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In the context of the global recession of democracy, this article engages with sub-Saharan Africa's so-called 'democratic' deficit. Three arguments are presented. First, sub-Saharan Africa's challenge is less a democratic deficit than it is a liberal deficit. The political elite are content to use the electoral mechanism to gain access to power but are thereafter resistant to restraints on that power. Second, organised civil society can contribute to addressing this deficit by contending for civil liberties and holding political authority accountable. Third, sub-Saharan Africa's deeply religious society can contribute towards the development of such a civil society. The study engages with secondary data analysis using survey data from Afrobarometer to determine sub-Saharan Africa's 'deficit' and whether religion can contribute to the development of civil society in the region. From the survey data it was found that citizens of sub-Saharan African countries understand democracy in its liberal form – ensuring civil liberties and personal freedoms. Furthermore, it was noted that those who are religious are more likely to be civically engaged than those who are unaffiliated, and in time, this can contribute to addressing the liberal deficit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In sub-Saharan Africa, the private media are often considered corrupt and thus incapable of performing critical watchdog functions. Using the Ghanaian case, the objective of this study is to examine how the private media contribute to exposing political corruption and demanding accountability. Based on the media-as-a-watchdog theory and on primary and secondary data, this article argues that private media outlets make significant contributions to the fight against political corruption. In-depth, semi-structured interviews were used to collect primary data in Ghana. Relevant secondary data from media reports and scholarly work supplement the primary data. The research findings show that Ghanaian private media address political corruption through investigative reporting, agenda-setting, providing a forum for anti-corruption discussions, and acting as a pressure group for institutional and legal reforms as well as political accountability. This article thus questions the popular claim that in sub-Saharan Africa, the private media cannot contribute meaningfully to combatting corruption involving influential political actors. Policy and future research implications are presented in the conclusions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on a collection of open source data, the article uses network analysis to represent alliances and conflicts among 179 organizations involved in violence in North and Western Africa between 1997 and 2014. Owing to the fundamentally relational nature of internecine violence, this article investigates the way the structural positions of conflicting parties affect their ability to resort to political violence. To this end, we combine two spectral embedding techniques that have previously been considered separately: one for directed graphs that takes into account the direction of relationships between belligerents, and one for signed graphs that takes into consideration whether relationships between groups are positive or negative. We hypothesize that groups with similar allies and foes have similar patterns of aggression. In a region where alliances are fluid and actors often change sides, the propensity to use political violence corresponds to a group's position in the social network. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

West Africa witnessed many violent rebel movements in the post-cold war era, some of which led to protracted conflicts in countries like Liberia and Sierra Leone. In the post-9/11 era, Muslim extremist movements have emerged. While the scholarship on the past "conventional" rebel movements mostly understood them in their local socio-political contexts, Muslim extremist groups have been dominantly interpreted in the context of the global "war on terrorism." This is mainly due to the latter's unique use of a unique form of violence (terror), its religious narrative, and its external links to other groups in other countries. This article interrogates this different understanding of conventional and religious types of anti-state rebellion in West Africa through a comparative study of the National Patriotic Front of Liberia (1989–1997), and the Boko Haram insurgency in Nigeria. After a synthesisation of four key questions, the article concludes that Muslim extremist groups in West Africa are not any different from past rebel movements. Muslim extremist groups, just like past movements, are much more rational in the local West African contexts than it is dominantly acknowledged in peace and security scholarship and practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Deeper continental integration is considered critical for Africa's future growth, development and transformation. This paper reports on the results of a comprehensive review of the scholarly literature on Africa's continental integration dating back to the 1960s. We wanted to focus on publications drawing on the organization and management literature, but found these to be limited in number and scope. The review covered a range of topics relevant for continental integration including peace and security, decolonization, diplomacy and politics, cultural exchanges, social and economic development, environmental protection, and sustainable development. Although about half of the studies reviewed were atheoretical, the rest covered a range of theories from different disciplines. Most of the studies used documentary analysis and literature reviews; few used survey methods or quantitative data collection and analysis. Review results were grouped into five key areas for continental integration: organizational, economic, political, peace and security, and human rights. The paper concludes by identifying gaps and opportunities for research. Theory development in particular would help to improve understanding of the complexities of continental integration, and guide evidence-based policy and practice for deeper, more effective and sustained continental integration to improve the lives of Africans at home and in the diaspora. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

African governments have been pursuing reforms to improve the targeting of fertiliser subsidy programmes, but recent experience suggests that these reforms have not ensured that subsidies reach intended beneficiaries. Using a targeting approach based on proxy means tests with carefully selected indicators, this paper suggests that Ghana's fertiliser subsidy programmes can be targeted to the country's poor and smallholder farmers more efficiently and more cost-effectively. While a universal subsidy in 2012 is estimated to have reached 11 per cent of poor farmers, the proposed targeting approach would have reached 70 per cent of the poor farmers in northern Ghana and 50 per cent of poor farmers in southern Ghana. Targeting reduces the costs of leakages by about 72 per cent, thus justifying the costs of administering targeted programmes using the poverty proxies. Furthermore, we show that once the initial models are constructed, the targeting approach can be used for nearly 20 years without any significant losses in accuracy. We propose that policy-makers should consider implementing this targeting approach on a pilot scale involving a few communities and, if found successful in practice, in a larger-scale programme. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migration studies have been primarily based on the movement of individuals from developing to developed economies, with a focus on the impact of migrants on host country wages. In this study we take a different angle by exploring the labour productivity of migrant-owned firms versus native-owned firms in 20 African economies using firm-level data. We find that labour productivity is 78 per cent higher in migrant-owned firms than native-owned firms. Using the Oaxaca-Blinder decomposition method we find that structural effects account for 80 per cent of the labour productivity gap. Returns to manager education largely explain the productivity advantage of migrant-owned firms over native-owned firms. Interactions with the government, access to finance, informality, and power outages are also considerable contributors to the labour productivity gap. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rising powers are evolving centres for varieties of conflict as well as development. With a focus on the complexities of the Horn of Africa, we juxtapose Jan Nederveen Pieterse1 on what is rising - States? Inter-regionalisms? Diasporas? Economies? Companies? New technologies? - with the late Jim Hentz2 on non-traditional security (NTS) challenges on the continent. NTS factors include fragile states/ungoverned spaces, migrations and viruses, which continue to undermine contemporary state and governance structures inside and around Africa. In turn, NTS challenges demand alternative and creative ways to address them. We show how the Horn of Africa illustrates all these and other emergent factors in differing proportions over time, including the diversity of diasporas, both intra- and extra-regional. Further, we argue that rising powers internal and regional transnational tensions could impact human security for the foreseeable future. Thus, affecting the prospects for meeting Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in the Global South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We consider a Markovian SIR-type (Susceptible → Infected → Recovered) stochastic epidemic process with multiple modes of transmission on a contact network. The network is given by a random graph following a multilayer configuration model where edges in different layers correspond to potentially infectious contacts of different types. We assume that the graph structure evolves in response to the epidemic via activation or deactivation of edges of infectious nodes. We derive a large graph limit theorem that gives a system of ordinary differential equations (ODEs) describing the evolution of quantities of interest, such as the proportions of infected and susceptible vertices, as the number of nodes tends to infinity. Analysis of the limiting system elucidates how the coupling of edge activation and deactivation to infection status affects disease dynamics, as illustrated by a two-layer network example with edge types corresponding to community and healthcare contacts. Our theorem extends some earlier results describing the deterministic limit of stochastic SIR processes on static, single-layer configuration model graphs. We also describe precisely the conditions for equivalence between our limiting ODEs and the systems obtained via pair approximation, which are widely used in the epidemiological and ecological literature to approximate disease dynamics on networks. The flexible modeling framework and asymptotic results have potential application to many disease settings including Ebola dynamics in West Africa, which was the original motivation for this study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contrary to popular belief, at first glance, traditional African religions--although they have been de-structured, undermined, and overshadowed in public visibility by Islam and Christianity--are not dead. Like Islam and Christianity, traditional religions have ambiguities in their organization and societal ethical codes, where good and evil and love's splendor and destructive passions are enmeshed. Traditional religions are alive and well and their worldview still influences African understanding of and insight on Christianity and Islam. As the foundation for a global world vision, it is useful to analyze traditional religions in all their ambiguity for the positivity and negativity that they emulate as well as the general population's attitude toward the issue of social peace in Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Family and marital research remains unrepresentative in African societies. The current study is a descriptive literature review of empirical research on African marital relationships published in peer-reviewed journals since the beginning of the 21st century. The aim of this study was to describe this body of research with regard to its methodology, main thematic foci, and scientific dissemination. Ninety studies published across 63 scientific journals were identified, with the majority of them using a quantitative and cross-sectional design. Marital satisfaction/quality and marital stability/instability were the two themes most frequently explored in the studies. Results also revealed that the number of published articles on the topic and the diversity of themes addressed have seen an increase over the years. Implications for the development of further research on African marital relationships are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores which African countries had relatively low rates of underweight children and relatively high birth coverage (percentage of births with a skilled attendant) in the poorest quintile. Swaziland and Rwanda emerged as relatively ‘pro-poor’ in that both measures were more than one standard deviation better than predicted by GDP per capita. Unlike Swaziland, Rwanda’s status as an outlier was eliminated in regressions controlling also for urbanisation, medical professionals per 1000 people and health spending, suggesting that its pro-poor outcomes were related to these factors. AIDS funding may have helped Swaziland provide primary health care to the poor, but its high birth coverage preceded the HIV epidemic. Although relatively pro-poor in international terms, Swaziland and Rwanda emerged as relatively unequal by the CIX measure of health inequality with regard to percentage of underweight children across quintiles. It is important not to conflate relatively equal with relatively pro-poor health outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Deployed to Mogadishu, Somalia in March 2007, the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) became the Union's longest running, largest, most costly, and most deadly operation. Yet, of the 54 AU members, only 6 contributed troops to AMISOM: Uganda (2007), Burundi (2007), Djibouti (2011), Kenya (2012), Sierra Leone (2013) and Ethiopia (2014). This article applies a widely utilized theoretical framework to explain peacekeeping contributions in order to analyse why these six states chose to join AMISOM. It concludes that there is no single or uniform explanation for their decision. Nevertheless, the most common official justifications - assertions that events in Somalia posed a direct security risk to the troop-contributing countries (TCCs) and normative commitments to African solidarity - were often less important than other unacknowledged or downplayed factors. Specifically, a combination of institutional, political, and economic factors was generally more important in understanding why these six states became AMISOM TCCs. Joining AMISOM did help alleviate some regional security concerns but the decision also brought tangible benefits at home to both the TCC governments and their militaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to advance our understanding of successfulwomen entrepreneurship in sub-Saharan Africa by examining how husbands contribute to women's entrepreneurial activity and performance. Little is known about husbands' influence in this region, although sub-Saharan women entrepreneurs are deeply embedded in their families and are important drivers of social and economic development. Based on a systematic literature review identifying six recurring types of supportive and constraining spousal influence, we explore the implications for women entrepreneurship in sub-Saharan Africa. We argue that sub-Saharan Africa differs substantially from the context of previous research and derive propositions of how spousal influence is affected by resource-scarce entrepreneurial ecosystems, patriarchal societies and work-family integration. Our propositions illustrate the importance of contextualizing spousal influence and highlight that husbands are critical stakeholders for women entrepreneurs in sub-Saharan Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Management education in Africa's poorest countries suffers from the greatest resource constraints of any continent on earth. At least three major challenges exist: lack of current teaching material; very expensive books/photocopies, making an insufficient quantity of materials available; and too few qualified faculty. In 2010, the Ivey Business School at Western University in Canada established a three-pronged strategy to help improve management education in 39 of the world's poorest countries. Of these, 32 are in Africa. The primary purpose of its approach is poverty reduction. It is premised on the belief that if managers and entrepreneurs can make more sound business decisions, failures will decline, and prosperity will increase. The viability of all three elements of the strategy has been proved in various Ivey initiatives over the past 20 years in different geographies. This article reviews the history of the 39 Country Initiative to date in relation to Africa, provides some ideas about the way forward, and some personal observations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Security Sector Reform has become a central element in assisting post-conflict countries on their way out of conflict to lasting peace. Burgeoning literature explores many aspects of this transformation process. A strong emphasis has been placed on questions of program design and local ownership. In addition to these studies we add another dimension: the impact of human development. As Sector security reform is often applied to developing countries, the impact of human development conditions should be self-evident but has been given insufficient attention. For this reason this study explores the effect of human development in the form of education, welfare, and health on the performance of security forces in two long-term peacekeeping missions in Africa: Liberia and the Democratic Republic of Congo. We will show that the structural impact of human development conditions is significant and warrants more attention than currently received. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

German missionaries working in West Africa during the nineteenth century produced numerous accounts about the lives of formerly enslaved Africans who had converted to Christianity. Most are third-person accounts in which the missionaries organize the content to support their evangelical work. This article examines a rare life history, a first-person account recorded in 1863, in which a man from what is now southeastern Ghana, Tenu Kwami, discusses his experiences in debt bondage. Equally unusual is the vivid description he offers of his involvement with spirit possession and ritual self-cutting. What can we learn about debt bondage from someone who experienced it? Was there a connection between that experience and Tenu Kwami’s participation in spirit possession and ritual cutting rituals? This article addresses these questions as it analyzes this unusual and perhaps unique nineteenth-century West African life history. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The social contract is one of the most influential political theories in Western philosophy. Although the social contract theory is mainly associated with a number of thinkers in the broad history of social and political philosophy, I am particularly focused on the social contract theory proffered by two British philosophers, Thomas Hobbes and John Locke. While the social contract theory has mainly been influenced by these British philosophers, little has been done in terms of appraising its key normative ideas from non-Western philosophical traditions. In this article, I examine how the social contract theory might be understood differently from a non-Western perspective, if values salient in African communitarian philosophy are properly understood. As I attempt to establish how the African social contract theory can be gleaned from African communitarian philosophy, I make comparisons and contrasts between the social contract theory in the African tradition and the traditional social contract theory in Western philosophy. I intend to make a novel interpretation of the ideals of the former that are implicit in the African communitarian structure. I seek to provide reasons why the African communitarian structure could be taken as the normative basis for a plausible social contract theory in the African social and political context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is framed against the historic myth of emptiness and its consequences on Africa, and takes a closer look at the project of modernity and the question of epistemic injustice in Africa. It deploys the phrase "African know thyself" to capture the need for Africans to grasp the distinctive particularity of their history as a people of equal ontological standing with the rest of humanity. This injunction affords special significance to history and its role in shaping the philosophical agenda in Africa by reminding us that philosophic discourse originates from, and is linked to the concrete conditions of existence, out of which it is formulated. To address the problem of epistemic injustice, Africans need to become more critically conscious of themselves and their situation in ways that inform their intellectual practice. This author submits that philosophy in Africa should assist in both "re-writing and re-righting" Africa's position in the global knowledge landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article interrogates the meaning of ‘justice’ for religious actors in Africa, comparing the post-independence period to the contemporary one. The treatment and meaning of justice by these actors today differs in important ways from ideas about justice during previous generations’ struggles for freedom. This is because (a) the promise of independence entailed a proactive, emancipatory and pan-African overhaul of oppressive and inegalitarian practices; while justice talk today occurs in a neoliberal context of more reactive and sometimes accommodationist measures to redress problems of violence and poverty; and (b) African leaders and religious thinkers themselves defined the meaning and components of justice in the past, while today much of the discourse around justice emanates from issues identified by transnational nongovernmental organizations and agencies. A neo-Weberian approach helps distill significant characteristics of the complex faith-justice-globalization relationship in these different periods, as well as their imbrication into religiously-plural and syncretic religious contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article looks at the efforts of African Union (AU) toward ownership of Africa's resources and conflicts and the challenges thereof. It highlights AU's initiatives to ensure sustained presence of peace and development in Africa, which include creation of the AU's Constitutive Act and development of the New Partnership for Africa's Development. It presents views of Monty Marshall and Ted Gurr on Madagascar Rebellion of colonial repression in 1947 under United Nations Security Council.

Data indicate that good governance and human development continue to be major issues throughout sub-Saharan Africa. The findings show a significant relationship between the measures of good governance and human development. The findings suggest that policies and efforts aimed at improving government effectiveness and political stability would have the most significant impact on human development and poverty reduction efforts. The findings lend support to the adoption of integrated policy approaches that take into consideration political development along with economic development to reduce poverty in sub-Saharan Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many African countries gained political independence in the 1960s. This era of independence came with promises and great expectations of economic, political and social development. Fifty years later, it is certain that the promises and expectations of independence have not been easily realised. Perennial violent conflicts have continued to ravage many countries in Africa, causing the catastrophic breakdown of law and order. Therefore, one of the major issues in conflict resolution discourse in Africa is how to develop functional mechanisms for the prevention of violent conflicts. This article examines the capacity of the International Criminal Court (ICC) to act as a mechanism for conflict prevention in Africa. Notwithstanding the doubts and uncertainties associated with the impact of law on conflict transformation, this article argues in the main that the ICC contributes to conflict prevention in Africa by expressing global norms of international law, challenging the culture of impunity in some countries, contributing to general deterrence, speedily intervening in some violent conflicts, and contributing to building some records of atrocities by identifying who did what. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The Ebola virus disease that emerged in the West African countries of Liberia, Sierra Leone, and Guinea in 2014 created an unprecedented public health emergency that caught national and international organizations off guard. Despite available guidelines to respond to public health emergencies, coordinated action to control the disease only came almost 6 months after what is now considered the first human contact with the virus. Theory-based frameworks, like the ideation model and the pathways framework, are important tools for guiding research and the design of communication activities and strategies to effectively impact on the more likely determinants of the intended behavior. By using theory, these frameworks increase the chances that localized research and communication interventions can effectively change desired behaviors and their behavioral determinants. In an outbreak situation such frameworks are all the more important, when time is of the essence and lives are on the line. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

During an emerging health crisis like the 2014 Ebola outbreak in West Africa, communicating with communities to learn from them and to provide timely information can be a challenge. Insight into community thinking, however, is crucial for developing appropriate communication content and strategies and for monitoring the progress of the emergency response. In November 2014, the Health Communication Capacity Collaborative partnered with GeoPoll to implement a Short Message Service (SMS)–based survey that could create a link with affected communities and help guide the communication response to Ebola. The ideation metatheory of communication and behavior change guided the design of the survey questionnaire, which produced critical insights into trusted sources of information, knowledge of transmission modes, and perceived risks—all factors relevant to the design of an effective communication response that further catalyzed ongoing community actions. The use of GeoPoll’s infrastructure for data collection proved a crucial source of almost-real-time data. It allowed for rapid data collection and processing under chaotic field conditions. Though not a replacement for standard survey methodologies, SMS surveys can provide quick answers within a larger research process to decide on immediate steps for communication strategies when the demand for speedy emergency response is high. They can also help frame additional research as the response evolves and overall monitor the pulse of the situation at any point in time. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This study analyzes findings from a rapid-response community-based qualitative research initiative to study the content of Ebola-related communications and the transmission of Ebola-related behaviors and practices through mass media communications and social learning in Monrovia, Liberia during August–September 2014. Thirteen neighborhoods in the common Monrovia media market were studied to appraise the reach of health communications and outreach regarding Ebola prevention and response measures. A World Health Organization (WHO) research team collected data on social learning and Ebola knowledge, attitudes, and practices through focus group–based discussions and key informant interviews over a 14-day period to assess the spread of information during a period of rapidly escalating crisis. Findings show that during a 2-week period, Monrovia neighborhood residents demonstrated rapid changes in beliefs about the source of Ebola, modes of contagion, and infection prevention and control (IPC) practices, discarding incorrect information. Changes in practices tended to lag behind the acquisition of learning. Findings also show that many continued to support conspiracy theories even as correct information was acquired. The implications for community engagement are substantial: (1) Under conditions of accelerating mortality, communities rapidly assimilate health information and abandon incorrect information; (2) Behavior change is likely to lag behind changes in beliefs due to local physical, structural, sociocultural, and institutional constraints; (3) Reports of “resistance” in Monrovia during the Ebola response were overstated and based on a limited number of incidents, and failed to account for specific local conditions and constraints. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article describes the development of standard operating procedures (SOPs) for social mobilization and community engagement (SM/CE) in Sierra Leone during the Ebola outbreak of 2014–2015. It aims to (a) explain the rationale for a standardized approach, (b) describe the methodology used to develop the resulting SOPs, and (c) discuss the implications of the SOPs for future outbreak responses. Mixed methodologies were applied, including analysis of data on Ebola-related knowledge, attitudes, and practices; consultation through a national forum; and a series of workshops with more than 250 participants active in SM/CE in seven districts with recent confirmed cases. Specific challenges, best practices, and operational models were identified in relation to (a) the quality of SM/CE approaches; (b) coordination and operational structures; and (c) integration with Ebola services, including case management, burials, quarantine, and surveillance. This information was synthesized and codified into the SOPs, which include principles, roles, and actions for partners engaging in SM/CE as part of the Ebola response. This experience points to the need for a set of global principles and standards for meaningful SM/CE that can be rapidly adapted as a high-priority response component at the outset of future health and humanitarian crises. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The objective of this study is to investigate the impact of Heavily Indebted Poor Countries Initiative (HIPC) on the attainment of the health millennium development goals (MDGs) in Africa and identify other correlates of health MDGs. This way, the paper uses data from the World Bank and employs the difference in difference (DID) approach to estimate the impact of HIPC on health MDGs and to identify other determinants of health MDG attainment. The results show that the impact of HIPC on health MDGs is positive. Specifically, due to HIPC, the level of the following health MDG indicators decreased: mortality rate (infant); mortality rate (neonatal); incidence of tuberculosis; prevalence of HIV/AIDS, and mortality rate under five. However, the incidence of tuberculosis (all forms) registered an increase in Africa, even in treated groups. Our findings also indicate that MDGs for health will not be attained simultaneously because some variables that reduce mortality such as GDP per capita, natural resources and education cause HIV/AIDS. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the author's comment on the significance of the North-South diplomatic dialogue in context with social developments in Africa. In this dialogue process, various issues concerning industrialized and developing countries were discussed. The author discussed how the political systems act as constraints to development in Africa.

The adverse impact of economic sanctions on human rights is well documented in the literature (Peksen 2009; Wood 2008) and so are the consequences of sanctions for democracy (Peksen and Drury 2009, 2010) and for the survival of leaders (Escribà-Folch & Wright 2010; Marinov 2005). Using data from the Targeted Sanctions Consortium (Biersteker, Eckert, Tourinho, and Hudákóva 2013), we analyze whether sanctions that target segmented groups within the leadership fare any better with respect to human rights protection. The analysis focuses on the universe of targeted sanctions against African countries, between 1992 and 2008, and finds that the adverse impact of this coercive instrument—though unintended—is not statistically distinguishable from the adverse consequences already identified by the literature with respect to conventional sanctions. All else equal, the protection of rights to physical integrity (the right to life and the prohibition of torture) in the targeted country is 1.74 times more likely to worsen under an episode of targeted sanction when compared to a situation where there is no sanction. We propose a signaling model wherein a targeted leader is perceived by the opposition as weakened by the sanctions, which leads to more protest and repression. Higher levels of human rights violations follow. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses regional intelligence sharing efforts in Africa and intelligence sharing co operation among African countries and governments. Topics include the need for better intelligence sharing efforts in Africa to avoid situations like the mass abductions by the terrorist organisation Boko Haram in Nigeria, and the various intelligence organisations that have been set up in Africa including the Committee of Intelligence and Security Services of Africa (CISSA).

In sub-Saharan Africa, young women engaged in relationships with multiple partners in order to gain material benefits play a key role in local HIV dynamics. This paper is based upon field observations and interviews with 38 young women who live along the Angolan-Namibian border. In the last 10 years, rapid urbanisation has attracted migrants in search of opportunities to do business in the region. Our findings show that sexual-affective economic networks reflect these socioeconomic changes. Women, particularly those from particular ethnic groups and/or from Namibia, with low levels of formal education and social support are often excluded from the labour market and turn to emotional-sexual male-centred networks for material and financial benefits. Men in these networks tend to be older, have higher socioeconomic status and greater geographic mobility. This ‘capitalisation’ of intimate relationships is material and symbolic; it enables women to acquire goods and access to services identified with an urban and globalised lifestyle. It is also emotional because relationships include affection and pleasure. Engaging in these relationships involves some social risks (bad reputation, family rejection, discrimination and violence), but maintaining ties often takes priority over safer sex and social sanctions. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines the patterns of diasporic formations occurring within Africa. This is with a view to broadening conceptualisations of the African diaspora in recent criticism of the subject. While noting that recent critical discussions of African diasporas have been significant for their focus on diasporic formations within Africa, this article observes that this scholarship has looked exclusively at diasporas formed through dispersion, especially through the European-occasioned dispersal of peoples. This focus on dispersion-induced diasporisation does not only fail to account for a more general diasporic situation on the African continent, but it also excludes from the diaspora discourse considerations of groups not formed through specific notions of dispersion. Therefore, this study highlights the instance of non-migrant diasporic conditions in Nigeria and by so doing problematises conceptions of African diasporas that insist basically on the conditions of dispersion, migration and vulnerability of populations. I further argue that the imposition of colonial borders and the loss of indigenous sovereignties account for the more pervasive diasporic situation in Africa. Broadening the concept of diaspora to include conditions and populations not generally considered in the discourse offers more nuanced results and helps us to revise the largely ethnic essentialisms on which diasporic formations in Africa have been constructed. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Political emancipation in the twenty-first century must be conceived and achieved through establishing a ‘distance’ from the state and its practices. This article argues that in order to begin to understand politics ‘at a distance from the state’, we need to first understand politics as a collective thought-practice. The thought of an emancipatory politics exists only when collective subjectivities exceed the limits imposed by social place, identities and interests defined and reproduced by state expressive subjectivities. In order to think a new emancipatory politics for the twenty-first century, we must therefore ‘absent the state in thought’, in other words, begin to understand an excessive subjectivity and how it interacts with state subjectivities which are always expressive of place. Therefore, ‘distance from the state’ here refers to subjective distance rather than to institutional, physical or social distance. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article argues that the 2014 Ebola outbreak in West Africa reinscribed the neglect that has surrounded this disease. The argument develops theoretical tools for understanding how neglect is produced in global health. Arguing that neglect is connected with the production of harm and vulnerability, it stresses the importance of emotions in issue-prioritisation in global health. Focusing on the dynamics of abjection, the article shows how the 2014 Ebola outbreak was framed as a (racialised) African problem and obfuscated by a political and media spectacle. The result was the preference for short-term crisis-management responses that detracted from long-term structural solutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Combating threats of infectious diseases has been increasingly framed as a global shared responsibility for a multi-actor framework of states, international organisations and nongovernmental actors. However, the outbreak of Ebola Virus Disease (EVD) has shown that this governance framework has not been able to limit the spread of this virus, despite the normative and legislative changes to global disease control. By unbundling the concept of responsibility, this article will assess how global shared responsibility may have failed because accountability does not fall on any one state or stakeholder, highlighting an inherent weakness in the global disease governance regime. The paper concludes that a move towards multiple responsibilities may prove a more effective mechanism for ensuring global health security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines why the 2014–15 outbreak of Ebola in West Africa, which subsequently spread more widely, was understood as a crisis. It begins from the basis that there was nothing ‘natural’ about it being considered a crisis; rather it was socially constructed as such. Specifically it suggests that the outbreak could be understood as a crisis because of the way in which it resonated with the global health narrative. The article examines how the elements which constitute this narrative – the effects of globalisation, the emergence of new risks and the requirement for new political responses – are fundamental to how Ebola was understood as a crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Since 2001 the World Health Organization (WHO) has been actively promoting its credentials for managing ‘global health security’. However, the organisation’s initial response to the 2014 Ebola outbreak in West Africa has attracted significant criticism, even prompting calls for its dissolution and the creation of a new global health agency. Drawing on principal–agent theory and insights from previous disease outbreaks, this article examines what went wrong, the extent to which the organisation can be held to account, and what this means for the WHO’s global health security mandate. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The UN Security Council meeting on 18 September 2014 represented a major turning-point in the international response to the Ebola outbreak then underway in West Africa. However, in the light of widespread criticism over the tardiness of the international response, it can be argued that the UN, and particularly the Security Council, failed to make best use of a potential resource it already had on the ground in Liberia: the United Nations Mission in Liberia (UNMIL). This article examines whether UNMIL could have done more to contribute to the emergency response and attempts to draw some lessons from this experience for potential peacekeeper involvement in future public health emergencies. UNMIL could have done more than it did within the terms of its mandate, although it may well have been hampered by factors such as its own capacities, the views of Troop Contributing Countries and the approach taken by the Liberian government. This case can inform broader discussions over the provision of medical and other forms of humanitarian assistance by peacekeeping missions, such as the danger of politicising humanitarian aid and peacekeepers doing more harm than good. Finally, we warn that a reliance on peacekeepers to deliver health services during ‘normal’ times could foster a dangerous culture of dependency, hampering emergency responses if the need arises. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article addresses the still unsettled question of the incidence of violent election periods in Africa. It uses two new datasets, which report episodes of social conflict in the region for 1990–2011, and elections worldwide from 1960 to 2010. When combined, these data suggest that onsets of electoral violence peak around major election days in Africa as a whole, but with wide national variability in the volume of new episodes. Depending on the time span and type of social conflict, from one-quarter to three-quarters of the elections for national leadership have been without incident. The article also investigates the timing of electoral violence and the extent to which there is an experience curve effect, whereby subsequent elections have fewer onsets of social conflict. The data indicate that two-thirds to three-quarters of elections are free of onsets of social conflict, but that the proportion does not change much with experience. Overall, there appear to be reasonable grounds for optimism about peaceful elections in many African countries. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article presents a case study of child marriage in Burkina Faso and discusses its high prevalence in Africa and the role of faith in the persistence of the practice. Topics discussed include higher child marriage among Muslim, Animist/traditional belief populations; fear of pregnancy before marriage, gender roles and social expectations as the cause of prevalence of the practice; and heterogeneity of attitudes towards child marriage.

This article discusses the potential factors for the development of international terrorism in southern Africa. While the region has seemingly been spared the terror attacks that have ravaged most other parts of the continent, and the globe at large, it is not immune to these attacks. Using a survey of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) countries, particularly the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Mozambique, South Africa, Mauritius, Zimbabwe, and Tanzania, which illuminate some of the permissive factors, the article asks, largely, first, to what extent is southern Africa at risk of global terrorism? And, second, in what ways can southern African states reduce the risk of terrorism in the region? Broadly, the article contends that, like most developing countries, including those from other parts of Africa, there exist permissive, both root and trigger, factors including insecure borders, democratization challenges, poverty, urban centers and variegated forms of both sub-state and state terrorism, that could provide useful platforms for the growth of international terrorism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing from the last five years ofchimurenga, Zimbabwe’s war of self-liberation from the early 1960s to 1980s, this paper shows that the most important aspect of technology and innovation in Africa is not the technology and innovation itself, but the African spirit of creative resilience born of the specificities of struggles its people have endured. By creative resilience is meant a phenomenon whereby,even where death is the outcome, and where the situation is insurmountable, people do not just surrender to fate, but die fighting. As a site of creative resilience,chimurengais the ultimate site of creative labor and a vast laboratory, not simply a destination for incoming technologies, or a 'user' space but generative of its own insurgent and counter-insurgent innovations. Focusing on the communal war effort involving guerrillas and ordinary Africans in the rear bases of Mozambique and Zambia and on the front inside Zimbabwe, the paper makes its argument through a focus on healthcare innovation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

For almost ten years, the West African country of Guinea-Bissau has been subject to security sector reform as part of international peacebuilding interventions. As in other peacebuilding and peacekeeping interventions elsewhere, ‘Global North’-borne perceptions, interpretations, images, and normative structures (‘peacebuilding mindsets’) have dominated the reform. They have been discursively reproduced in Guinea-Bissau's ‘peacebuilding economy’, encompassing spaces such as specific restaurants, hotels, recreation sites etc. Such ‘neutral’ venues or ‘uncommitted spaces’ have facilitated informal exchanges between discordant international organizations and actors, but contributed to the exclusion of local actors and voices. The article argues that the peacebuilding economy contributes both to the reproduction of ‘Global North’ patterns of perception and interpretation, and to the failure of peacebuilding initiatives. This is unsurprising considering that both locals and internationals engaged in the peacebuilding arena may benefit from job and rent opportunities in supposedly better designed follow-up projects. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article introduces and justifies the concept of the peacekeeping economy. The peacekeeping economy refers to economic activity that either would not occur, or would occur at a much lower scale and pay-rate, without the international presence. In particular, the concern is with the formal and informal economic activity that directly links the international presence with the local individual. The approach thus foregrounds empirical research that relies on sources missing from most work on peacekeeping and peacebuilding, such as sex workers; domestic workers; security guards; drivers; service workers; others in the informal sector; subcontracted workers; and UN national staff—in addition to international personnel and local elites. The article argues that this approach allows certain aspects of peacekeeping missions to be observed that would not otherwise be seen: the practice and politics of the ‘everyday life’ of those involved in a peacekeeping mission, and those living with and alongside these missions. The article also introduces the various contributions to this special issue in light of some of the most pertinent themes and issues raised by the peacekeeping economy approach. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article assesses the potential of civil society in the region of southern Africa to act as a catalyst for transformation towards broader inclusivity and a people-centred approach to regional integration and socio-economic development. This is done through an empirical case study which focuses on four regional civil society organisations (CSOs), namely the Council of NGOs (CNGO) of the Southern African Development Community (SADC), the Southern African Trade Union Co-ordination Council (SATUCC), the Economic Justice Network (EJN) of the Fellowship of Christian Councils in Southern Africa (FOCCISA), and the Southern African People's Solidarity Network (SAPSN). We found that the organisations are constrained by a lack of financial autonomy, and dependency on donor funding. Capacity is further hampered because the CSOs are managed by a small number of professional activists. Moreover, the organisations' representativeness and legitimacy among the regional populace is limited. There are also important ideological and strategic differences between them, and a lack of effective (strategic) co-ordination has so far inhibited the creation of a broader, transformative regional civil society alliance. Yet we could also identify an awareness of the necessity to strengthen organisational capacity, to increase popular support and to enhance collaboration, using a strategy that combines the technocratic development of an alternative regionalism and meaningfully incorporates social movements and grassroots initiatives. Furthermore, there is evidence that regional civil society plays an increasingly important role in articulating popular contestation to neoliberal modes of governance in southern Africa, as well as in linking localised, nationalised and regionalised struggles in the region. Finally, the dynamics of regional civil society investigated here show that regionalism is anything but a ‘states only’ domain. Civil society regionalisation constitutes a crucial feature of the southern African region. Regional civil society as a force for transformation is constrained and must overcome some serious challenges, yet it remains a possibility. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Despite Africa's relatively commendable growth performance since 2000, growth has not been accompanied by structural transformations. First, there has been little diversification from agriculture into industry, particularly manufacturing. Second, the poverty headcount and inequality remain high in many countries, even as African countries continue to rank lowest on the United Nations Development Programme's Gender Inequality Index. This contribution goes beyond the individualistic approach of supply-side policies and unveils deeper mechanisms that need to be tackled for the two transformations (diversification and inequality reduction) to occur. It demonstrates that gender inequality relies on unwritten but dominant social norms, hence, informal institutions. The removal of formal legislation that constrains women's agency, the enactment of formal laws, and the implementation of economic policies designed specifically to create incentives for behavior change are recommended. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

More than thirty years into the modern era of globalization, scholars are now in a position to evaluate the distributive effects of the policy shifts that have led to greater economic integration. One region of the world for which little robust empirical evidence exists on gendered employment effects is Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). To identify whether there is an impact of economic and trade structure on women's relative access to work, this contribution empirically explores these issues for thirty-eight SSA countries, and for two subgroups. Panel data for the period 1991-2010 is examined using fixed effects, random effects and two-stage least-squares estimation techniques. Findings suggest that trade liberalization has gendered employment effects, with the direction depending on the structure of the economy. However, the more robust finding is that a country's infrastructure has played a determining role in gendered labor market outcomes in SSA since the early 1990s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much to the dismay of chemists, and those employed in the field, it has become apparent that the image of chemistry around the world has deteriorated. One of various reasons for this may be the negative impact that loose handling of chemicals and waste, on occasions, had on the environment. One of the objectives of the International Year of Chemistry (IYC) 2011 was to improve the public's image and understanding of the subject. The concept of Green Chemistry was formulated 24 years ago in the USA to tackle challenges facing chemistry in the 21st century. It has brought about a major positive shift in the way chemists think, process, handle and dispose of chemicals. Since its formulation, the returns on investments in Green Chemistry are increasing rapidly. It may eventually hold the key to Africa's future sustainability of economic, social and environmental development if regional educational needs are recognised and addressed, and if investment in Green Chemistry increases in the areas of research and development, infrastructure, overpopulation, and intra-African trade. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]