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Through the complementarity principle of the International Criminal Court, international criminal law enforcement is transferred from international courts to national courts. This has led to an increase of international actors' focus on national courts to achieve international criminal justice. The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) presents a significant example to examine the prosecution of international crimes by national courts and international actors' support to Congolese legal system to promote complementarity and international criminal justice. International actors provide assistance to mobile hearings to prosecute international crimes and to implement complementarity at the national level in the eastern DRC. This article explores mobile hearings through their role in implementing complementarity in the DRC and international and national influences on mobile hearings regarding the prosecution of international crimes. The main argument is that although mobile hearings are significant to bring justice closer to local communities and increase the visibility of justice in remote and rural areas, their independence is in question as a result of the selective interest of international actors and political interferences coming from Congolese political and military elites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the 1950s and 60s, Lester Pearson came to see international assistance as central to Canada's constructive international engagement. Yet how Canada's greatest diplomat became a key architect of, and advocate for, international assistance remains relatively unexplored. This paper aims to chart the evolution of Pearson's thinking regarding international assistance, in a presentation organized chronologically around the major chapters of Pearson's career. It enhances the narrative of a storied political career, consolidates Pearson's thinking on a critical issue and provides historical insight relevant to contemporary official development assistance policy-making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research examines the clean development mechanism (CDM) in order to overcome the limits that exist in the conventional financing methods for North Korea's development. In examining North Korea's CDM projects implemented thus far, it is found that the use of the CDM as a financing platform for North Korea's development is taking place at a very low level. However, if North Korea applies this framework effectively, it can expect additional financial inflows and technology transfer. Especially with regard to financial inflows, the diverse finances used in the implementation of CDM projects can also be adopted into North Korean CDM projects. Moreover, the adoption methods are expected to be more innovative than the conventional finance for development (FfD) methods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the Oslo Accords were signed between Israel and the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) in September 1993, the international community has supported civil policing programmes. It has done so as part of its development commitments to Palestinian state-building. Such programmes were, until the outbreak of the second Intifada in 2000, largely regarded as successful in terms of supporting the establishment of a Palestinian civil police (PCP). Such programmes were essentially Western imported models which loosely mixed community and public order policing approaches. With re-engagement in the Palestinian security sector (PSS) in the West Bank in 2007, the international community has once again sought to play a major role in PSS reform. This role includes supporting rehabilitation and retraining of the PCP as a principal institution of state-building. Such activities alongside the so-called transformation efforts within the wider realm of the PSS have re-established as their goal law and order. Within the transformation agenda, there are inherent demands with respect to Israel and the Palestinian National Authority's security and counterterrorism agendas. This analysis examines these activities, and accompanying political intent to contend that such approaches are undermining principles of democratic policing including civil police primacy (CPP). CPP reinforces police universality and means supporting rule of law by putting security under governmental control with proper mechanisms of accountability. This article argues that support to the security sector in the West Bank has increasingly only paid lip service or sought to subvert normative approaches to democratic policing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With continuing challenges facing the international presence in Afghanistan, the need to secure local legitimacy, or ‘winning heart and minds’ of the local population is gaining increasing foothold in contemporary policy-making and academic debate on international intervention. However, knowledge of how international actors in the field understand local legitimacy remains limited. The purpose of this article is to take a first cut at examining how the two leading actors of international intervention – the UN and NATO – frame the issue of local legitimacy in Afghanistan, and to evaluate the potential impact of these findings on the prospects of inter-organizational coordination in the field. Based on a qualitative comparative analysis of statements issued in UN SC Resolutions, SC Debates, and S-G Reports (2001–2011) and NATO Declarations and Opinions (2003–2011), the study finds that the UN and NATO frame the issue of local legitimacy in surprisingly similar ways. However, the framing appears problematic in terms of how it depicts the relationship between the international presence and the Afghan state and its people. To illustrate, both the UN and NATO tend to externalize the issue of local legitimacy by linking it to the strength of the Afghan state rather than to the quality and effectiveness of international assistance and furthermore do not explicitly recognize Afghan civilians to have any autonomous influence on the level of local legitimacy. Instead, civilians are only portrayed to affect the level of legitimacy indirectly as the victims of insurgent or coalition attacks. The results of the study thus indicate a lack of awareness and self-criticism within the international intervention apparatus towards the potential pitfalls of international assistance, and it signals a lack of attention paid to the agency of local Afghans, which stands the risk of jeopardizing prospects for international civil–military coordination with Afghan stakeholders. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article investigates the impact of international efforts to cultivate effective and authoritative local governing institutions in the Western Balkans, a prime testing ground for democratization aid to post-war states. It explores three hypotheses, each of which argues that a particular approach of international actors toward domestic officials best improves the quality of local governance. The study's gathering of interview and survey data from field-based actors enables it to evaluate local government reforms' impact on domestic communities. This investigation arrives at three findings. First, in the view of Western Balkan peoples, local governance reforms do not produce benefits when they are either imposed or ignored by international authorities. Secondly, reforms produce benefits for local communities when they are designed to meet domestic concerns. More specifically, reforms valued by local communities are designed in ways that respond to domestic, rather than international, concepts of good local governance that emphasize socioeconomic aspects and produce tangible benefits. Well designed reforms also include significant aid targeting local governance that is coupled with the promise of a larger political settlement that is attractive to powerful domestic elites and contingent on clearly articulated local governance reforms. Thirdly, such aid best characterises European Union efforts only in Macedonia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From an examination of the impact of international civil-society-building programmes on Czech environmental movement organisations (EMOs), it is clear that international influence left a deep imprint on eastern European civil societies. It did not however curb opportunities for environmental political activism, as supposed by an important part of the traditional scholarship, but instead helped create a particular form of activism based on advocacy organisations capable of staging political protest when necessary. While international donors have clearly channelled activist organisations towards professionalisation, this process has not necessarily been accompanied by de-politicisation and de-radicalisation of activist organisations. In fact, drawing on quantitative as well as qualitative data, employing protest event analysis and the small-N comparative method, it appears that activists dependent on foreign funding have often displayed a more assertive stance in political conflicts than their domestically embedded counterparts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the current state and a challenge faced by teachers and teacher education in Vietnam, and analyzes international aid projects providing support to teacher education there. It is necessary to grasp changes in teacher education in Vietnam in the context of the current comprehensive reform of education, which has been greatly influenced by world trends. In Vietnam today, improving the quality of basic education has been given a high priority, in line with the global movement for Education for All (EFA). The main task for improving the quality of education in Vietnam is the effective implementation of the new curriculum adopted in 2002. Teacher education is the key to completing this task. It is important for teachers to learn new methods of instruction, and teacher education needs to be strengthened to allow them to acquire these new methods. A great deal of international assistance is provided for the promotion of this type of teacher education. Projects in this area are provided by the World Bank, Belgium, and Japan. This paper analyzes these projects, and examines the challenges facing international assistance for teacher education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The goal of reforming policing systems in transitional, conflict-torn, and failed states has become a major focus of donor assistance projects, for without effective, efficient, equitable, and accountable policing wider social, economic, and political development is not likely to be sustained. Although a large reform literature, written by members of a global police policy community, has been generated, few long-range improvements can be pointed out. We argue that this failure to have a stronger impact through aid and assistance has resulted mainly from the priority of donor over recipient interests, lack of knowledge about policing, non-appreciation of the complexities of local security conditions, and the inability to link conceptual advice to the practicalities of implementation. We suggest some changes in how policing reforms should be approached. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]