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Mpofana protests are characteristic of local protest actions occurring across South Africa. In 2014 Mpofana Municipality was placed under administration by the provincial authority and one of the reasons cited for this were high levels of protest. This paper focuses on Mpofana protests to examine demands for 'service delivery' and citizenship as well as political strategy with regards local level leadership. The paper also considers the narratives and strategies around protest in the context of the 'neoliberal citizen' and 'market' approaches to citizenship. It draws on a qualitative study comprising focus groups conducted across three Mpofana wards. The paper suggests that in Mpofana there are clear struggles for the attainment of social citizenship in the context of a divide between those who have no access to work and wages and those who have access to income and assets. Citizenship attainment struggles are interwoven with failed patronage networks, and processes of piercing the 'common sense' appear through protesters questioning local leadership and proposing solutions for change. There is also evidence in Mpofana though of the 'depoliticised subject' fostered by the neoliberal doctrine where the language of protest is cast in market terms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Engaging with long-standing debates on the crisis of democracy, manifested as a downturn in civic involvement, this paper scrutinises the evolving landscape of protest participation. First delineating three distinct protest participation styles – in-person, online and what we conceive of as a pivoting style – we identify individual characteristics among protesters that are associated with each style and consider how different obstacles to participation are linked to these individual styles. Using novel survey data from six European countries, we show that online support can be a viable alternative for individuals unable to join protests due to obstacles they face. The online participation style is more common among people who lack connections with social contacts that can facilitate their participation. The in-person style is prevalent among older participants who are less frequent social media users while the pivoting style is more often realised among young, more biographically available people who are media omnivores. Participants who do not embrace the in-person style lack consensus mobilisation whereas those exhibiting a preference for the online or the pivoting styles face obstacles relating to action mobilisation. We conclude the article with a call for a more nuanced understanding of protest participation, as symptomatic of a transformation of democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractPurposeMethodsResultsConclusions\nIMPLICATIONS FOR REHABILITATIONTo describe experiences of the ward nurse in relation to extended physiotherapy and mobilising of post-ICU patients.Individual semi-structured interviews were conducted with 17 registered nurses working on surgical wards in a Swedish regional hospital. Qualitative content analysis was used to analyse the data. The study was reported according to the consolidated criteria for reporting qualitative research (COREQ).The study findings are presented in three categories: challenges to mobilising post-ICU patients, shared responsibility facilitates mobilisation, and extended physiotherapy is beneficial for patients’ wellbeing. Nurses stated that they lacked knowledge and skills to perform the safe mobilisation of post-ICU patients due to their complex medical history and needs. Collaboration with physiotherapists was perceived to facilitate mobilisation and to be beneficial for patients’ wellbeing outcome.The study indicates that post-ICU patients are at risk of remaining immobilised because ward nurses find mobilisation too complex to conduct without support from physiotherapists. Shared responsibility through multi-professional teamwork regarding patient rehabilitation is perceived as contributing the knowledge required to achieve safe mobilisation that enhances autonomy and physical ability in post-ICU patients.Level of mobilisation is commonly reduced when patients are transferred from ICU to ward.Collaboration between physiotherapists and nurses can facilitate a first mobilisation in a safe way and subsequently be beneficial for patients’ wellbeing.There is a need for a more robust healthcare chain which promotes continued rehabilitation and reduces the risk of physical decline for the individual patient after being transferred from ICU to ward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To compare the effects of end-range manual therapy versus other conservative intervention on pain intensity, shoulder range of movement (ROM), and physical function in adhesive capsulitis (AC). Two reviewers conducted a comprehensive search from inception to December 2022. PUBMED, Cochrane Library, CINAHL, EMBASE, and PEDro databases were searched. Clinical trials investigating the effects of end-range mobilisation techniques on pain, ROM, and physical function in patients with AC were included. Methodological quality was evaluated using the PEDro scale, and bias risk was assessed using the Cochrane Collaboration tool. GRADE was used to assess the certainty of the evidence. Data were presented using forest plots, and the random effects models were applied according to the Cochrane handbook. Ten randomised controlled trials were reviewed, involving 424 AC patients aged 20–70 years. Methodological quality of studies ranged from high to low. The end-range mobilisation showed improvements in pain intensity, shoulder abduction, internal rotation, and external rotation, and physical function compared to other conservative interventions in the short-and medium-terms. Certainty of the evidence was downgraded to very low. Very low certainty evidence suggests that end-range mobilisation techniques improve pain intensity, shoulder ROM, and physical function in the short-and medium-term in AC. The Kaltenborn, Maitland, and Mulligan concepts are the most commonly used manual therapy approaches for adhesive capsulitis. The End-range mobilisation techniques seem to improve pain intensity, shoulder range of motion, and physical function at short- and medium-term of follow-up. The certainty of evidence was rated as very low for all the outcome measures. Despite the low certainty of evidence, it is recommended to continue using manual therapy for adhesive capsulitis due to the improvements demonstrated until further studies either confirm or refute its definitive efficacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An international taskforce of clinician-scientists was formed by specialty groups of World Physiotherapy – International Federation of Orthopaedic Manipulative Physical Therapists (IFOMPT) & International Organisation of Physiotherapists in Paediatrics (IOPTP) – to develop evidence-based practice position statements directing physiotherapists clinical reasoning for the safe and effective use of spinal manipulation and mobilisation for paediatric populations (<18 years) with varied musculoskeletal or non-musculoskeletal conditions. A three-stage guideline process using validated methodology was completed: 1. Literature review stage (one scoping review, two reviews exploring psychometric properties); 2. Delphi stage (one 3-Round expert Delphi survey); and 3. Refinement stage (evidence-to-decision summative analysis, position statement development, evidence gap map analyses, and multilayer review processes). Evidence-based practice position statements were developed to guide the appropriate use of spinal manipulation and mobilisation for paediatric populations. All were predicated on clinicians using biopsychosocial clinical reasoning to determine when the intervention is appropriate. 1. It is not recommended to perform: • Spinal manipulation and mobilisation on infants. • Cervical and lumbar spine manipulation on children. •Spinal manipulation and mobilisation on infants, children, and adolescents for non-musculoskeletal paediatric conditions including asthma, attention deficit hyperactivity disorder, autism spectrum disorder, breastfeeding difficulties, cerebral palsy, infantile colic, nocturnal enuresis, and otitis media. 2. It may be appropriate to treat musculoskeletal conditions including spinal mobility impairments associated with neck-back pain and neck pain with headache utilising: • Spinal mobilisation and manipulation on adolescents; • Spinal mobilisation on children; or • Thoracic manipulation on children for neck-back pain only. 3. No high certainty evidence to recommend these interventions was available. Reports of mild to severe harms exist; however, risk rates could not be determined. Specific directives to guide physiotherapists' clinical reasoning on the appropriate use of spinal manipulation or mobilisation were identified. Future research should focus on trials for priority conditions (neck-back pain) in children and adolescents, psychometric properties of key outcome measures, knowledge translation, and harms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within the framework of a broader research project, the results of an analysis of the role of repression and forced recruitment in the Spanish Civil War is presented. This article focuses on a specific region that was taken over by the coup plotters from July 1936 onwards. This region, Galicia (in the northwest of the Iberian Peninsula) was the main recruitment centre for the insurgent (nationalist) side. This article aims to show the role that recruitment played in the imposition of repressive terror in the rearguard, something that has been little studied in war studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the public governance of the private British munitions industry from 1938 to 1945. It uses a case study of Wales to make two arguments. One is that public regional governance was contested and slow to emerge, although ultimately successful. Governance was initially centralised and uncoordinated as three supply ministries competed to source munitions. Floorspace controls were introduced in 1941 but ministries rebuffed other attempts to co-ordinate regional procurement. However, capacity problems throughout Britain incentivised co-operation from 1942, when a new Ministry of Production created effective regional structures. The other argument is that business activity in Wales intensified as structures emerged. Mobilisation focussed initially on concentrations of secondary manufacturing, but Wales was dominated by primary industries and few businesses were producing munitions by mid-1940. Nevertheless, air raids and capacity shortages elsewhere prompted an influx controlled increasingly by regional structures that governed a munitions industry dominated by private businesses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How are memories of a violent past in the country of origin reproduced, contested and reinterpreted by younger diasporic generations? And what consequences do processes of memory transmission of a violent past have on younger generations' identities and patterns of mobilisation? Based on an exploration of the transmission of memories of the 1994 genocide in the Rwandan diaspora in Belgium, this article demonstrates that the intergenerational transmission of conflict memories shapes the mobilisation of second-generation diasporans in significant ways, and largely explains patterns of conflict transportation in the country of residence. However, a reframing of issues related to Rwanda's past, as well as a reorganisation and rethinking of diaspora cleavages and/or solidarities, from one generation to the next can also be observed. Such patterns can be explained by the need to translate memories of a painful past so that they can make sense and resonate in the country of residence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This interdisciplinary study demonstrates how an anthropogenic narrative emerged in the immediate aftermath of the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki and how it became a strategic tool to drive Hiroshima's reconstruction processes, ascribing a new identity to the devastated city as a global advocate for peace. The atomic bomb survivors' nascent anthropogenic discourse emerged as hearsay partially based on scientific news but primarily reflecting the survivors' immediate and visceral observation of life at ground zero. The discourse evolved in synergy with the annual Peace Declarations and other public discourses, mobilising the hibakusha and changing their outlook. The study reveals, through a hybrid method of quantitative and qualitative analyses of over 20,000 testimonies from a-bomb survivors, the power of the anthropogenic discourse from ground zero in turning ad hoc disaster recovery efforts into the sustainable development of the city while fostering community consciousness for societal and global peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Our paper addresses the question of how governments respond to the politicisation of preferential trade agreements (PTA). How have governments responded to business interest mobilisation while negotiating PTAs? Moreover, if there has been an increase in the salience of a trade agreement, has this changed the government response? First, we assess politicisation in terms of the mobilisation patterns of private sector interests during PTA negotiations. Our central argument is that governments liberalise more when a broad range of business interests involving a large number of sectors mobilise in response to trade negotiations, as this would provide legitimacy to their policy positions. Second, we study governments' reactions to the level of salience of the trade agreement at hand. We argue that governments liberalise less when the agreement in question is highly salient and provokes increased public debate. We take an actor-centred and comparative approach to our research questions and use a novel dataset of 157 PTAs covering the period from 2005 to 2018. Both of our hypotheses are supported by our analysis. Our results also reveal an important difference between PTA 'depth' and 'rigidity', which are often perceived as closely correlated in assessing trade openness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The subject of territorial belonging remains one of the regular flashpoints of conflicts in contemporary politics. With identity overlap and context-dependent instrumentation of belongingness, the question of how one identity classification attains preponderance over others in the overlap and the character of the associated conflicts compel studying every instance as a unique case. This paper interrogates the instrumentation of multiple levels of indigeneship mobilisation in inclusion politics in tertiary education institutions in Nigeria. Qualitatively drawing from vice-chancellor’s selection politics in University of Nigeria, this paper found that four incentives drove the preponderance of ethno-territorial indigeneship mobilisation over other levels of indigeneship mobilisation in the institution. First, politically, the collective interests of the dominant Igbo ethnic group were held paramount in the ethnic territory. Second, the rationales for the collective interest of the ethnic group were widely acknowledged by all communal settlements on the ethnic territory. Third, democratically, the phenomenon ensured the rule of the majority in vice-chancellors’ selection politics. Fourth, the merit prerogative of the academy, breached in inter-ethnic struggle, remained sacrosanct in intra-ethnic competition for the choice position. These exemplify the situation of many federal tertiary education institutions in Nigeria and become their prominent trademarks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Campaign rallies serve as arenas of political communication where candidates present their campaign messages face-to-face in order to gain votes. This article suggests that rallies are one of several forms of campaign visits along with official business stops, courtesy calls to local notables, and personal interactions with constituents. Drawing on an original dataset of campaign visits in Ghana's 2016 and 2020 elections, we find that a significant political learning process took place between the two races for candidates of the two major parties, as candidates diversified their strategies beyond the rally-intensive campaign. Candidates extended the communicative and representative elements of the traditional rally through socially embedded practices by relying on occupational groups like market associations and fisherfolk to mobilise voters. By explaining the meaning behind different forms of campaign visits, we conclude that campaign rallies and other visits are embedded in social realities that shape political mobilisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the narratives that underpin the activism of Buddhist nationalist movements in Thailand. In arguing that these movements represent an emerging strand of Thai nationalism – Buddhist majoritarian nationalism – the focus is on three discursive components that shape the contours of the movements' narratives. The first component regards a two-prong threat against Buddhism: political elites subservient to the Muslim minority and the latter's growing influence. Second, averting these threats necessitates a new form of national consciousness that places Buddhism and Buddhists as the country's majority at the centre of national identity. Third, this ideological position accompanies the movements' aspiration to further conflate religion and polity. This argument is situated in the historical inter-relationship of the state, nationalism, and Buddhism, while tracing how recent political upheavals, including political polarisation, influence the movements' organisational development and discourses. The latter has been mainly promulgated online, but at times have inspired offline protest activism. The Thai movements display various commonalities with their counterparts in Sri Lanka and Myanmar, but their ability to challenge royal nationalism and influence explicitly religious policies remains to be seen. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Western Europe has recently experienced increasing protest mobilisation by right-wing populist movements. Although these movements are receiving increasing scholarly attention, systematic data on protest activities is limited. In this research note, original data is used to describe the protest activity of Germany's Pegida movement across space and time and to explore the city-level determinants of protest mobilisation. The protest dataset records 373 events with more than 337,000 participants in major cities between 2014 and 2017. The data documents the involvement of right extremists during the protests and illustrates the movement's nativist and anti-elitist orientation. The correlational analysis of the determinants of protest activity shows that protests are less likely in cities with a large foreign-born population and lower income levels. Moreover, protests correlate with vote shares for the right-wing populist party AfD, underlining the party-movement linkage and the local entrenchment of right-wing ideology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Covid-19 pandemic triggered polarisation across Europe. While most citizens supported governments' containment measures, others took to the streets and voiced their dissatisfaction. The article focuses on the mobilisation potential related to this heterogenous protest wave. It examines individuals that show sympathy and are willing to engage in anti-containment demonstrations based on 16 waves of a rolling cross-section survey fielded in Germany in 2020/2021. The results show a considerable and stable mobilisation potential: every fifth respondent sympathises with the protesters, and around 60% of those are ready to participate themselves. Political distrust, far-right orientations and an emerging 'freedom divide' structure the potential, as do Covid-19-related economic and health threats. Moreover, the findings indicate a radicalisation process and show how ideology and threat perceptions drive the step from sympathy to willingness to participate, suggesting that ideological polarisation may quickly spill over to the streets given an appropriate supply of protest opportunities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mobilising human rights discourse in pursuit of justice by local social movements is often treated as a straightforward process. However, social movement practice is rooted in domestic socio-political culture, the ability to affectively engage publics and envision 'political horizons'. Human rights discourse is often deployed in this process, but the dynamics involved have both enabling and constraining features which movement participants exploit, negotiate and disagree over. This article explores scholarship on human rights, social movements and democracy to examine these dynamics through the reflections of participants in two recent social mobilisations in Mexico: the Movement for Peace and Justice with Dignity and Ayotzinapa 43. Both movements arose in response to abuses and impunity in the context of spiralling state and non-state actor violence and corruption in Mexico, but also challenged the dominant political narratives of Mexico's democratic development. They focused on the justice demands of victims, but also involved plural groups, many hoping for wider change. Human rights discourse featured in each movement, but they were not human rights movements, raising important questions about how human rights discourse is understood, made meaningful but also kept in check as part of sustaining contentious collective action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most patients treated in a hospital setting are fully or partially immobilised. The Activity Board (Träningstavlan® Phystec) is a useful tool to enhance mobilisation after major abdominal cancer surgery. Knowledge of patient experiences of the mobilisation tool is crucial in implementing the Activity Board in health care. This study aimed to describe patient experiences of using the Activity Board after surgery for abdominal cancer. Semi-structured face-to-face interviews were conducted in 15 patients who underwent abdominal surgery due to colorectal, ovarian or urinary bladder cancer. All 15 patients (mean age 67.7 years, range 40–86) used the Activity Board postoperatively. The interviews were transcribed verbatim and analysed according to inductive content analysis. The overarching theme that emerged from the interviews was that "enabling participation facilitates empowerment over rehabilitation". Three categories supported the theme: prerequisites for using the Activity Board, the value of using supportive behavioural techniques, and the possibility to influence the patients' care. These findings suggest that the Activity Board could be a viable tool that activates the person-centred postoperative rehabilitation process by cooperating with the medical team at the hospital ward. Patients who are in hospital due to cancer surgery are often immobilised, which increases the risk of complications. The Activity Board can stimulate the patients to participate in the rehabilitation process in a more active way. The Activity Board can be used to improve and clarify the person-centred approach in hospital settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars have examined the mobilising roles of text and images played during social movements. Studies of the Lennon Walls in Hong Kong have also discussed how citizens expressed opinions, shared information, and mobilised support for political reform. Few studies, however, have systematically examined the content of post-it notes and images on Lennon Walls and explored how the persuasive functions of movements have been distributed across text and image. In the research reported in this article, 10,000 post-it notes and 2,076 images collected from Lennon Walls across 18 districts in Hong Kong between June 2019 and April 2020 were coded, revealing important differences not only in the discourses presented but also in the persuasive functions of text and image. This analysis provides a more robust analysis of how the Lennon Walls were shaped by Hong Kong contentious repertoires. Meanwhile, Lennon Walls also served as a site of contention bound by its own specific contentious repertoire which demonstrates the spatial practice of counter-framing. This article examines the segmentation and distribution of the movement's persuasive functions across textual and visual means of communication, in which the legitimacy, acceptance, and diffusion of actions and claims were extensively utilised during the 2019 social unrest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article adopts an alternative framework for thinking about the Nehruvian state and the drivers that shaped India's postcolonial development strategy. This is a firm shift away from viewing development as a technocratic enterprise, and towards a focus on how the Nehruvian state sought to deploy notions of voluntarism. Within the Indian context, voluntarism referred to the mobilisation of ordinary people to further local development projects. This article investigates voluntarism through efforts at rehabilitating able-bodied refugees in Faridabad. Like many refugee townships that were constructed in the immediate aftermath of Partition, Faridabad was built from the ground up entirely through reskilled able-bodied refugee labour. Within the environment of rehabilitation, the article shows how voluntarism through the cooperative model became an integral postcolonial development strategy adopted by the Nehruvian state to construct new distinct urban spaces on formerly uncultivated lands. However, the article will reveal how the Nehruvian state's use of voluntarism was beset with tensions, challenges, and problems. The article shows how widespread refugee discontent, bureaucratic mismanagement and alleged financial misconduct ultimately impeded the Nehruvian vision of empowering and mobilising ordinary Indians to further projects of public utility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hip fracture guidelines recommend early mobilisation, multidisciplinary care, physiotherapy and fall prevention interventions. This study documents mobilisation practices and physiotherapy interventions provided post-hip fracture in six countries. Physiotherapists from orthopaedic wards in Denmark, Australia, Spain, Brazil, Norway and Ireland provided information regarding mobilisation and physiotherapy for 10 consecutive hip fracture patients (>60 years), between 2014 and 2018. Physiotherapists (n = 107) entered data on 426 patients. Two-thirds of patients (283, 66%) attempted standing 0-1 days after surgery (range: 0% of patients in Spain to 92% in Norway). Fewer patients (199, 47%) attempted walking on day 0-1 (range: 0% Spain/Brazil to 69% Norway). Physiotherapy to mobilise every weekday was provided to 356 patients (84%, range: 60% Ireland to 100% Spain). On weekends, physiotherapy to mobilise was limited (175, 40%, range: 0% Spain to 81% Brazil) but 298 patients (70%) mobilised with non-physiotherapy staff (range: 0% Spain to 96% Denmark/Ireland). Physiotherapy treatments included mobility, gait training, and range-of-motion exercises. Referral to fall prevention interventions was low (93, 22%, range: 0% Spain to 76% Ireland). Stronger compliance with guideline recommendations on early mobilising, weekend mobilising and referral to fall prevention interventions post hip-fracture is needed in some countries. This study provides a snapshot of mobilisation and physiotherapy practice for hip fracture patients in six countries. The results suggest a need to improve systems and approaches in some countries to enhance compliance with recommendations specifically relating to: • early attempts at standing and walking post-surgery. • opportunities to mobilise on weekends (with physiotherapist and/or other staff). • broader range of multidisciplinary care e.g., geriatric review, occupational therapy and nutrition advice. • use of standardised tests by physiotherapists post-surgery. • referral to fall prevention interventions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Implementing early mobilisation in intensive care is challenging, and a detailed knowledge of factors that may hinder or facilitate implementation is essential for success. The study was done to explore the perceived barriers and facilitators to early mobilisation by physiotherapists in Zimbabwean and South African public sector hospital ICUs. A qualitative study was done in eight public sector hospitals from South Africa and four hospitals from Zimbabwe. Physiotherapists from the participating hospitals who had at least two years working experience in ICU were invited to participate in semi-structured, in-depth, face-to-face interviews. Purposive sampling was done. Data collected included interpretation of early mobilisation, perceived barriers, and facilitators to early mobilisation. Data analysis was done using the content analysis method. A total of 22 physiotherapists were interviewed. In defining the activities regarded as early mobilisation, there was diversity in relation to the specific activities and the nature of the patients in which the defined activities were suitable for. Perceived barriers which emerged included lack of professional autonomy or boundaries, motivation, and clinical skills. Perceived facilitators to early mobilisation included the availability of guidelines, good communication, adequate staff, and mobilisation equipment. Barriers and facilitators to early mobilisation are multifactorial. There is need for multidisciplinary team collaboration and planning before implementing early mobilisation activities. Professional roles/identity and or boundaries emerged to be a barrier that hinder implementation of early mobilisation if not clearly defined. Non-rotational physiotherapy coverage was highlighted to be important in facilitating good communication and teamwork and sustainability of services in ICU. Good communication channels and referrals between different disciplines should be employed in ICU to prevent delay in rendering services to ICU patients. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Thrust Joint Manipulation (TJM) is a widely used intervention in spinal care, however there are differences in its use between countries and spinal regions. This survey analyzes the frequency of use of TJM, examines the thoughts about the effectiveness of, and the perceptions of Dutch certified manual therapists regarding safety, comfort, use and barriers related to the application of spinal TJM techniques. The 19-question e-survey was based on a similar survey in the U.S. Since the Netherlands has a separate professional standard for the upper cervical spine, questions enabled differentiation between upper- and mid/lower cervical spine. The survey was launched during a national manual therapy congress and distributed via social media (April-July 2018). Descriptive analyses, MANOVA and qualitative analyses were used. From the 211 responses, 150 were male, with a mean age of 44.9 (±11.2) years, a mean clinical experience of 12.8 (±9.6) years as manual therapist, 87% had a master's degree and 97% worked in a private practice. Except for the upper cervical spine, more than 80% of the participants felt that TJM was safe, were comfortable performing TJM. Overall >80% of participants perform additional screening prior to TJM. Concerns about safety is the greatest barrier for upper cervical TJM. Findings indicate that overall Dutch manual therapists believe TJM to be safe and effective and are comfortable performing them, except for the upper cervical spine, where concerns exist regarding safety and acquiring written informed consent. 2b. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An analysis of the Chinese military-civil fusion strategy through a neoclassical realist and state action theory perspective highlights that the advent of emerging technologies has opened up an unprecedented opportunity for states to amplify the extraction and mobilisation of resources, conducive to maintaining and increasing their military and economic power in global politics. Underpinned by increasing cooperation between the People's Liberation Army and private companies as well as state-owned enterprises, the Chinese military-civil fusion strategy can be viewed as a comprehensive strategy of mobilisation and extraction (actively relying on state-driven technology advancement) that has especially drawn upon technology transfer and talent recruitment from abroad. In this regard, China has acted in line with the premises of state action theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the activities of Borno traditional political and religious leaders in the Nigerian Civil War, with specific reference to the role of the Shehu of Borno and other chiefs, Muslim and Christian leaders. Traditional political leaders are the custodians of culture and traditions in Borno. They galvanised support for the war by mobilising society to contribute to the war effort. This article adopts a qualitative method, using oral sources from interviews conducted with surviving members of the traditional political and religious institutions. Traditional political leaders also commissioned religious leaders to pray for a successful end to the civil war, the unity of Nigeria and to preach the legality of enlisting into the military profession. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines Henry Giroux's critical pedagogy, and explores the interconnections among education, democracy, and hope. Whereas critical pedagogy rejects foundationalism, it still requires a normative foundation to criticise oppressive situations and pose a vision of the future. Giroux rejects foundationalism and regards oppressive force such as neoliberalism as an enemy of both hope and democracy. He regards hope as an act of imagination, something to be cultivated, which can be regarded as a medium of mobilisation. This seems inconsistent with the tenets of critical pedagogy, as mobilisation is often thought to suppress individual human agency, which Giroux and other critical pedagogues have emphasised heavily. This paper solves this inconsistency via the radical democracy advocated by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe and Gramscian insights regarding hegemony and education, and redefines the role of hope in Giroux's theory. Giroux's framing of hope moves us towards certain normative claims and mobilises people to desire democracy as a normative foundation for society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Large-scale illegal fishing commenced in Australian coastal reefs 1970. Since, the Royal Australian Navy (RAN) has been "out of synch" with matching its Tier 2 constabulary vessels to their mission. The pattern is that "mission goalposts" shift post-acquisition, reflecting changes to UNCLOS. Post-WWII, the RAN employed wartime escorts in patrol roles, and wartime launches for littoral constabulary. The RAN has recreated this mix in the twentyfirst century. This paper traces this process and associated problems. Minimum resources are assigned to constabulary functions in peacetime, yet the units involved are arguably the most operational and politically sensitive. Vessel unsuitability has consistently meant personnel problems, over-use of constabulary vessels, and high maintenance costs. Australia's strategic situation is deteriorating towards a point where the rising risk demands mobilisation responses. This would include rapid acquisition of large numbers of Tier 2 assets to meet existing and conflict low-mix roles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to analyse the mobilisation of immigrant communities in Argentina during the Great War and to explore its impact on the definition of national identities. By their very nature, migrant communities are at the crossroads of two worlds: their countries of origin and their host societies. In this case, they also connected the belligerent powers and neutral Argentina, the global war and its local experience. Wartime posed them a serious dilemma since the demand for loyalty to the homeland coexisted with alternative national identities and with the experience of the integration into Argentine society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While many researchers have investigated the structural causative factors of ethnic conflict in Ghana, elite mobilisation as a cause of ethnic conflict in Ghana has received less academic attention. This study investigated the role of ethnic elites in the onset of ethnic conflicts within Bawku Traditional Area of Ghana in the context of the General Theory of Ethnic Conflict. A qualitative method, using a grounded theory perspective with a systematic design was adopted where structured interview guides were used to gather primary data from 30 participants. The data collected was analysed using inductive thematic analysis. It was found that ethnic elites from both the Kusasi and the Mamprusi tribes, amidst favourable political atmosphere, mobilised their people into violence interchangeably with changing political regimes. It was therefore, recommended that the outbidding process which allows for intense mobilisation be regulated and guarded from degenerating into inspiration for violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a project aiming to develop community-led resources for families in northern Quebec, Canada, members (Inuit and non-Inuit) of the project decided to meet with Inuit parents to hear their experiences and needs, and to better understand how family dynamics might be related to ways of using resources within communities. In this article, we present secondary analyses of interviews conducted in 2015 with 14 parents living in a community of Nunavik, northern Quebec, accompanied by participatory analysis sessions. A dual data analysis strategy was adopted. Non-Inuit researchers and research assistants with significant lived experience in Nunavik explored what they learned from the stories that Inuit parents shared with them through the interviews and through informal exchanges. Inuit partners then discussed the large themes identified by the research team to guide non-Inuit researchers in their analysis. The aim was to better inform non-Inuit service providers and people whose mandate it is to support community mobilisation in relation to the heterogeneous realities of Inuit families, and the ways in which they can be of support to families based on their specific realities and needs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholarly work on migration to Europe and North America asserts that states adopt liberal migration policies when migrants are able to mobilise and when they are assisted by state and non-state institutions. To what extent does this explanation for mobilisation transfer to the Global South where authoritarian state structures might be in place, thereby constraining certain political behaviours? This paper examines why migrants and refugees have been able to mobilise to a greater extent in Morocco than in Egypt. Drawing primarily on original data from semi-structured interviews, this paper assesses the formal and informal rules that constrain or permit certain political behaviours among non-national populations in each host state. I find that the Moroccan system has been more responsive than the Egyptian state to migrant and refugee mobilisation due primarily to the type of authoritarian governance in place. While both Egypt and Morocco seek to retain control overt opposition, the Moroccan regime since the 1990s has allowed for a degree of openness, permitting visible forms of resistance and ultimately co-opting critics, whereas Egypt – especially since 2013 – has sought to violently eliminate any form of contestation and since 2014 has also sought to limit any associational activities related to human rights promotion. The findings address the question of whether extant explanations for migrant mobilisation and subsequent policy reform travel to the Global South, and also contribute to understandings of whether and how the political mobilisation of migrants and refugees can take place in non-democratic spaces and to what effect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To examine effects of intensive upright mobilisation on short- and long-term outcomes in critically ill mechanically ventilated patients. A randomised controlled trial compared patient outcomes after intensive twice-daily (n = 29) or daily mobilisation (n = 21). Patients in the intensive care unit (ICU), mechanically ventilated for over 48 hours, were randomly assigned to one of the two groups. Outcomes were duration of mechanical ventilation, ICU and hospital lengths of stay; health-related quality of life and physical function. The twice-daily mobilisation group began upright mobilisation on day seven of ICU stay, and were mobilised upright on 31% of ICU days compared with the daily mobilisation group, who began upright mobilisation on day eight (p ≥.05), and mobilised upright on 22% of ICU days (p =.03). No difference between groups was observed for any variable of interest across time-points over one year. The intensive twice-daily mobilisation group neither started upright mobilisation early nor yielded superior short- or long-term outcomes compared to the daily mobilisation group. Both groups showed poor physical health-related quality of life and exercise capacity one year after ICU discharge. Our findings support the need for targeted and tailored upright mobilisation in the ICU and after discharge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Plant nutrition practice in organic agricultural systems is sometimes reduced to a renunciation of applying readily soluble mineral fertilisers. In organic farming, however, soil nutrient stocks are regarded as an additional source of plant-available nutrients that can be mobilised by crop plants through rhizosphere effects. Therefore, unlike in conventional farming, the focus is not on replacement of the nutrients removed by the harvested products through readily soluble fertilisers enhancing nutrient concentrations in the soil solution. Instead, it is on minimising nutrient losses and supplying plant nutrients through soil-plant-microorganism interactions in which improved soil structure and enhanced soil biological activity facilitate plant-induced nutrient mobilisation and nutrient uptake under conditions of limited nutrient availability in the soil. This paper reviews these soil processes that improve the availability of macro- and micronutrients to plant roots under conditions of limited nutrient availability. It focuses on providing a conceptual framework for the different processes contributing to nutrient mobilisation and within which the various strategies for improving nutrient efficiency can be integrated in organically managed soils. Essential farm management options based on scientific views of nutrient dynamics to maintain soil fertility are addressed. With diverse, legume-based crop rotations with an adequate proportion of time dedicated to fertility building crops, careful management of manure and organic residues, and by using permitted inputs for phosphorus (P) and potassium (K), organic farms can be managed sustainably. However, efforts for recycling nutrients, mainly phosphorus, need to be enhanced. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing from the multifaceted notions of diaspora mobilisation, this article analyses the complex attitudes of Iranian immigrants toward their homeland and assesses the functions and importance of the national centre in cases where the homeland is contested. As a diaspora fragmented along ethnic, religious, political and class lines, the Iranian diaspora(s) presents a challenge to any perception of a tightly bound community and solidarities based on common cultural and ethnic references. Based on a survey of opinions conducted among Iranian immigrants regarding the homeland, we argue that while the Iranian homeland occupies an important position in the construction of the diasporic identity, this diaspora(s) turns away from national politics and mobilises toward their homeland and imagines it in a way that is contrary to how it is constructed in the Iranian homeland. The Iranian diaspora(s) has developed a trans-national diasporic identity drawn from various sources, whether pre-Islamic Persian or multicultural, in a way that diminishes the importance of the national centre in the construction of its identity. Iranian immigrants are redefining Iran as a 'referent-origin' in a manner that maintains diaspora(s) cohesion and solidarity and meets their emotional needs, the transnational environment and the actual reality of the host countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that making dance performance is a resourceful means of self-production that is an aspect of resilience, through interrelationship, and that making dance is an act of resilience in the context of the social, cultural, and historical struggle that continues in the lives of people with learning disabilities. The argument is made by developing dance scholar Randy Martin's theory of mobilisation in relation to Catherine Panter-Brick's theorisation of resilience as a recruitment of resources. A short description of rehearsal work by Speckled Egg Dance Company provides evidence of how practice might be understood through the argument. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing upon research including personal interviews with Ethiopian church leaders and examination of Ethiopian laws and constitutions through three consecutive governments over the period 1930–2012, this contribution examines the motivations and strategies by which successive authoritarian governments in Ethiopia have mobilised or demobilised Christian churches. The contribution argues that in contexts of low economic development, the political salience of churches comes not only from their ability to (de)legitimise governments, as argued in previous works, but also from churches' valuable resource mobilisation capabilities and international connections. The contribution explores how successive authoritarian governments in Ethiopia have balanced these political and economic considerations in deciding whether to politically mobilise or demobilise the country's influential Orthodox and Protestant churches and details the legal and policy tools used by governments to manipulate churches' political capacities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using in-depth interview data of young adults who participated in the University of Kent student occupation, this paper (1) explores the process by which young people enter into and engage in high-intensity mobilisation and (2) seeks to understand how this mobilisation (and prior engagement) impacts future political trajectories of these youth activists as they grow into adulthood. Recruitment and initial engagement in high-intensity mobilisation correspond to concepts used to explain civic engagement in Verba, Schlozman and Brady's ([1995]. Voice and equality: Civic voluntarism in American politics. Cambridge: Mass: Harvard University Press) civic voluntarism model. Political trajectories following high-intensity engagement appeared to correspond with engagement prior to participation in the occupation, with those who had lower levels of prior engagement able to sustain their activism well beyond the initial high-intensity engagement. Those with greater activist experiences prior to the occupation and earlier in their youth reduced their engagement following the high-intensity mobilisation. While patterns of trajectories from young adulthood to adulthood appeared, the causal mechanisms varied significantly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Collective action requires resources, organization, leaders and political opportunities. In the case of disadvantaged minority groups, long-standing conflict with the majority, a closed political opportunity structure and the difficulty of acquiring resources, increases the costs and risks of the action. We argue that the development of such an action is a function of leaders' perceptions about the cost of inaction (COI) and symbolic resources of the group, such as solidarity. Combining these evaluations creates three trajectories: growth, restriction and decline. We examine this argument by four collective actions carried out by Arab Palestinians citizens in Israel to improve education. The findings show that leaders increased efforts even if they assessed opportunities are limited when they thought that COI is high, since inaction means not only the loss of instrumental costs but also the loss of potential symbolic gains such as recognition of the group collective identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article critically examines conservative Christians' participation in two legal processes: the review of Jamaica's 2009 Sexual Offences Act and related laws in 2017 and the Belizean constitutional challenge by Caleb Orozco in 2011–2016. It reveals how some conservative Christians' active participation foregrounds struggles over morality and nationhood. It also highlights common strategies used in their mobilisations; namely, an appeal to certain notions of democracy, whilst asserting the continuous relevance of certain Christian principles and teachings. These engagements address the present role of religion in the public spheres of these 'postcolonial' nation-states and the possible dilemmas posed for democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

State collapse is a highly consequential event. But we know very little about the reasons why and how states lose their capacities of violence control, rule-making and taxation. In order to explore the underlying causal mechanisms, we use a nested analysis combining Qualitative Comparative Analysis and comparative process-tracing. While the mobilisation of armed opposition groups is a necessary condition for state collapse, it only works in concurrence with other conditions, namely political transitions, repression, factionalism, intra-elite rivalry and external interventions. Thus, the article presents a causal model that shows the alternative pathways leading to state collapse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing from the articles in the special issue, I review the goals of the movement to protect customary land rights, and assess the reasons why 25 years on, the trajectory of dispossessory development remains unchecked. Legal advocacy has opened pathways for customary land rights to be recognized in theory, but in practice, the number of communities that have qualified for recognition is very small, each 'case' demands heroic efforts and significant resources, and the content of recognition falls far short of restoring customary landholders' autonomy and control. New strategies are needed to forge a broad alliances capable of instilling social justice at the heart of Indonesia's development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: The purpose of the study was to investigate the responsibilities and frequency of clinical procedures that physiotherapists perform within the intensive care unit (ICU) in Greece, along with the level of education and training of these physiotherapists. Methods: Physiotherapists who work in general ICUs of hospitals were invited to complete a developed questionnaire. The questionnaire consisted of 83 items, of closed and opened–ended format. Items for service provision and physiotherapists' employment were included, along with participants' involvement in respiratory care, early mobilisation and the use of the ICU equipment. Results: One hundred forty physiotherapists completed the questionnaire. Seventy-three respondents (52%) reported working in ICU in Athens and 67 (48%) in other cities of Greece. Almost all the physiotherapists' performed early mobilisation and respiratory techniques; although the frequency of procedures and use of equipment were variable. Sixty-one (44%) and 70 (50%) respondents participated in the weaning procedure and mobilised the patient whilst using the ventilator, respectively. Conclusion: The physiotherapists are from ICUs all over Greece. The results reflect the differences among the procedures that physiotherapists perform, regarding early mobility and respiratory physiotherapy. The results indicate the need for a national up-to-date job description of the physiotherapy services in ICUs in Greece. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature on the far right is trying to connect with social movement studies. Scholars from different social scientific backgrounds are increasingly acknowledging that extra-parliamentary grassroots activism is part of the alliance and conflict structure of nativist collective actors. The recent rise in far-right street politics – or, precisely, its re-emergence with seemingly different clothes – should encourage the study of the inter-relations between party and non-party collective actors. As a case in point, the far right not only includes political parties geared towards elections and public office but also social movements or 'networks of networks' that aim to mobilise public support, and a conglomeration of subcultural groups and groupuscules. By putting forward a three-part metric to analyse mobilisation factors at the macro, meso, and micro levels, this piece and the Special Issue it introduces bring the (inter-)relations between far-right parties, movements, and subcultures frontstage, and elaborate on nativist collective action across different arenas of contention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Writing from a participant observation point of view with supplement of in-depth interviews, this article presents UPrising, a student-led movement that emerged at the University of Pretoria's Hatfield campus during the 2015 Fees Must Fall tuition fees protest. We examine its activities within UP's politically contested student space, in terms of recruitment, mobilisation and organisation of students. The article also traces how UPrising led protests on campus-specific issues and proposed tuition fees increase that had been proposed in 2014 for the 2016 academic year in conversation with broader student protests of 2015. We argue that UPrising led a successful student struggle through a non-partisan approach, effective use of social media and strategic leadership in a space with intense surveillance and fraught with partisan student politics that intersected with gender. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Warfare often spills over into contentious mobilisation in cities. However, violent urban social disorder is not simply a reflection of broader conflict dynamics. In this article, I argue that armed conflict creates openings for contention in cities when it gives a signal of state weakness. Regime opponents will utilise the favorable political opportunity structure created by the state's defeat in war to make demands through collective mobilisation and violence. In this case, capital cities and major urban areas witness more violent social disorder events such as riots and armed attacks as broader conflicts cease. I test this argument using monthly event data on urban social disorder in 98 cities in the developing world from 1960 to 2012. I find that conflict termination is associated with more frequent lethal urban disorder events, but only when it results in defeat for the incumbent government. Other types of conflict outcome are not significantly correlated with violent urban disorder. These findings suggest that contention in cities follows a different logic from that of warfare, in some cases increasing as broader armed conflicts subside. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do some towns become focal points for anti-minority activism at particular moments in time, when other towns with similar socio-economic conditions do not? While policy practitioners charged with responding to such activity frequently ask this question, it has received less academic attention. Consequently, an adequate response falls between different strands of the academic literature on anti-minority politics. We explore this question through a comparative analysis of how and why Luton, a Bedfordshire town, became a focal point for the latest wave of organised anti-minority activism in the UK, centred around the English Defence League (EDL), while Blackburn with Darwen, a local authority in Lancashire with a history of extreme right political 'successes', did not. We develop the concept of situated credibility contests to help us articulate the contingent relationships between potential explanatory variables and political outcomes, and describe how 'demand-side' and 'supply-side' variables interact through the strategic actions of anti-minority activists and their opponents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research question: Within sport management, there is a lack of empirical research on the reasons why stakeholders mobilise. This article identifies four antecedent factors underpinning the formation of the Our Tottenham community network: a network formed by community groups in Tottenham to challenge, inter-alia, the stadium-led regeneration scheme. Research methods: The research draws on a longitudinal, qualitative case study, involving interviews, participant observation of community meetings, and analysis of documents. Results and Findings: Four factors underpinned the development of the Our Tottenham community network. The erosion of local democracy and the violation of reciprocity are categorised as reactive forces, in which mobilisation occurred as a response to the behaviour of the Council and the football club. Protecting community interests and increasing salience were driven more by the needs of the community and are categorised as proactive forces underpinning mobilisation. Implications: In the context of this case study, we argue that mobilising efforts occurred due to the presence of both reactive and proactive forces. This helped the Our Tottenham network to build a salient stakeholder coalition. The findings also suggest that focal organisations need to recognise how their behaviour can create the antecedent conditions for stakeholder mobilisation and put in place structures that enable community stakeholders to have a voice during stadium-led regeneration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines pro-European mobilisation in the United Kingdom following the European Union (EU) referendum. It develops a framework that combines Isin’s ‘acts of citizenship’ with Nancy Fraser’s three dimensions of justice - redistribution, recognition and representation - to examine the way in which Brexit has served as a mobilisation trigger for claims about European citizenship. Drawing on data from a survey of participants of an anti-Brexit march in London, it argues that Brexit can be seen as a process that makes people aware of the ‘right to have rights’ as EU citizens. While some protesters experience Brexit as a struggle over the substance of justice within the United Kingdom, many of the ‘48%’ experience Brexit as a serious injustice that results from what Fraser calls ‘misframing’ in the context of struggles over the boundaries of the political community. In this sense, economic, cultural as well as political forms of injustice amount to a sense of personal grief over being ‘misframed’ in a UK outside the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Updating our earlier work on Brussels as the paradigmof a multi-level, multi-cultural, multi-national city, and in the context of Brussels's recent troubled emergence as the epicentre of violent conflict between radical political Islam and the West, this paper sets out the paradoxical intersection of national (i.e. Flemish and Francophone), non-national and ethnic minority politics in a city placed as a multicultural and multi-national 'urban anomaly' at the heart of linguistic struggle of the two dominant Belgian communities. Brussels is one of the three Regions of the Belgian federal model alongside Flanders and Wallonia. It is also an extraordinarily diverse and cosmopolitan city, in which a mixed language Belgian population lives alongside very high numbers of resident non-nationals, including European elites, other European immigrant workers, and immigrants from Africa and Asia. After laying out the complex distribution of power and competences within the Belgian federal structure, we explore whether these structures have worked over the years to include or exclude disadvantaged ethnic groups. To better understand these processes, we introduce our view of the multi-level governance perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]