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While Ernst B. Haas is recognized among European integration scholars as a founding figure of neo-functionalism, his later writing on nationalism is less known to European integration scholars. I contribute to this special issue by discussing Haas' later work on liberal nationalism and by reflecting on its insights for the study of collective identities in the European Union today. In a nutshell, Haas expected that (1) national and supranational identities are inherently rational and the expression of a deliberate choice, (2) citizens shift their identities from the national to the European level due to utilitarian considerations, (3) nationalism is not per se destructive, but it comes in many moulds and can be the basis for the international community. I argue that Haas' emphasis on rational and deliberate identity choice clashes with our current understanding of identity as implicit and subliminal. Moreover, his optimism is challenged by the rise of radical-right-wing parties who have successfully mobilized exclusive nationalist identities against European integration. On the other hand, Haas' emphasis on the double-edged nature of collective identity is an important reminder that also European identity, while striving to overcome exclusive nationalism, can reify its exclusiveness at the supranational level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through an investigation of representations of the Other and ancient Chinese collective identity in classical Chinese texts, this paper offers a new perspective to modern discourse surrounding the ‘distinctions between barbarians and Chinese’ (yixia zhi bian 夷夏之辨). Providing a historical analysis of terms and tropes related to the in-group Huaxia and out-group rongdi (barbarian Other) from the Shang to the Han dynasties, it is argued that increasingly abstracted representations of the Other functioned in promoting identification and solidarity with an increasingly unified Huaxia. Rather than reading depictions of the rongdi as merely a reflection of how the ancient Chinese perceived the out-group, terms that function as the ‘generalized barbarian’ are interpreted as recursive reflections of how the Huaxia in-group understood the Huaxia themselves, offering a glimpse into what was implicitly regarded as characteristic, distinctive, or even sacred to Huaxia collective identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the emergence and development of a social movement community among LGBTQ population. Drawing on the case of the LGBTQ movement in South Korea between 1993 and 2019 from a longitudinal perspective, we identify the relational dynamics of how different movement groups avoid internal frictions and successfully develop a movement community. Our findings suggest that, as a response to repeated repressive external events, LGBTQ groups have formed and maintained collaborative networks based on a common identity as “sexual minorities.” By examining the networks of movement coalitions, we also identify key movement groups that played a critical role in connecting other groups with disparate sexual and gender identities within the community. These bridging actors were either the pioneering gay and lesbian groups that have collaborated since the 1990s or the new groups founded around inclusive collective identities such as “sexual minorities” or “queers.” Implications for the studies on social movements and homosexuality are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Protesting government tuition increases in 2012, Quebec university and college students participated in collective action that they contentiously characterized as a ‘strike.’ While oppositional actors insisted students were boycotting classes – not striking – student activists claimed legal and cultural justifications for their action. This paper asks: How did Quebec student activists discursively characterize and legitimize their protest tactic as a strike? How did this discourse – and opponents’ counter-discourse – structure the terms of the debate within higher education institutions? Using discourse analysis of student newspapers and organizers’ first-hand accounts of the strike, this paper argues that striking students developed a discursive repertoire constituted by two components: they linked their action to a collective identity with a historical legacy of striking and adopted collective action frames that characterized the action as disruptive and collective. While the debate within higher education institutions centred around legitimacy, it was deeply rooted in contestation over individualism versus collectivism and the ongoing neo-liberalization of higher education. Through the case of the 2012 student strike, I propose employing collective identity and collective action frames together in a dialogic framework of discursive repertoires, thereby providing analytical clarity to this concept for social movement scholarship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 2016 and 2019, South Korean conservatives organized a movement called the T'aegŭkki Rallies to oppose the impeachment of President Park Geun-hye and to protest against President Moon Jae-in's administration. This movement is puzzling for its timing, demographic composition, and rhetorical choices. Through in-depth interviews with rally participants and non-participants, I illustrate that a collective identity, shaped by authoritarian socialization, strengthened with positive memories about an authoritarian past, combined to mobilize rally participants. Curiously, rally participants saw themselves as defenders of liberal democracy, protecting South Korea against progressive forces seeking to turn the country into a communist state. However, my interviews revealed that they were, in fact, trying to protect the authoritarian past. In this manner, South Korea's authoritarian legacy entrenches ideological polarization and hampers common understandings of democratic citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

People on the move are increasingly immobilised between and within state borders, having left 'there' but not allowed to be fully 'here'. This paper presents a nuanced examination of this state of enforced in--betweenness, exploring how refugees and other migrants negotiate collective existence through, despite, and alongside liminality. Drawing on ethnographic data collected at a Swiss Red Cross psychotraumatology centre, the study identifies factors that impede and facilitate the formation of collective identities, with temporal and spatial liminality emerging as the most central collective experience for refugees and other migrants. The findings illustrate how therapists reinforce these bonds by fostering an idealised sense of therapeutic communitas that promotes unity in adversity. However, the paper refrains from reducing the collective significance of liminality to a mere act of defiance. Instead, it critically reflects on how refugees and other migrants forge collective connections within politically and legally imposed disconnection. It accounts for the paradox of refugees and other migrants making collective lives in liminality while confronting the always-imminent possibility of this very liminality dismantling their lives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractThis article explores the multifaceted role of protest anthems in social movements, emphasizing their dual function as powerful expressions and integral components of socio-political activism within the broader context of symbolic forms, political practices, and material realities, while acknowledging their potential to drive political change. The study examines three feminist protest anthems: Un violador en tu camino from Chile, Baraye from Iran, and Quiet from the United States, which have gained traction through social media platforms. The study draws on trauma, collective identity, and feminist solidarity to reveal the social and political landscapes in which these anthems emerged. It also examines the social wounds they mourn, the blend of verbal and non-verbal elements used to convey mourning and trauma, the collective responses they provoke, and their implications for communities. The article argues that feminist protest anthems are vital cultural and political artifacts that offer feminist collectives a means to address social injuries and their causes, fostering communities and catalyzing social change by invoking shared experiences of a painful past. Ultimately, these protest anthems are discursive practices promoting solidarity, mobilizing against prevailing discourses perpetuating societal injuries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Advantageously, smaller regional wineries need to differentiate themselves, but also need to build partnerships with their local competitors in order to develop regional brand identity. Wineries will form geographical strategic groups to create a common identity and communicate with buyers through digital storytelling. Regional wineries that perform this strategy have the advantage of collectively drawing customers into the region before attempting to distinguish themselves individually. This paper is to conceptually demonstrate the benefits of strategic groups and how they operate via digital storytelling methods. Oftentimes, regional winery groups can craft a collective identity that provides benefits, such as mutual trust and reputation. More importantly, the collective identity is done as a strategic group to reinforce authenticity to the individual wineries' digital storytelling, to connect with buyers. Through a strategic group lens, we attempt to understand how collective winery groups use digital storytelling to create authenticity and enhance individual efforts. We investigate these efforts via regional wine collectives to understand authenticity development through digital storytelling. We introduce examples of wineries utilizing digital storytelling within their regions as a justification to study these concepts in the winery business. A call to empirically investigate winery strategic groups at a regional level is presented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The changing contours of Morocco's involvement in the inter-Arab system over nearly a century was largely instrumental. It was driven by both "realist" concerns and domestic political issues related to fundamental matters of regime legitimacy and societal cohesion, i.e. the very nature of Moroccan national identity. With the decline of Arabism's political salience, and a monarch who preferred to keep a low profile in Arab affairs, Morocco's relations with Arab Mashriq countries became increasingly devoid of traditional markers of Arab solidarity and brotherhood. Domestically, the emergence of the Amazigh factor led to Morocco's collective identity becoming a renewed subject of contention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Central to the growth and visibility of conspiracy theory QAnon is the #SaveTheChildren movement – a digital social movement aimed to bring awareness to and end child trafficking. This paper analyzes the #SaveTheChildren movement on image-sharing platform Instagram, where the hashtag (and related others) had to be shielded by the platform because of its association with QAnon. A thematic analysis of #SaveTheChildren posts examines the motivations, tactics, and desired outcomes of the movement. Emergent themes highlight the pervasive spread of misinformation regarding human trafficking and the ideological, political, and social motivations of posters. Drawing on shared reality theory and social identity theory, we argue that the movement represents a 'networked moral panic' and explore the structural limitations of digital social movements in an era of information disorder. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Interested in the modern transformation of religious events, I discussed the 12th World Zoroastrian Congress, held in New York City in 2022, as a social construct. The Congress is the most important Zoroastrian community festival, held every four or five years since 1960 and perceived as a platform to strengthen the sense of belonging and interact with co-religionists from all over the world. Based on a qualitative methodology, I analysed it as a transnational gathering that oriented attendees to a specific vision of the cultural program and Zoroastrian collective identity – multifaceted, constantly negotiated and transformed, referring to universalistic values, emphasising equality and inclusivity, and challenging essentialised identities that were popular among previous generations. I demonstrated how the event promoted the identity characteristics of modern religious diasporic communities and was open to marginalised or excluded groups such as women or people born outside traditional Zoroastrian families. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Places play a crucial role in the formation of both individual and collective identities. This article seeks to specify how a collective identity is constructed and sustained on the basis of the emotional bonds that the members of the group grow to the place. Drawing on the basic tenets of symbolic interactionism, the article argues that in order to function as the foundation of a group identity, a place needs to be perceived as a meaningful object of particular value. Furthermore, the article argues that the meaningfulness of the place occurs through the articulation of a narrative of uniqueness, that, drawing on the bulk of shared place-related life experiences, celebrates the special character of the place in question and shores up its unique meaning and value. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study provides a comparative analysis of collective meaning-making processes by unpacking activists' discourses (within and in relation to their polis) and online (on Facebook) during the financial, post-financial, and COVID-19 crises in Greece (2011–2021). By analyzing 71 semi-structured interviews with activists and 14,475 Facebook posts, we first evaluate actors' identity progression, then identify the differences and commonalities between activists' discourses attached to their collectivity, by investigating the role of Facebook therein. Our findings indicate that activists' efforts to delimitate their identity, primarily around the detachment of citizens from their polis, paved the way for the (re)invention of the meaning-making practices of each collectivity. Thus, the formation of an overarching identity of the citizen as an activist-subject unites subjects over power struggles, despite their political differences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Persistent activism has mostly been discussed in the context of Western socio-political and religious movements, where it is attributed to organizational and inter-personal networks and the development of identities and solidarities. Studies of persistent environmental activism are rare in countries that lack durable mobilizing structures. This study explores, for the first time, persistent anti-littering activism in an infrequently studied social and political setting, Iran. This allows us to assess the applicability of social movement findings from western cases to a non-western context. Drawing on in-depth interviews with eighteen persistent Iranian anti-littering activists we find that cosmopolitanism, which de-naturalizes pollution and littering, is a key motivating factor. Persistent anti-littering activism involves overcoming the difficulties of participation by finding pleasures in generating, together, a pragmatic identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Eastern Europe has seen considerable social, economic and political upheaval since 1989. Migration has been an important element of this change, with the removal of restrictions enabling individuals to move in search of opportunities. Resulting patterns of internal migration rest on a longer history of movement, linked to the communist-era pursuit of economic development and modernization. Proximity to Western Europe has seen some regions receive greater migrant flows, leading to resentment and distancing among the resident population. Focusing on rural settlements in the Banat region, southwestern Romania, this article examines how receiving communities perceive the effects of internal migration. The findings suggest entrenched stereotypes established during the communist-era remain prominent in patterns of stigmatization and maintenance of social distance. They also point to underlying tensions between the desire to protect local culture and tradition, while ensuring the continued viability of small settlements in the face of threats of depopulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years feminist movements have increasingly employed the form and rhetoric of strikes in framing their protests. The rise of the women's strike movement has been seen as an indicator of an invigorated wave of feminist activism that focuses, to a greater extent, on structural economic injustices. The aim of this article is to provide a historical aspect to the growing research on strikes as a multifaceted form of protest. The article analyses articulations of collective identity, solidarity, and sisterhood in two different kinds of 'women's strikes' that took place in the Nordic region during the mid-1970s; the ASAB cleaners' strikes in Sweden during 1974–1975 and the Icelandic Women's Day Off that took place on October 24, 1975. The article explores how the relationship between gender and class was conceptualized by participants, organizers, and bystanders. We employ these cases to study how solidarity and sisterhood across differences among women might have appeared in practice while at the same time reflecting internal tensions and varying interests. Moreover, the article reflects on the specific form of the strikes and the potential impact their respective form might have had on the political articulations that came out of them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract Beyond its popular characterisation as an “anti-monarchy youth movement,” Thailand’s 2020–2021 pro-democracy movement brought together a diverse range of agendas, including feminism, poverty, and education reform along with shared political demands. This article explores these different agendas, their relationship to the protests, and their implications for the collective identity of democracy protestors. Drawing from 17 in-depth interviews with protestors, it was found that the protests were not only a platform to express political positions but also for pedagogical socialisation, where protestors learned about different social issues and the struggles of other protestors. These processes led them to understand authoritarianism and democracy with a structural lens, where in addition to authoritarian government and the monarchy, the protestors aim to uproot various institutions exercising practices or cultures resembling that of the authoritarian regime. Their understanding of democracy was similarly expansive, going beyond parliamentary politics to accommodate issues within their daily lived experience. The protestors retained a sense of solidarity by conceiving of democracy as necessarily entailing a diversity of views and subsequently disagreements and conflicts. The protestors’ structural approach means the 2020–2021 protests were unique and a novel development from previous protests in Thailand. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In contrast to academic and popular accounts that present generational characteristics from the outside, in a top-down manner, we explore how Gen Z constructs, narrates, and projects itself in real-time on TikTok—a prominent social media platform, dominated by Gen Z, that provides a valuable window into youth experience and cultural production. Based on a thematic analysis of 1918 public videos tagged #GenZ, as well as salient comments posted on these videos, we aim to explore inductively how Gen Z collectively portrays itself on TikTok. Our findings illustrate how, via creative processes of both internal and external self-definition, Gen Z portrays itself as a generation of contrasts: powerful and self-assured, yet vulnerable and damaged. Videos embrace a playful self-reflexivity about time that embodies Gen Z's self-awareness, sense of unity, and collective spirit. This research contributes to our understanding of both generational identity and youth social media participation; sitting at the intersection of these two bodies of knowledge, it facilitates a nuanced understanding of youth self-representation, online collective expression, and multimodal communication practices on a critically understudied social media platform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research has suggested social media use plays an important role in forming collective identity among marginalized groups. From the online social support perspective, this study aims to explore the relationship between social media use and collective identity of HIV/AIDS-affected adolescents. A field survey was conducted in Wen Lou village (a famous Chinese 'AIDS Village') and valid questionnaires were completed by the HIV/AIDS-affected adolescents. A linear regression analysis was conducted to detect how demographic variables, social media use and online social support predict the collective identity of the HIV/AIDS-affected adolescents. For social media use, △R2 = 0.157, p <.05; and for online social support, △R2 = 0.358, p <.001, specifically for instrumental support, β =.281, p <.05. Preference for social media use and online social support positively predict their collective identity, but social media use intensity negatively predicts their collective identity. There are no significant differences in the levels of social media use intensity, preference for social media use, online social support and collective identity between different genders of the HIV/AIDS-affected adolescents. The level of 'ideology' is quite low, many participants did not show negative emotions for being a member of the 'AIDS Village' adolescents, or show hatred to people outside the 'AIDS Village'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the COVID-19 pandemic, loosely affiliated protesters came together around the slogan ‘freedom’ in the online and physical places of anti-lockdown protests. These protesters held shared grievances against official health advice and social distancing measures. Although the slogan freedom emotionally validated protesters, they articulated a diverse set of interrelated motivations, identifications, and beliefs with this slogan. This paper studies the ways the collective identity of the anti-lockdown protests in the UK was formed, relying on 33 go-along interviews and ethnographic observations in London anti-lockdown protests. The findings, first, show that protesters came together around an anti-political identity, which reflected a larger political alienation from the political system. Their strong emotions of anger and ressentiment towards official health advice and social distancing measures and their distrust towards elites, political institutions, and mainstream media created a shared sense of ‘we-ness’. Second, the paper uncovers how the feeling of solidarity amongst protesters in London did not only originate from online platforms despite the increase in Internet use during the pandemic, but it was also materialized in local neighbourhoods, which fed larger anti-lockdown protests in physical spaces and online publics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on the literature of social movements and emotions, this article analyses a case of the union-led movement against outsourcing in the UK. Our focus is on the emotional processes of collective identity formation and the movement culture of new grassroot unions, addressing the themes of movement culture, collective identity and political solidarity. Data consists of participant observations, interviews, and additional website and media material. The results show that the movement culture of the new grassroot unions is characterised by direct action and a collective identity based on a proud re-centring of BAME workers as subjects of labour struggles. Key emotional processes consist of sharing emotions of humiliation, anger, and exclusion, but also joy and feelings of solidarity. A crucial part of the movement's expansion is due to the construction of political solidarity and coalition-building. The results demonstrate the importance of heeding the crucial mobilising power of shared emotions in the analysis of new labour unions. The article contributes to labour movement research with an enhanced understanding of immaterial claims on dignity, respect and care, alongside the cognitivist focus on material work conditions and labour rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migrant activists with precarious legal status mobilize against border regimes in Berlin under the label of 'refugees'. They engage in a classification struggle through which they disrupt the legal notion of refugee by reappropriating an externally assigned category. Their struggle is crucial because legal status categories produce an exclusionary system in which only some migrants can obtain residence rights as well as other rights. I contend that migrants, in the context of their mobilization, collectively interpret their structural position vis-a-vis border regimes, characterized by oppression and exclusion. This collective interpretation is associated with the emergence of a refugee* collective identity that disrupts the legal notion of refugee. I argue that migrants mobilize under the label of 'refugee' not only for strategic reasons but also because of their shared beliefs regarding the unfairness of the asylum system. The refugee* collective identity not only disrupts exclusionary legal status categories but also interrupts some of the divisions among migrants that border regimes produce. This article contributes to showing that while migrant activism takes place in a political field that is not chosen by migrants, it has an impact on the regulatory framework that characterizes that political field. Moreover, my findings emphasize the importance of the connections between structural forms of oppression, including regulatory frameworks and classificatory systems, and collective identity processes emerging in the mobilization of subaltern groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although gay-related rejection sensitivity (RS) is associated with social anxiety among sexual minority men, little is known about the incremental validity of gay-related RS scores and about moderators of the association between gay-related RS and social anxiety. Study 1 (N = 114) showed that gay-related RS added to the prediction of social anxiety symptoms over and beyond personal RS. Study 2 (N = 254) showed that sexual identity strength moderated the associations between gay-related RS and the expected count of current social anxiety symptoms and the odds of social anxiety disorder diagnosis. Results lend support to the incremental validity of gay-related RS in predicting criterion variance and to the role of sexual identity strength in moderating sexual minority men's vulnerability to the mental health correlates of gay-related RS. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This empirical research investigates the uses of Twitter and long-term communication practices in the construction process of Occupy Gezi's collective identity since the eruption of the Gezi protests until the constitutional referendum campaign in 2017. This article emphasises the latent phase of the movement, by combining Melucci's processual and dynamic approach to collective identity with a practice-oriented ecological perspective to the media/movements studies. Based on in-depth interviews and the analysis of the common Twitter followings among the interviewees, this article provides empirical insights into the use of Twitter in the collective identity construction process through analysing its three main elements: (1) the identification of we and them, (2) development of informal networks and (3) expression and negotiation of collective identity. Extending the existing body of literature, which focus on instantaneous uses and short-term instances, it complements the research on the nexus of collective identity and social media, by focusing on the daily practices, motivations and experiences of the activists on Twitter in interaction with evolving media ecology and other actors in its local context. This study indicates the uses of Twitter and new communicative practices in the latent phase for the continuity of Occupy Gezi, in which they maintained, promoted and negotiated collective identity. Thus, they could still keep and pass the movement's repertoire, values, language and resistance culture to successors, even in the direct antagonistic confrontation of the authorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Deviant group members normally represent a threat to the group's collective identity. Paradoxically, however, because group processes themselves evoke dilution of the individual's identity, deviants may simultaneously play an important role in the group's identity consolidation. The group's relatedness with deviants is based on complex group and intergroup dynamics that influence not only the group's attitude toward the deviant but also what the deviant represents for the group. This article touches on what the deviant's role may be in a group's projective processes and how the group may use the deviant in an attempt to maintain its collective identity. At times, what may benefit the group may not be seen as such, whereas what may harm the group may be regarded as preferable. Some of the unconscious processes that may underpin such dynamics are also addressed along with the introduction of the concepts of advancing and depreciating deviants. The article also evaluates how the deviant's role for the group may change depending on the context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Homeland-construed perceptions of the diaspora can yield valuable insights into the discourse around the homeland's collective identity. I illustrate this claim using the debate surrounding the Kotel Compromise, a government plan designed to regulate pluralistic and non-Orthodox Jewish prayer at the Western Wall (Kotel in Hebrew). This plan has recently become a subject of contention between the State of Israel, where Orthodox Judaism has an institutional monopoly, and Diaspora Jews, many of whom identify with non-Orthodox Jewish denominations, such as Reform and Conservative Judaism. Drawing on protocols of the Knesset (Israeli parliament), I show how the different participants in this debate used their perceptions of Diaspora Jews not only to reaffirm external boundaries relating to Jewish peoplehood, but also to reconstruct internal boundaries relating to Judaism as religion. This paper suggests that analyzing homeland perceptions of the diaspora can widen our understanding of the construction of homeland identities and boundaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper critically examines the role of transnational AIDS networks and resources in the consolidation of one of the earliest identity categories, meti, used within an emerging Nepali LGBT movement in the early 2000s. It argues that political identity formation in resource-poor contexts with limited domestic support for queer organising has been a cumulative effect of transnational exchanges between activists and resource networks. Beyond this, the paper traces the emergence and changing meanings of meti to show how a seemingly Indigenous category is more closely linked to modern configurations of male same-sex sexuality in response to opportunities available for political mobilisation. The paper is based on secondary research and interviews with 71 participants and participant observation conducted during seven months of fieldwork in Nepal, and interviews conducted outside the country between 2016 and 2019. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As occupations of squares in Spain spread across Europe, the Spanish Indignados gave rise to a transnational movement of ordinary citizens united in their anger against the banks, corruption, the electoral system, the global financial system, and the press. In this article, we reflect upon the legacies of the Spanish and Greek Indignados and show how their collective self-understanding—that is, a sense of a "us"—is formed and articulated very differently in Spain and Greece through square politics. We argue that it is the dramaturgy of political protest that fundamentally constructs and shapes the collective self-understanding of the Indignados in Spain and Greece. We will see that while in Spain there is a clearer sense of a shared political project and a shared identity, in Greece social movement actors were divided by their particular agendas and sectarian identities, which resulted in different articulations of their collective identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Extant research on competency-based accounting education has largely ignored how competency map development is a political process. Combining interviews and documentary analysis, we explore the evolution in the Canadian Professional Accounting (CPA) Canada Competency Map, from its implementation in 2013 through its first review in 2019, to study how changing levels of information technology coverage in the Map reflect changing perceptions about the centrality of IT to the profession's collective identity. We present the Map revision as an identity movement whereby stakeholders mobilize competing institutional logics to articulate incongruent visions for the profession's collective identity. Our study makes three contributions to the literature: First, we show that a competency map is the outcome of a collective identity movement. Second, we demonstrate how professions adapt their collective identity to external threats. Finally, we theorize on the role of professional accounting bodies as arbitrators of competing collective identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of the current study is to explore the mechanism by which deviant peer affiliation affects substance abusers' substance abstention motivation and the mediating role of perceived social support in the relationship between these concepts. Moreover, we also investigated whether collective identity moderates the relations among deviant peer affiliation, perceived social support, and substance rehabilitation. The participants were 430 male substance abstainers who completed a battery of questionnaires. The Chinese versions of the Deviant Peer Affiliation Questionnaire, Motivation for Abstention Scale, Perceived Social Support Scale and Identity Orientation Scale were used. The results showed that all the dimensions of deviant peer affiliation were negatively associated with the dimensions of substance abstention motivation. Moreover, perceived social support partially mediated the relations between deviant peer affiliation and substance abstention motivation. Additionally, collective identity was a significant moderator of the relations between perceived social support and substance abstention motivation. These findings provide a clearer understanding regarding the impact of deviant peer affiliation and perceived social support on substance abstention motivation in individuals with substance use disorder. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses how established industries adapt to digital transformation. While digitalisation is perceived as an impetus for change, either due to the opportunities or threats it brings about, not all industries are able to change unlimitedly. We seek to understand digital transformation concerning products and services perceived to have a wider public value. Our empirical case is the newspaper industry in Norway, which has a strong collective identity tied to the societal function of independent journalism. We find that an industry with a resilient identity leaning towards preservation can learn how to use the digital space to adapt and innovate effectively. The adaptation and innovation processes are shaped by the interplay between the collective identity and the nature of digital work and innovation. The outcome is a continued emphasis on retaining the core mission but with an increasingly pragmatic approach to how and in what form it is safeguarded. Continuous collaborative experimentation and deliberation on the fit between innovations and the collective identity is a key change mechanism. Our study contributes to a better understanding of collective identities and their interplay with innovation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent theories of historical consciousness focus on the role narration plays in contemporary people's attempts to give meaning to the past and orient their practical life as citizens. This article examines the need for probing students' historical ideas and for developing narrative competence as a way to engage them critically in contested memories of the collective past so as to expand their historical consciousness beyond memory and cultural traditions. Relying on a narrative approach, this study surveyed 635 French Canadian students from different regions of Canada. Canada, a multicultural state made up of nations-within (French, English, Indigenous), represents an interesting case for studying young citizens' representations of the collective past in a highly diversified society. This study offers new results on how these learners think about national history in the 21st century, and it discusses the implications for the development of narrative competence as a way to bridge the divide between the "cultural curriculum" and "historical thinking." We argue that history educators need to take more seriously students' narrative ideas if they truly want to have a lasting impact on their historical learning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Current research on visual media and the far right creates two expectations: that memes play an increasingly salient role in the far right's digital visual culture, and that the visual and participatory dimensions of internet culture facilitate greater transnationality. We explore these expectations with a comparative research design, situating memes in relation to other genres of visual content and across different country contexts. Taking a mixed methods approach, this article examines the digital visual culture of 25 far-right alternative media and other non-party organisations in Australia, Italy, Germany, and the United States. We assess the salience of memes and other visual genres, as well as three forms of transnationality: the circulation of images, direct communicative references, and transnational similarities. Unexpectedly, we find that memes play only a limited role in the digital visual culture of far-right non-party organisations, with their uneven concentration in Anglophone alt-media suggesting the potential pitfalls of assumptions about 'global' internet culture. We also find little evidence of transnationality through the circulation of the same visuals across countries, whether memes or other genres. Instead, transnationality works through transnational references within the images themselves and through more parallel practices of reproducing visuals in similar ways with similar themes, but with elements specific to an organisation's national and political context. Within this, we identify three distinct visual discourses – fascist continuity, western civilisational identity, and pop cultural appropriation – which highlight different practices of transnationality and collective identity construction within the far right online. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article contributes to a better understanding of the impact of the interaction between diverse organizations in the same creative industry on their logics and practices, by investigating the role of the origin of organizations – as a dimension of organizational diversity – in this process. The main distinction is that between two organizational categories: de novos, who are founded to function in a specific field, and de alios, who have their origin in another, earlier developed field. The interaction between both types is analyzed within a specific creative industry: Dutch language comics publishers. Using data on industry level that cover the period 1945–1994, and combining this with case studies of four individual publishers, I argue that when this industry gradually became dominated by de novos, de alio publishers who aspired to stay in the field, adapted their practices to those of de novos. If in a creative industry smaller, specialized companies (de novos) prevail, this may force much larger companies (de alios) in the same field to copy their practices. Thus, even in an originally mainly market-oriented industry such as that of comics publishing, within-field interaction can lead to a shift towards more esthetic logics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Australia is becoming a growing hotbed for far-right extremism given the rapid proliferation of far-right groups and mainstreaming of extremist thought. Radical Islamist violence within the region has fuelled far-right ultra-nationalistic hatred of Islam and Muslims. Newer far-right groups are increasingly heterogeneous, anti-Muslim and understand the influential power of media to further their narratives. As such, far-right ideology becomes more mainstream and Islamophobia rises in social and political domains. Australia's newer far-right groups forward their notion of "Australian" identity that they claim is under siege from what they perceive as an encroaching dominance of Islam and Muslims in Australia. This article will explore the ideological landscape of such far-right ultra-nationalist extremist groups and how these narratives normalise hatred against Muslims. I contend that it is the expansion of the far-right identity to include multi-ethnic ultra-nationalists, the manipulation of meta-narratives of "Australian values" in both the social and mainstream media, and the dichotomous notion of "good" and "evil" based on religious-racial politics, that has helped to radicalise the new Australian far-right ultra-nationalist groups against Muslims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The on-going struggles of disability movements worldwide have been examined from multiple perspectives. As of yet, however, research into this topic has largely overlooked experiences on the African continent. This article seeks to address this gap by presenting a case study of the disability movement in Sierra Leone, West Africa. The study finds that on the one hand the Sierra Leonean disability movement is fragmented (referring to the tendency of groups to work individually as opposed to operating in a collective manner), thus limiting synergy. Three main 'centrifugal' forces underlying fragmentation are identified: resource scarcity, impairment specific interests and capacity differences between impairment types. On the other hand, the movement somehow manages to survive and even achieve modest successes. The research shows that interdependence, shared experiences of marginalization, and a clear identification of the 'other' have a unifying effect. The disability movement in Sierra Leone is fragmented, meaning it struggles to formulate a unified position and act collectively, yet somehow survives and even manages to achieve some successes; The fragmentation is fueled by competition between groups, a hierarchy between impairment types and interests that are impairment specific. The movement is kept together by mutual dependence to achieve key goals and raise funds, shared experiences of marginalization and negative experiences with 'outsiders'. The research offers recommendations to disability groups and donors to mitigate fragmenting forces while strengthening unifying forces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies the extent to which ethnic minority and ethnic majority students in highly diverse urban schools identify with Flemish and European identity. In doing so this paper aims to discuss to what extent these sub-national and supranational identities can function as shared identities within the multiple identity belongings of teenagers and what the impact is of teacher support and perceived discrimination in schools on these phenomena. The analysis is based upon a survey among Belgian native and Moroccan origin students in the 5th and 6th year of secondary education in Antwerp, one of Europe's most diverse cities. The results show that Moroccan students identify more strongly with a European identity than with a Flemish identity, while Flemish native students identify more strongly with Flemish than with European identity. This results in a large 'identity gap' with respect to Flemish identity but a much smaller gap with respect to European identity. In addition, our results show a positive effect of teacher support on Flemish and European identity for Belgian students, while it only has a positive effect on European identity for Moroccan students. The broader implications of the findings are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2018, Ethiopia experienced a tectonic political shift following the culmination of years of public outcry against the now defunct ruling party, the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). Protest groups, predominantly organized along ethnic identification, have used social networking sites such as Facebook and Twitter to disseminate strategies, recruit members, and galvanize support. Anchored on theories of collective identity and moral outrage, this study investigates the role of social media platforms in mobilizing Ethiopians toward political reform during the protest and post-protest periods demarcated by the ascent of Abiy Ahmed as the new Prime Minister of Ethiopia. Data generated from a mixed method approach consisting of an online survey and interviews indicate social media platforms played a crucial role by drawing Ethiopian youth to participate in political discourse, empowering formerly marginalized groups to influence policy, and fostering ingroup cultural/political cohesion. However, evidence indicates participation opportunities created by social media platforms also brought apprehension including the rise of outrage communication as manifested by inflammatory expressions, hate speech, and political extremism. By proposing outrage communication as a viable construct that captures this phenomenon, I argue, in the context of a polity embodying highly heterogeneous and competing collective identities – ethnic or otherwise – such as Ethiopia, social media platforms are likely to increase ingroup political participation but chronically diminish outgroup engagement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

National narratives play a key role in young people's knowledge and understanding of the past. These narratives aim to instil national pride and a common identity. We aim to investigate the interplay between narrative thinking, social identification processes, and moral emotions. We propose that people's moral emotions about their nation's past are related to how they understand historical concepts such as the nation and their national identification. Specifically, we propose that people may experience group-based moral emotions even when narrating distant historical events that occurred prior to the very existence of their nation. To test this hypothesis, we examined Spanish university students' narratives about the so-called 'Discovery' of America. Students experienced conflicted moral emotions towards this central narrative of Spanish national heritage. Emotions such as pride, gratitude, shame and guilt were frequently experienced and explained in terms of national membership. Moral emotions experienced were associated with students' national identification and political orientation. We discuss the implications of these findings for understanding the interplay between narrative thinking, social identification, and emotions, and its impact on heritage and history education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this essay, we discuss how collective identity shapes and constrains innovation in organisations and argue that this phenomenon deserves more attention from innovation scholars. Drawing on the existing literature, we distinguish three mechanisms through which a collective identity affects innovation – top management team cognition and emotion, organisational member resistance, and external stakeholder resistance – and illustrate these mechanisms by drawing on the example of symphony orchestras. Orchestras have faced shrinking audiences and significant declines in revenue for decades, yet their ability to innovate in response has been constrained by the very traditional collective identity of the 'symphony orchestra'. We go on to argue that innovation researchers need to pay more attention to the mechanisms through which collective identity limits and shapes innovation, to investigate potential strategies that organisations can use to manage the tension between collective identity and innovation, and to better understand how collective identity can be used as a resource in innovation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the construction and competition over Dersim identity that takes place in Dersim's diaspora, which also creates the necessity to critically engage with the concepts of Euro-Turks and Euro-Kurds. In doing so, it argues that while the activities of Dersimlis in the Dersim diaspora in Europe and in Turkey enable new identity claims, they also perpetuate a sense of belonging that builds upon ethnic, religious and/or linguistic domination. The first section broadly reviews the theoretical discussions on the complexity and fluidity of collective identities, diasporic movements, and the role the intelligentsia plays in the construction and competition over the definition of collective identities in diasporas. Building on this framework, the second section introduces the case of Dersim, the region and its history, and discusses the role Dersim diaspora and its intelligentsia play in (re)defining Dersim's collective memory and competing over the definition of Dersim's identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Decades of empirical research has demonstrated that same-sex parenting can produce outcomes that are, at least, comparable to hetero-normative parenting. Less research, however, has examined the common, process-oriented experiences of same-sex adoptive parents. To this end, the current study utilized qualitative interviewing techniques, with nine participants, to discern: (1) the ways in which lesbian and gay adoptive parents came to identify as a family, and (2) the ways in which family formation altered lesbian and gay adoptive parent identities. Collective identity theory helped frame the primary findings. While experiences as "lesbian" or "gay" prospectively informed participant conceptions of family, the paramount identity of "parent" retrospectively usurped all other collective identities. Implications for policy, practice, and future research are also discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines whether social media contributed to the success of the Korean presidential impeachment protests of 2016–17 and promoted participatory democracy. The 2016–17 candlelight protests contributed to the overthrowing of a corrupt regime. However, was it a victory of participatory democracy? To answer this question, we must first be clear on what kind of participatory democracy is being referred to. Therefore, while social media played a crucial role in the success of the protests, the impact of social media on participatory democracy should be addressed separately. For this purpose, we first analyse the contributions of the digitally connected movements during the 2016–17 protests with two social movement theories: resource mobilisation and collective identity. Second, we examine whether the success of digitally connective movements during those protests promoted participatory democracy. To discuss this issue, we use Arnstein's concept of a 'ladder of participation', which describes participatory democracy as falling within three levels, from non-participation through tokenism to citizen power. This study shows that the proliferation of social media politics by itself does not convert representative democracy into participatory democracy. This implies that even if social media augments citizens' power of resistance, it cannot transform citizens into a governing power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article brings together philosophical anthropologist Hemuth Plessner's views on identities with geographer Anssi Paasi's concepts of border and boundary. Plessner viewed personal identity as a kind of 'void' able to coordinate internal and external personal relations in such a way that an imagined unity unfolds. This happens through a process of individuation understood as both at once persisting as and becoming that imagined unity. It is shown here that this perspective can be transferred to the collective level by referring to the work of Paasi who demonstrates that the processes of institutionalizing social boundaries and spatial borders are the critical moments in the formation of territorial collective identities. These two concepts are particularly useful for understanding the historical dynamics by which social and spatial orders reproduce and change in relation to social, political and technological alterations. This theoretical discussion is developed here by examining ethnographic and digital data relating to the neighbourhoods of Siena's historic city centre, the contrade, and the urban festival, the Palio di Siena, in which they constitute the main protagonists. This case shows that the neighbourhoods engage with the internet in order to maintain control over their collective identities vis-a-vis potentially global audiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent scholarship in International Relations focuses on the tactics of international non-government organisations and transnational advocacy networks, with scholars mostly explaining the diverse and dynamic tactics of organisations working on similar issues. Based on multiple qualitative data sources, this article explores why the members of a transnational advocacy network, comprising organisations of, and representing, older persons, that are calling for a UN Convention on the Rights of Older Persons adopt tactics that are static, uniform and surprisingly softly-softly, despite their modest gains since the issue was put on the UN's agenda nine years ago. The article demonstrates many of the existing explanations for tactical choices, but it extends what we know by importing the concept of collective identity from social movement studies. It argues that the older persons' network has a weak collective identity that is conservative in nature, which influences the tactics deployed at the UN. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The question of identity narrative is at the core of the interaction between social movements and temporalities. In this paper, we draw on long-term qualitative research amongst activists engaged in Italian social movements and argue that identity narratives are often the result of a complex mnemonic, contradictory and open-ended process that spans through a life-time of engagement with multiple collectives. We then question whether the use of social media reshape these dynamics. The analysis shows that the construction of identity narratives on social media tends to take place with knowledge of the complexity and overlaps that characterise these processes online. Nevertheless, the temporality of social media, based on immediacy, archival and predictive time, challenges the unpredictable, contradictory, and open-ended nature of political identity construction offline. The need to escape the hegemonic temporalities of social media poses new challenges to activists in their creative agency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social movement scholars have not satisfactorily engaged with the concept and reality of neoliberalism. The growing academic consensus is that neoliberalism is a waning analytical category devoid of conceptual rigor, and therefore, inadequate for academic use. At the same time, research on neoliberalism repeatedly confirms the centrality of organized collective action in its ascent to global hegemony. Blurring the artificially constructed boundaries between politics and the academy, I propose an actor-centered approach to neoliberalism, shedding light on the mechanisms driving the term's conceptual stretching and its exclusive usages by its political and intellectual foes. But I also probe social movement theory with the case of neoliberalism, understood as a peculiar type of movement: a transnational movement of market-fundamentalist intellectuals that, interestingly, relentlessly refrained from collectively asserting an 'identity'. This makes neoliberalism a case ill-suited to canonical ways of describing social movements. Hence, my aim is to rethink not only neoliberalism but also to stretch a bit what we think movements are. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using an analysis of development discourse in and about São Tomé and Príncipe (STP), this article aims to trace the relationship between sociocultural constructions of difference and socio-economic structures of exclusion in the global development project. Using ethnographic data from a rural fishing village and from development professionals, I show how development discourse constructs STP as a place that is perpetually marginal and assigns essentialist traits to the islands and their people. In response, Santomeans imagine their society as one that is isolated and insular from global processes, even though they have historically always been incorporated into global networks of capital, labour, culture and commodities. I argue that this process, whereby Santomeans imagine and reproduce their own marginality, has an under-appreciated impact not only on their collective identity but also on their action and potentiality. I reflect on how the construction of marginality serves the global political, economic and social inequalities upon which the development project depends. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the first Wunderkammern to modern museums, the way museums have been envisioned has changed over time to mirror the social and cultural trends of each historical moment. At the same time, museums have been used as instruments from where innovative ideas were promoted to society. In this study we analyse the reciprocal interaction between museums and society by studying the changes in museology and exhibition techniques. Our hypothesis is that each change in the concept and role of museums was also reflected in the museology, which was adapted to better reproduce the ideals that the museum wanted to show to society. We studied the historical evolution of the museography of the National Museum of Sculpture of Valladolid, as well as the social and cultural trends of each historical moment to establish a correlation between them. The results confirm the direct and intimate relationship between museums, museography and changing social paradigms. We can conclude that the aesthetic evolution of the public presentation of the collections determines the image and self-identity, both that of the museum in itself and that which it projects externally. Simultaneously this evolution also reflects innovative ideas about the role of culture within society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Several key questions about evaluating the University of Nevada, Reno's Campus Master Plan from a "deep roots" perspective are worth considering, both in relation to the 2019 Rhetoric Society of America Project in Power, Place, and Publics at the University of Nevada, Reno (RSA Project) and in relation to others that gather rhetorical scholars and community leaders for the purpose of developing productive outcomes: What methodologies are needed for rhetorical scholars to explore and assess the collective and historic identity of groups situated in urban place and space? How can we interrogate the practices associated with an immersive cultural experience in a scholarly working group? How can a deliberative framework inform similar future projects? In this article, we advance three essential tasks for rhetorical scholars to engage in when undertaking such projects: (1) use more of rhetoric's generative power and less of its critical/analytical power in order to articulate multiple possible avenues for developing places and spaces; (2) conduct extensive on-the-ground research to uncover the "collective identity" of various stakeholders and to show how those identities can productively inform planning; and (3) identify common ground as well as intractable differences among stakeholder positions and provide inventive ideas for managing both. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]