify for many of the same re-entry services available to parolees. Past research has shown public support for exoneree compensation; however, little is known about what factors influence perceptions of exonerees receiving compensation. The current study investigated the role of the contributing factor in an exoneree's wrongful conviction case, participant characteristics, and perceptions of an exoneree and wrongful convictions, on perceptions of monetary compensation awards. Student participants were randomly assigned to read one of three fictitious news articles that varied in terms of the factor that led to an exoneree's wrongful conviction (i.e. false confession, eyewitness misidentification, or police misconduct), and afterwards answered a series of questions assessing perceptions of assistance, of the exoneree, and of wrongful convictions. Results indicated that contributing factor (police misconduct), participant characteristics (men), and perceptions of the exoneree (more innocent than guilty, exoneree 'Black' or 'Hispanic') and of wrongful convictions (supportive of other forms of assistance) were significant predictors of monetary compensation awards. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates whether government support for small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) in an emerging economy creates their reluctance to grow, which is analogous to the Peter Pan Syndrome. We test our hypotheses by regression analyses on a sample of 2,779 firms from a unique Korean Innovation Survey dataset from 2005 to 2007. Our empirical results show that SMEs tend to hinder their growth as they approach SME eligibility thresholds beyond which public support ceases. Such a tendency intensifies as SMEs grow closer to the employment-size-contingent SME eligibility threshold and as they receive more public support. In addition, the likelihood of the Peter Pan Syndrome is conditioned by both firm- and industry-specific characteristics. As government support for SMEs based on size-contingent eligibility criteria has a detrimental side-effect, other merit- or effort-based criteria should be considered. It is also desirable to reduce the opportunity cost involved in graduating from SMEs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examined how the state of homelessness can influence the perception and willingness of the homeless population to participate in the 2023 housing and population census in Nigeria. The research adopted an exploratory case study drawn from field experiences. The accidental sampling technique was employed in selecting eight homeless persons in the Ajegunle locality in Lagos. Observational notes and interview data were collected and analyzed thematically. The findings showed that most participants were of the Hausa–Fulani ethnicity and were engaged in menial jobs for survival. Having participated in previous censuses, people who are homeless persons perceived the exercise as influenced by political issues and less essential to their well-being and state of homelessness. The study showed that the failed expectations from the previous census deterred the homeless persons from continued participation in the exercise. In conclusion, the study suggests the need for government to ensure the translation of census data into development to boost public confidence in census participation and outcome. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most institutions adopt deliberate methods of intervention for managing their legitimacy, particularly under conditions of a crisis. Maintaining legitimacy is therefore significant in institutional research, and the question of how social actors defend and protect their institution in the face of legitimacy judgement attacks is empirically significant. This study explores a green technology innovation scheme that engulfed a whole governance system, leading to a financial crisis, deterioration in public confidence, and the collapse of a devolved government. It identifies three types of legitimacy attacks that evolve throughout the crisis, and cooptation strategies institutions can apply to shore up and maintain dimensions of their legitimacy. The institutional analysis of the scheme crisis identifies that legitimacy attacks occur when an institution: (i) morally falters; (ii) relationally disconnects; (iii) instrumentally disregards. The findings, moreover, uniquely identify three institutional cooptation strategies, which can halt and avert threats in the face of such legitimacy attacks. These cooptation strategies include: (i) warranting transparency; (ii) streamlining communality; (iii) accepting responsibility. This demonstrates the inhabited nature of institutions and how they can regain legitimacy in the face of disruptive attacks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses data from six rounds of the European Social Survey (ESS), between 2004 and 2016, to examine attitudes towards European integration across countries. Using both individual responses and country-level variables, we analyse factors influencing Euroscepticism; how these factors are changing over time; and whether they may signal a latent potential for Brexit-like outcomes in different countries. Controlling for a unique combination of demographic, political and macroeconomic factors, we find individuals with higher levels of income and education, and those with more left-leaning political views to be more supportive of European integration, while those who are older and right-leaning to be less supportive. Using predicted values from our empirical analysis, we find median voters' attitudes diverging across European countries over time, with an increasing number of countries moving closer to the threshold values observed among voters in the United Kingdom in 2016. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Power-sharing is a recognized strategy for reaching durable settlements among rivals. However, power-sharing arrangements are often violated when one side grabs power. We examine public perceptions of power-sharing versus power-grabbing in the context of local policing in Mosul, Iraq. In a survey experiment, we investigate if -individuals believe that security in Mosul, in the aftermath of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) occupation, is enhanced or reduced under power-sharing versus power-grabbing treatments, which vary the authority held by distinct factions of the counter-ISIS coalition. The public is more likely to support power-grabbing than power-sharing in matters of policing and security. In the case of power-grabbing, there are also important moderating effects of conflict-related victimization. Unlike nonvictims who favor ingroup power-grabbing to enhance local -sectarian control, victims place a premium on stability, welcoming even external, out-group control over power-sharing among groups who might be at odds. Our results underscore the challenges of institutionalizing power-sharing mechanisms for peacebuilding after conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research analyzes the effectiveness of public support for innovation in the form of matching grants on productivity and on R&D intensity of manufacturing and service firms in Colombia, paying special attention to the impact of those funds aimed specifically at strengthening the innovation system. Results show that firms that received public funds for innovation have obtained significant improvements in productivity and have made greater efforts in R&D activities (compared to firms that did not receive matching grants). This suggests that public funds devoted to strengthening linkages among the different actors in the innovation system and to providing financial incentives to invest in R&D activities are effective mechanisms in the development of absorptive capacities, ultimately affecting both the learning process and the competitiveness of firms. These findings are particularly relevant for the design of public policies in developing countries, where innovation is a necessary condition for catching-up and economic upgrading. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates how balanced news coverage, presenting both the positive and negative aspects of artificial intelligence (AI), may lead to attitudinal changes among the public when it is paired with different temporal frames. Different construal levels associated with temporal distance and evaluations of pros and cons provide a theoretical grounding to understand these dynamics. The results of an online experiment showed that exposure to the near-future temporal framing of AI (vs. distant-future temporal framing) induced greater perceived severity of AI risks. This, in turn, decreased public support for AI development and use. The indirect effect was conditional upon message order such that the effect was only significant when the message was presented in the risk/benefit order. The findings suggest that non-refutational two-sided frames reflecting journalistic norms of balance may lead to public opinion change because the accompanying temporal frames unwittingly impact which side people put more weight on. Thus, the selection of sources and the use of time reference need to be carefully vetted by journalists when reporting controversial science and technology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cyber operations as a facet of international competition pose a direct challenge to alliances. Designed to respond to conventional military attacks, alliances like the North Atlantic Treaty Organization must now determine whether their defensive commitments extend into cyberspace. This question is not limited to political and military elites, as the use of force in defense of allies is among the most politically charged decisions a state can make and relies significantly on public support. This article extends recent public opinion literature on cyber conflict to investigate public attitudes towards existing treaty commitments following a destructive cyber operation against an allied state. Using a survey experiment involving United States nationals, we find that while participants are sensitive to treaty obligations, these effects are moderated by individual factors like domain expertise. Furthermore, we observe that specific aggressor-ally dyads tied to geographic regions can shape public preferences, with participants being more reactive to Europe-based scenarios than comparable treatments in Asia. Las operaciones cibernéticas, como una faceta de la competencia internacional, plantean un desafío directo a las alianzas. Aunque fueron diseñadas para responder a ataques militares convencionales, alianzas como la Organización del Tratado del Atlántico Norte deben determinar ahora cómo se traducen sus compromisos defensivos en el ámbito digital. Esta cuestión no está limitada a las élites políticas y militares, ya que el uso de la fuerza para la defensa de los aliados es una de las decisiones con mayor carga política que puede tomar un Estado y depende en gran medida del apoyo público. Este artículo amplía la literatura reciente, en materia de opinión pública, sobre conflictos cibernéticos con el fin de investigar las actitudes públicas hacia los compromisos de los tratados existentes después de una operación cibernética destructiva contra un Estado aliado. Descubrimos, mediante el uso de un experimento de encuesta en el que participaron ciudadanos estadounidenses, que, si bien los participantes son sensibles a las obligaciones de los tratados, estos efectos están moderados por factores individuales como la experiencia en el dominio. Además, observamos que las díadas específicas agresor-aliado que están vinculadas a regiones geográficas pueden dar forma a las preferencias del público, y que los participantes son más reactivos a los escenarios que tienen lugar en Europa que a aquellos comparables en Asia. Les cyberopérations, facettes de la concurrence internationale, présentent un défi direct pour les alliances. Conçues pour répondre aux attaques militaires conventionnelles, les alliances comme l'Organisation du Traité de l'Atlantique Nord doivent aujourd'hui déterminer comment leurs engagements défensifs se traduisent dans le domaine numérique. Cette question ne se limite pas aux élites politique et militaire, car l'usage de la force pour défendre des alliés compte parmi les décisions les plus polémiques qu'un État peut prendre. Or, elles reposent en grande partie sur le soutien public. Cet article s'inscrit dans le prolongement de la littérature récente sur l'opinion publique en matière de cyberconflits. Il s'intéresse à l'attitude de la population à l'égard des engagements existants par traité à la suite d'une cyberopération destructrice à l'encontre d'un État allié. À l'aide d'une expérience de sondage impliquant des citoyens américains, nous remarquons que bien que les participants soient sensibles aux obligations au titre de traités, leurs effets sont modérés par des facteurs personnels comme l'expertise au sein d'un domaine. De plus, nous remarquons que certaines dyades agresseur-allié au sein de régions spécifiques peuvent façonner les préférences de la population, les participants réagissant davantage à des scénarios basés en Europe qu'à des traitements comparables ayant lieu en Asie. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the scope conditions of the effect of individual political orientation on environmental beliefs, focusing on personal economic circumstances. Distinguishing between willingness and opportunity factors, it is argued that the positive effect of left-wing ideology on public support for environmental protection is more strongly pronounced when individuals' personal economic circumstances are better as potentially more costly regulations can be paid for. We test the theory using three different data sets from three different contexts: the German Longitudinal Election Study, the Cooperative Election Study (US), and Eurobarometer data. The analyses provide strong and robust evidence in line with our expectations. This research adds to our understanding of the role of political ideology as well as economic conditions in environmental public-opinion formation, and we shed light on the interactive influence of self-interest and political predisposition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, taking Serbia as a case study, we address the issue of how social movements in illiberal democracies adapted to the effects of the pandemic and the governmental responses. We show that, contrary to expectations, these social movements have intensified their activities and visibility and adapted their agenda during the crisis. Our research studies two movements dealing with socio-economic issues – the right to housing and the right to food as particularly active during pandemics. While the pandemic further constrained the possibility for collective action, these social movements have quickly shifted their priorities towards solidarity with the most vulnerable groups, engaged directly with citizens, and pragmatically approached the polarized media environment, mobilizing broad public support. This finding indicates that social movements in illiberal democracies can exhibit resilience and adaptability to rapidly changing circumstances, even though questions about their sustainability and the attainability of their goals persist. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The persistent accusations about the Internet's role in spreading pro-gay attitudes, the prevalence of media censorship across Central Asia and activists' frequent use of the Internet all raise important questions about online influence on public opinion regarding non-heterosexual people in Central Asia. So far, there is little research on the question of what impact the popularization of the Internet has on Central Asians' tolerance toward queer people. The purpose of this study is to examine if and how people's frequent exposure to information on their smartphone influences their opinion of LGBTQs in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan. The research draws on the Asia Barometer Survey Wave 4 (2005) and the World Values Survey Wave 6 (2014) and Wave 7 (2022) country data files on Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The use of gestational surrogacy as a means of family construction is on the rise, and several legislatures and governments across the globe are currently considering repealing prohibitions on the process. Little is known about the public's attitudes towards this means of conception used by both opposite-sex and same-sex couples. In this paper, I present original experimental evidence from Britain to demonstrate the prevalent role of homonegativity in shaping preferences for surrogacy. Empirically, I leverage a pre-registered experiment to model the independent and combined effects of homonegativity and parasocial (celebrity) contact on support for commercial gestational surrogacy. On average, citizens are largely supportive of the practice. Experimental manipulations, however, provide robust causal evidence that homonegative discrimination exhibits a sizeable negative effect on support for the policy, while exposure to celebrity reliance on surrogacy provides mixed effects. Isolating the underlying causal mechanisms via which treatment assignment shapes outcomes, quantitative text analysis of open-ended survey responses establishes that assignment to different treatment conditions actively influences survey respondents' explicit reasoning for their revealed preferences, providing additional purchase to causal interpretations of the experimental exposure [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite various initiatives to promote the Olympic Games, achieving a support rate of at least 50% in an Olympic referendum remains difficult. Thus, the International Olympic Committee (IOC) reoriented the Games' strict organization with the Olympic Agenda 2020, anticipating increased resident approval for the event. This study is the first to quantitatively assess whether implementing the Olympic Agenda's recommendations could impact residents' support. A survey collected the expectations for the Olympic Winter Games from 664 residents of Tyrol (Austria) before the 2026 Innsbruck Olympic referendum. Residents' support was modeled as a binary dependent variable using logistic regression. Considering the 2026 Innsbruck Olympic referendum as the baseline scenario, a simulation estimated the potential impact of the Olympic Agenda recommendations on residents' support. The findings indicate that decreasing the expected financial burden, infrastructural costs, and particularly corruption, as well as strengthening intangible effects, such as residents' trust in the IOC, could hypothetically turn the rejected 2026 Innsbruck referendum into a positive one with a support rate above 50%. Even if the Olympic Agenda is a beneficial first step, the IOC must regain the public's trust, implement the proposed recommendations and adequately communicate them to increase public support for the Olympic Games. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Decarbonization policies require public support to be implemented and to remain in legislation. Examinations of public support for climate policies tend to focus on a small number of policy instruments and/or use hypothetical instead of real policy proposals. Here, we address these criticisms by examining public support across four distinct policy instruments – command-and-control, market-based, information-based, and voluntary – using sixteen policy proposals by UK political parties and government institutions. In addition to assessing UK national policy support, we also explore regional differences. Using a representative sample of the UK population (N = 1,911), we find that, at a national level, individuals preferred instruments shown to be less effective in reaching net-zero: information-based and voluntary policies. Our results indicate that the extent to which individuals believe in the free market, their environmental worldviews and political party support as well as their age are all correlated with policy support. We find stark regional differences where, compared to individuals living in Greater London, those living in the remainder of the country were 32% and 30% less likely to support command-and-control and market-based policies, respectively (among other regional differences). Regional variations in free-market beliefs and population density partly explain differences in policy support. We propose policymakers focus on place-based initiatives to increase support for decarbonization policies that are more effective in reaching net-zero and on improving the perception of market-based and command-and-control policies through positive framing and policy bundles. The majority of the UK public supports all climate policy instruments (command-and-control, market-based, information-based, and voluntary) regardless of their stringency. More stringent decarbonization policies (command-and-control and market-based instruments) received less public support compared to more lenient policies (information-based and voluntary). Population density as a structural factor helps to explain regional variation and points to the crucial role of improving public infrastructure, particularly in more rural areas. Free-market beliefs are associated with regional and individual variations in support and stress the need for overcoming ideological barriers. Income was found to influence support for less stringent (e.g. information-based) instruments, but was not associated with support for regulatory and market-based instruments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Air pollution is a pressing concern for the Chinese government. While an increase in public concern about air pollution can be politically costly for the regime, we show that the Chinese government proactively utilizes the news media to increase public awareness of air pollution instead of suppressing relevant information. By analyzing media coverage of air pollution by 161 government-controlled and commercially-oriented newspapers between 2000 and 2017, we find that government-controlled newspapers provide more extensive coverage of air pollution than commercially-oriented newspapers. This tendency has become more pronounced since China declared its war on air pollution. Automated text analysis further demonstrates that the news media under government control emphasized the government's response to air pollution, while diverting attention away from the negative health effects of air pollution. The analysis suggests that an authoritarian government can strategically use the news media to enhance public support for pollution mitigation strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Divestment is a prominent strategy championed by activists to induce positive social change. For example, the current fossil fuel divestment movement includes over 1,500 institutions that control $40 trillion in assets. A primary pathway through which divestment is theorized to be effective is by influencing public beliefs and policy preferences, thus pressuring policymakers to take action. However, prior research only tests this argument via qualitative case studies. We assess the impact of exposure to information about fossil fuel divestment on public opinion through the use of national survey experiments in three major greenhouse gas emitters: the U.S., India, and South Africa. We find surprisingly little evidence that exposure to information about the fossil fuel divestment movement can increase public support for policies that address climate change. Our findings suggest that divestment movements may be less effective at changing beliefs and policy preferences than previously realized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]