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Whether it’s the attack on Pearl Harbor, the outbreak of the Korean War, the start of the Gulf War, or the 9–11 terrorist attacks, the United States has suffered no shortage of strategic intelligence failures in its history. More recently, however, the United States has suffered from a different brand of mishap – a failure of net assessment, where the United States under- or overestimated how our allies would fare in a conflict against known adversaries. This article lays out two competing theories for why these net assessment failures happen – the missing variable hypothesis versus self-delusion. It then tests these theories against three cases of net assessment failures – Iraq in 2014, Afghanistan in 2021 and Ukraine in 2022. This article argues that contrary to popular belief, American net assessment failures are not primarily due a failure to collect the right information or an inability to assess the ‘will to fight’. Rather, American net assessment failures often stem from self-delusion. Because these assessments are often done at the upper rungs of government and include more qualitative judgements about friendly and enemy willpower and proficiency, senior government officials often shape their assessments to best fit their policy preferences. In other words, they fall victim to the confirmation trap. Consequently, if the United States aims to produce better net assessments in the future, then it needs to guard against this bias by professionalizing net assessment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Renewable energy, particularly solar power, is clean, cost-effective, and virtually limitless, making it an essential source of energy for developing countries. In the Kurdistan region, however, dependence on fossil fuels remains high, with 85 percent of electricity generated from these sources, whereas solar power contributes less than 1 percent. This study addresses this disparity by employing Boolean logical analytical hierarchy process techniques and a comprehensive set of criteria encompassing technical, ecological, and economic factors to identify suitable sites for solar power plants in Duhok Governorate. The results indicate that 68.5 percent of the governorate's area is deemed suitable for solar power station construction, with the most promising zone comprising 132.2 km2 and capable of generating more than 8,000 megawatts of solar energy. Notably, most suitable areas are concentrated in the south and southwest, particularly in the districts of Bardarash, Shekhan, and Semel. This study paves the way for a significant shift toward renewable energy in northern Iraq. Identifying vast suitable areas for solar power plants offers a practical roadmap to reduce dependence on fossil fuels, provide a clean energy source, and enable a large-scale solar power project. This study empowers policymakers, energy companies, and investors to make informed decisions toward realizing this renewable energy potential, ultimately transforming the energy landscape in northern Iraq. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Accusations of sexual perversion, of defying both the statutes of man and the laws of the almighty, have since Antiquity been a staple of heresiographic discourse. They had pride of place in Muslim heresiology as well, which charged many a heretical sect with engaging in group sex, incest, wine-drinking, as well as the shunning of the obligatory rituals such as prayer and pilgrimage. One group has fared particularly badly at the hands of Muslim heresiographers – the so-called Shiʿi 'extremists' (Ghulāt), who lived in Iraq in the eighth and ninth centuries. Scholarship has mostly taken a simplistic approach to accounts about their alleged antinomianism, by either rejecting them as hostile propaganda or, more frequently, by accepting them wholesale as accurate. Meanwhile the historical, polemical contexts in which such accusations were made have been ignored. This article evaluates within a broad historical context two bodies of evidence: the heresiographical accusations on the one hand, and the Ghulāt's own writings on the other. My contention is that while the most hair-raising accusations are nothing by hostile polemics, others do reflect the Ghulāt's actual beliefs and practices. I conclude by examining the cultural meanings which antinomianism had among the Ghulāt – namely, as boundary markers and tools for identity construction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the politicization of cultural heritage in Iraq is widely covered by research, little attention is dedicated to how exactly heritage education has been implemented, the knowledge gap this article aims to address. Focusing on the methods employed to educate an average citizen in cultural heritage (how) rather than on the motivation behind them (why), the article unveils novel empirical data drawn from 25 oral history interviews with Iraqi heritage-sector stakeholders demonstrating several important findings. First, a profound gap emerges between cultural awareness levels in pre-1990 and contemporary Iraqi society. Second, the data allows us to identify 12 categories of pre-1990 heritage education strategies, nearly all of which are currently missing or slowly being revived. Third, the respondents disclose a strong reliance on heritage education potential for raising cultural awareness in the sectarianism-torn society. Finally, the article suggests a holistic and inclusive heritage education methodology as a tool of social, ethnic, and religious cohesion in Iraq. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay focuses on the trope of the missing corpse in two contemporary Iraqi novels: Ahmed Saadawi's Frankenstein in Baghdad (2013) and Muhsin al-Ramli's Daughter of the Tigris (2019). Drawing mainly on critical work on the corpse and death studies as well as critical ideas on relics and hauntology the essay asks: What place does the missing corpse occupy in a body of contemporary literary outputs that have witnessed a significant engagement with the materiality of the dead body? How is the narrative of the absent corpse structured and framed? How is it experienced and accounted for? What forms and shapes replace the absent body? The essay argues that the missing corpse takes on an "absent presence" that haunts the narrative while the dead body's very disappearance is compensated for through relics, surrogates, replacements, and repetitions. In conclusion, the essay contends that this absent presence further signals a haunted futurity that is entangled in Iraq's history of violence but which, nonetheless, offers the potential for a radically new and democratic vision for the country's future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although addressing cultural and religious practices is important in providing mental health care, little research exists on understanding mental health issues of minority groups such as Muslim immigrant women. We employed an intersectional approach to examine beliefs and attitudes toward mental health issues among Muslim immigrant women in Canada. Four focus groups (21 participants) were conducted, and 101 surveys were collected in Ottawa, Canada. Three core themes emerged from thematic content analysis of focus group data that relate to participants' communication about: 1) stressors, 2) mental health care seeking, and 3) utilizing coping strategies. The survey data were analyzed using independent samples t-test and One-Way ANOVA, the results of which supported the qualitative findings that social stigma was an important obstacle preventing those women from seeking professional mental health services. Muslim women with South and Southeast Asian cultural/ethnic backgrounds were more likely to get help from professionals than those with African cultural/ethnic backgrounds. No group differences were found in age, family income, and employment status. Broadly, the findings underscore the importance of developing knowledge about the intersections among gender, religion, cultural identity, immigration status, and social stigma that influence beliefs and attitudes toward mental health issues. Specifically, the findings point to the need for an intersectional approach that offers a more nuanced understanding for tailoring mental health care to Muslim immigrant women's needs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examined the heavy metal content in dust storm samples from Erbil, Iraq, along with four other locations. Using ICP-MS, Cd, Ni, Cr, Hg, Pb, Zn, Mn, Cu, Co, Fe and As were determined. The health risks due to exposure to these metals through ingestion, inhalation and dermal contact were assessed for both adults and children. Non-carcinogenic risks were evaluated using the hazard quotient (HQ) and hazard index (HI). Children faced a cumulative risk with HQ > 0.2 for As and Cr and HI > 1. The carcinogenic risk was measured using the carcinogenic risk factor (CRF), which fell below 10–6, indicating low cancer risk. However, children had a higher cancer risk (10−4 to 10−6) for As. The pollution indices revealed varying pollution levels from unpolluted to moderately polluted in the studied areas. Overall, this study highlights potential health risks associated with heavy metal exposure during dust storms, particularly for children, and emphasises the importance of addressing these concerns to safeguard public health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The old land of Iraq is characterized by the presence of many oil seepages that date back to the Babylonian time. During the last few years, the country has witnessed an accelerating pattern of earthquakes that may have activated some of the major old faults and released entrapped hydrocarbons that eventually mixed with groundwater. The recent phenomenon of mixing hydrocarbons with this water has resulted in significant economic losses. Many geochemical analyses were conducted for four samples of oil contaminated with groundwater in the Karbala and Najaf regions and compared them with five samples of seep oil in the Ramadi region and one sample of bitumen extracted from the Lower Fars (Fatha) formation of Kifl-1 oil well, to find out the origin of these oils and to identify potential reservoirs that could hold important undiscovered oil reserves. Results indicate that the groundwater oils were highly mature and originated from Lower Cretaceous carbonate sources deposited under upwelling deep water, anoxic conditions. This is roughly corresponding to the bitumen extract sample of the Lower Fars Formation taken from the Kifl-1 oil well, confirming that these oils belong to the reservoir units in this formation and may therefore contain economically amounts of oil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study explores media discourse through the lexical and semantic realization of text. For that, online hard news on the disruption of tension due to targeting Iranian Major General Qassem Soleimani as the Commander of Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) on 3rd January 2020 in Iraq was selected from "Tehran Times" and "USA Today." The "Appraisal Analysis" of Martin and White under "Attitude" and "Graduation" resources were employed to analyze the lexical strategies. The dataset comprises 322 words from the "Tehran Times" and 1727 words from "USA Today." The study reveals that both newspapers have presented their views via social actors (Irani President Rouhani & U.S. President Donald Trump) as an external voice. President Rouhani presented in negative invoked instances with determination to respond in "Tehran Times." At the same time, "USA Today" portrayed Donald Trump on a positive with correct measures as the need of an hour. The findings suggest "USA Today" only had inscribed judgment and invoked stances. Both newspapers had represented "subjectivity" along with "objectivity" by presenting social actors' positive image in their local newspapers through direct speech that showed the ideological orientation of newspapers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contested narratives of the mass Jewish immigration from Arab countries to the young state of Israel emphasize Israel’s central role in this episode, positively and negatively. However, new studies reveal that Israel was only one actor in the Jewish exodus, with other key roles filled by Arab states, the British Empire in the Middle East, the French Empire in North Africa, the United States, and international Jewish organizations, particularly the Jewish-American Joint Distribution Committee. This complexity is particularly evident in the case of three countries from which nearly the entire Jewish population emigrated to Israel during its early statehood: Yemen, Iraq, and Libya. This article proposes a comprehensive synthesis of research perspectives on the phenomenon of Jewish migration, with a focus on the cases of Libya, Yemen, and Iraq. I address what is common and what is unique to the migrations of these three communities, examine the entities involved in organizing their departure and those involved in their transit, and, drawing on this unique story, I propose a new historiographic interpretation of the phenomenon as a whole. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: The Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) committed genocide of the Yazidis in Sinjar 2014, resulting in dispersion and enslavement. Research shows severe mental health problems, such as posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) among survivors, but less is known about their resources and strengths, conceptualized as posttraumatic growth (PTG). Aims: are to examine the balance between symptoms and strengths among Yazidi women caring for their infants by identifying groups differing in PTSD and PTG, and analyze how demographic, obstetric, and infant-related factors associate with the groups. Method: Participants were 283 Yazidi mothers with their 1-18-month-old infants displaced in Kurdish Region of North Iraq. PTSD symptoms were measured by Harvard Trauma Questionnaire and PTG by the Posttraumatic Growth Inventory. Results: identified four groups: "Severe symptoms and low growth" (39%), "Low symptoms and moderate growth" (38%), "Moderate symptoms and very high growth" (13%), and "Moderate symptoms and low growth" (10%). Low education, economic difficulties and obstetric problems related to the "Severe symptoms and low growth" group, whereas newborn and infant health problems did not have an impact. Conclusion: Effective help for genocide survivors should both alleviate suffering and encourage resources through tools of recreating a sense of cultural security and pride. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay argues that Iraq war reportage participates in an embedded sublime that offers aestheticized and racialized spectacles of war at a distance. The US military media embedding program aimed to decisively shape the media's representation of the 2003 invasion and occupation of Iraq. But embedding journalists within military units proved challenging, as the programme confronted both the ironies of framed narratives and a destabilising media and internet environment. Reading Anthony Swofford's Jarhead, Evan Wright's Generation Kill, and Dexter Filkins' The Forever War, I argue that their hypermasculine representations of war show a powerful desire for poeticized violence and for scenes of despicable beauty. These scenes draw on classical formulations of the sublime in Kant, depending on racial hierarchies and imperial narratives as they represent the killing and suffering of people of colour in Iraq, Afghanistan and the Global South. Yet the embedded sublime often produces an ethical hesitation in readers and viewers allowing them to participate as spectators of war at a distance. I explore strategies that challenge this logic in Iraqi blogger Riverbend's Baghdad Burning and journalist Nick McDonell's The End of Major Combat Operations, resisting this tendency to embed, aestheticize and normalise representations of violence in the 'The Forever War' era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United States' partnership with Syrian Kurdish groups has greatly complicated its interactions with Turkiye. While the US and Turkiye initially worked together to dislodge Syrian President Bashar al-Assad's regime, their interests diverged when countering the Islamic State (ISIS) became the main US concern and countering Kurdish autonomy Turkiye's chief aim. Over Turkish objections, the US trained and equipped Syrian Kurdish forces, which became the principal element of the Syrian Democratic Forces - the US-engineered umbrella group that was instrumental in ousting ISIS from its Syrian strongholds and continues to function as a deterrent, backstopped by a light US presence. The Turkish government would now prefer that the Assad regime re-establish its authority in northern Syria and extinguish Kurdish aspirations for autonomy. The US military presence in Syria prevents such an eventuality. If Syrian Kurds see an opportunity to advance Kurdish autonomy, tensions between the US and Turkiye in the region could significantly increase. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the British travel firm Thomas Cook & Son's operations in Iraq, threading together the histories of antiquities-focused tourism and development from the country's establishment as a League of Nations Mandate in 1920 through its independence in 1932. It situates the firm's rhetoric within two principles undergirding mandate-era colonial development: development of the land, achieved through the modernisation of transportation infrastructure, and the development of the Iraqi people 'along native lines'. Journalists, tourism promoters, politicians and travel writers lauded investments in Iraq's railways, automobile transportation and civil aviation infrastructure. They presented visions of Iraq's development as inextricable from its place within regional and global transportation networks. In the same period, a fascination with antiquities resulted in an outpouring of media about ancient Iraqi civilisations. Thomas Cook's cohesive publishing output – from guidebooks and travelogues to ephemeral written and visual sources, including pamphlets, magazines and advertisements – reveals how the company presented Iraq as both a country boasting the latest in modern transportation and hospitality facilities as well as an exotic land of perpetual antiquity. Thomas Cook not only replicated colonial discursive strategies, but also made them legible within the cultural (and seemingly 'apolitical') register of leisure travel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Iraq's second city Mosul was once home to an ancient Jewish community whose history coincided in part with that of Baghdadis who were the majority of Iraqi Jews, but also differed significantly. This article compares experiences in the first half of the twentieth century, drawing on a key but little-known source, Ezra Laniado's Yehude Mosul (1981) which used extensive oral history interviews conducted in the 1970s with surviving community members, including eyewitness accounts of crucial events. Those narratives are often at variance with those of Baghdadi Jews. Laniado's work can make an essential contribution to re-evaluating the history of Iraqi Jews by integrating that of communities from the north. There are understandable reasons for the relative neglect of Mosul's Jewish community in English language histories of Iraq's Jews, but taking them more into account raises wider questions of representation. Including more marginalized Jews from outside Baghdad who had complex relationships with multiple other groups might require rethinking existing perspectives and adding nuance. A critical discussion of Laniado's memorial to his community explores possible reasons why it has been largely overlooked despite being such a unique source. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within the main framework of Pegg’s de facto states, this article deals with the de facto state phenomenon and presents a case study of the position of the Kurdistan Regional Government of Iraq (KRG) in order to explore its legitimacy-seeking policies and implications. De facto states are internationally engaged but unrecognized entities in the international community. However, their standing and legitimacy policies draw the attention of world states because of their varying impacts on global security and the transnational challenges they present. In such a context, this article elaborates on the KRG’s legitimacy-seeking position with respect to security/stability and democracy/pluralist society in the light of its relations with Iraq, the wider Middle East and the international community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the interaction between Syrian refugees’ entrepreneurship and the social contract of Kurdistan Region of Iraq using qualitative method. The findings confirm that the low level of social contract’s recognition of refugee resources as property rights had a negative effect on their entrepreneurship activities. In contrast, the provisions provided by the government, as part of the social contract helped refugees utilize their resources, which played a positive role in motivating refugee entrepreneurship. Regarding the impact of refugee entrepreneurship on the social contract, there was no top-down change, even with indications of change agency. This can be explained by the low level of participation, in the social contract, and the weakness of entrepreneur associations. For bottom-up change, refugee entrepreneurs tended to challenge the exclusiveness and clientelism in the social contract by increasingly deviating from standard processes, which lead to some de facto change. This research enhances our insights of refugees’ entrepreneurship and integration in the context of the social contract and its change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay delves into the intricate interplay between Shi‘a Islam, tribalism, and the Iraqi regime during the 1990s, with a specific focus on the influential figure of Muḥammad Ṣādiq al-Ṣadr. Al-Ṣadr epitomized a compelling case of second-tier scholars who successfully engaged segments of society overlooked by the clerical leadership, recognizing the multifaceted composition of Shi‘a society, with its urban poor, tribal roots, and growing intelligentsia. His Fiqh al-ʿAshāʾir, harmonized Islamic principles with tribal customs, facilitating dialogue with this traditional element, deeply entrenched within Iraqi society. Ṣādiq al-Ṣadr believed that the tribes and their leadership, with their growing alienation from the state, were ready to return to Islam, seeking spiritual comfort and a sense of belonging. While tribalism as a sub-national construct has the potential to undermine the unity of a nation or a larger supra-national entity, in Iraq, tribalism also encompassed a shared Arab ethnic identity, offering a prospect for bridging divides between the Sunni and Shi‘i population. Nevertheless, for Saddam Hussein, tribalism was a tool instrumental in consolidating his power. Consequently, Ṣādiq al-Ṣadr’s endeavour to influence tribal behaviour and inculcate an ethno-religious notion of tribalism presented a direct challenge to Saddam’s autocratic rule and his manipulation of state ideology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the fall of the Saddam Hussein regime in 2003, Iraqi Shi’a political actors have been the main forces leading the country, dominating the domestic legislative scene over their Sunni and Kurdish counterparts. This article brings innovative analysis and classification of actors, such as Islamic Da’wa Party, Badr Organization, Asa’ib Ahl al-Haq (AAH), Harakat Huquq, Al-Hikma, Islamic Supreme Council of Iraq (ISCI), Sadrist Movement, or Imtidad, bringing more light on the Iraqi political scene since the parliamentary elections in 2021. The ideological anchorage of the parties is evaluated in two dimensions, religious and sectarian, placing them on the Islamic-secular and sectarian-nationalist axes, reflecting their approach towards intra-religious issues, vilayet al-faqih, possible normalization of relations with Israel, sectarianism, and nationalism. The methodology of this research is based on Chapel Hill Expert Survey data collection, semi-structured interviews with politicians and political experts from the Kurdistan Region of Iraq and Iraq, Jordan, and the United Kingdom, content analysis of examined actors’ statements on social and official media and opinion polls, reflecting the voices of the Iraqi society. The main results of this research singled out clusters of more pro-Iranian actors (Badr Organization, AAH, Harakat Huquq), with the highest tendency to use Islamic and sectarian policies, followed by more traditional Iraqi political actors such as Islamic Da’wa Party and ISCI. Al-Hikma, Sadrist Movement and Imtidad then inclined to be more nationalist and secular. Finally, it shows the Iranian influence as a crucial factor in shaping the domestic and foreign policies of thoseactors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractIn this article, we interrogate the extent to which a so-called Islamist advantage existed prior to the Arab Spring by examining country cases often neglected in the literature on Sunni Islamism. We then assess the extent to which the presumed ‘ft of Islamist fortunes post-Arab Spring exists (a) solely in the Sunni sphere or extends to independent Shiʿi movements, and (b) is present in country cases less commonly studied: Bahrain, Iraq, Kuwait, and Lebanon. We find overall that there is no difference in advantage or disadvantage between Sunni and Shiʿi Islamists; what matters more than the moment of the Arab Spring for understanding the future of Islamism writ large is inclusion of country case studies that are often neglected, like those of Iraq and Lebanon, which complicate assumptions made about Islamists in electoral politics in the Arab world and add nuance to the argument over the existence of an Islamist advantage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study, the researchers attempted to build models that are more accurate by using lithofacies data along the field. Using a wider field area and extended data from both electrofacies and lithofacies could provide an accurate model of the reservoir description that will be useful for future field developments. The stochastic and deterministic models were presented to build the facies model as the basis for the construction, comparison, and selection of the more accurate model of the Mishrif Formation in the West Qurna oilfield/Iraq. The results obtained from this study indicated that the Sequential Gaussian indicator simulation algorithm offered a more accurate stochastic model between lithofacies data extracted from 20 wells and electrofacies from 75 wells, while the Truncated Gaussian simulation algorithm has a better match than others for the distribution percentage of lithofacies and electrofacies. The stochastic model shows that Mishrif Formation consists of approximately 35–40% as carbonates, 32–35% as shale, and 28–30% as coarse sand, Dolomite, and other materials according to the SISIM and GTSIM, while the deterministic by the kriging algorithm referred to as 62%, 24%, and 14%, respectively. The best variogram that gives the best results indicated that the direction of facies distribution is mainly South-North with an inclination to North-West. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates possible sociopolitical reconciliatory mechanisms to garner support for peacemaking in conflict-torn societies. Building on the Kurdish question in Turkey, associated with a four-decade-long armed conflict that has spilled over into neighboring Syria and Iraq, we identify policies and framing that can attract support for a political solution to the conflict. We highlight the need for a sociopolitical reconciliatory approach that addresses both the hopes of the warring minority and the fears of the majority. The results from an original nationwide survey indicate that minority demands can initially be addressed through a 'soft settlement,' lying between individual and collective rights. Our results point to the need to relax the concept of negotiated settlement, which has become the most frequent approach to ending internal armed conflicts in the post-Cold War era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractTobacco use poses significant public health concerns, linked to various mental and physical health outcomes. Iraq has a high prevalence of smoking, predominantly with traditional cigarettes, but there is also growing popularity of electronic cigarettes and waterpipes among younger and middle-aged adults. This study aims to explore the perceptions and usage of traditional cigarettes, electronic cigarettes, and waterpipes among this population in Iraq. A descriptive study was conducted among 402 young and middle-aged adults (50.25% females), aged between 18 and 45 years, with a mean age of 25.88 (SD = 7.27). For the data collection, an online questionnaire was developed utilizing distribution channels on common social networking platforms. The results showed that 41.79% of respondents have used traditional cigarettes, while 31.1% of participants reported that they use electronic cigarettes. Ninety-four per cent of respondents acknowledged that they use waterpipes. The results also indicated that a significant proportion believe that using electronic cigarettes is either much more harmful or more harmful than traditional cigarettes. Participants commonly perceived all three types of tobacco products as highly harmful, including secondhand smoke, addictive qualities, and popularity among peers. Additionally, significant differences in perceptions emerged between smokers and nonsmokers regarding electronic cigarettes and traditional cigarettes, although no such differences were observed for waterpipes. These findings contribute to understanding the attitudes toward different forms of tobacco use among respondents, highlighting the need for targeted interventions to address the perceived harm associated with tobacco products. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Diverse forms of protest in contemporary Iraq have not altered the country's political system and in some respects have reinforced it. This paper argues that the existing literature has not fully explained this protest weakness, due in part to a division between an agency-focused protest literature emphasising discourse, symbolic politics, and the micro-politics of protests, where less attention has been paid to the material and structural elements; and a literature focused on the political system which has typically adopted more macro and structural models. By contrast, this paper uses concepts from Deleuze and Guattari to explore empirical case studies of the encounter between protests and political power in Iraq. It finds the notion of social assemblage useful for drawing the expressive and the material, the micro and the macro, back together on the same ontological plane. Deleuze and Guattari's distinction between the behaviours of rhizomatic (decentred) and arborescent (hierarchic) structures can also clarify a key source of protest weakness in Iraq as the rhizomatic tendencies of the country's political system. This refers primarily to the tendency for destabilisations of the system engendered by protests to function as a mechanism for the expansion of its political power over new social territory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study brings the notion of informal institutions developed by Helmke and Levintsky's research agenda into the body of literature on civil–military relations. While acknowledged by the existing literature, the link between informal political-security connections and political transition remains largely undertheorised. Based on the case of post--invasion Iraq, I attempt to fill this gap, building a conceptual understanding of politician-officer personal connections and their role in defining political order in post-authoritarian and conflict settings. Data collected through fieldwork across Iraq helped to build a typology of the informal connections (communal ties, patronage ties or ideologies ties) and the institutional outcomes they generate over time after the fall of Saddam Hussein's regime (ethno-sectarian state, a patronage state and a Shia-centred state). Personal connections have been relevant since the colonial era in Iraq. But the de-institutionalisation of Iraqi politics, accelerated by sanctions and the US-led invasion, make these connections crucially relevant for understanding the country's political transition since the fall of Saddam Hussein. The common history that brought these individuals together, the political order and the violent transition they shaped is an untold story that this study aims to tell. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes theorising contemporary uprisings through an analytical lens that considers the discursiveness, spatiality and materiality of protests and protesters, and the ways in which bodies and affects are mobilised. It offers an in-depth analysis of the October 2019 uprising in Iraq, commonly known as Thawra Teshreen, exploring the infrastructural, structural and political dimensions that shaped protesters' lives and deaths. It shows that protesters put forward their own politics of life and death in the streets, mobilising as people and bodies as infrastructures, and negotiating a new social order that centers the marginalised. It situates protesters' trajectories and subjectivities in relation to the materiality and structures of the various forces of death that have shaped their experiences, and relates them to the military-oil-capitalist complex tied to postcolonial state-building and empire. The article suggests that in order to understand and theorise contemporary uprisings on a global scale, taking Iraq as a framework expands the theoretical and political imagination about global structures of power and their political, structural, and infrastructural deployment in the everyday, and in the experience of living and dying in the world today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I use Tahrir Square as a case study to examine the significance of space to Iraq's October Revolution. I draw on the work of Henri Lefebvre to argue that the revolution in Tahrir Square was a response to the degradation of space in Baghdad after 2003 and delineate how protesters used space tactically to alter the dynamics of contention in their favour. In addition, I suggest that despite the material space of the revolution coming to an end, protesters nevertheless saw what unfolded there as revolutionary because it allowed them to imagine politics anew for the first time since 2003. In this way, I contribute to work on social movements in the Middle East by highlighting the revolutionary potential of the imagination and centring protesters' understanding of it, therefore challenging academic norms about who gets to create theory. This has also allowed me to undertake a nuanced analysis of the events that unfolded in the square, as the focus on the imagination means that I do not need to claim that social relations changed beyond recognition to argue that something of lasting significance took place during Iraq's October Revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Post-2003, the Iraqi Police Service (IPS) has undergone a series of overhauls that have prioritised building institutional capacities ('statebuilding') above socio-political cohesion ('nation-building'). Following the defeat of Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIL), however, a community policing initiative premised on improving state–society relations has gained momentum. But while community policing is conceived in the Global North as a trust-building mechanism, how do Iraqi stakeholders locally perceive it, when the legacy of regime change has been to entrench a highly militarised police force beholden to patronage networks and heavily outnumbered by other security and justice providers? This paper considers policing in two diverse districts in Ninawa province: a rundown Sunni tribal neighbourhood in Mosul, and a predominantly Christian town in a multi-ethnic district. Drawing on qualitative interviews with 37 figures representing a spectrum of local interests, we explore how Iraqis understand three commonly touted characteristics of community policing: police–public partnerships; problem-solving; and preventing crime. Our findings suggest that while police conduct does impact how stakeholders view them, public trust in the police is at least as much a function of who the police are as of what they actually do, underscoring that police professionalism cannot substitute for political legitimacy more broadly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractMilitant groups delegate operations to contingent, short-term, and freelance agents. Informal and ad-hoc employment patterns have wide-reaching consequences, yet the literature lacks a systematic vocabulary and framework to analyze these practices. Using primary and secondary sources, I introduce a descriptive typology of informal employment patterns in militant groups. This contributes to scholarship and practice by establishing a basis for a systematic comparison of variation in militant employment models, particularly highlighting how these practices can have far-reaching implications for conflict and post-conflict settings. Case studies of informal militant hiring practices in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Syria support the typology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Around 6,000 civil society organisations (CSOs) have been registered by the autonomous Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) in Iraq since 2011. Many of them work in the fields of human rights, women's and youth capacity empowerment, law, and the environment, while others monitor the work of the Kurdistan government, parliament, and elections. CSOs in Iraqi Kurdistan face many challenges that place serious constraints on their work and limit the socio-political and economic roles that they can play. This article explores these challenges in order to make some recommendations to improve CSOs' functionality within the democratisation process of the KRG. A historical descriptive and case study method was utilised for the studies. In-depth interviews with relevant stakeholders from CSOs, academia, and the government were used to generate qualitative data that was thematically analysed. The research findings revealed that CSOs in Iraqi Kurdistan are faced with political, financial, legal, and religious challenges, as well as the impacts of corruption and government interference. The article argues that CSOs are paramount institutions for the development of Iraqi Kurdistan, and only when these challenges are overcome will CSOs be effective in contributing to society's democratic development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reconstructs the place of 'self-determination' and its conjunct, 'minorities' rights,' as legal languages in the history of Iraq from the British occupation until its League of Nations-supervised independence in 1932. While historians understand the development of the Arab-led mandatory regime and its relationship to international, League-mediated politics, the potential for the politics of 'self-determination' to have created radically different geopolitical outcomes, particularly in the northern, heterogeneous province of Mosul, has only recently been acknowledged. Rather than treat self-determination as an analytical category, this article begins from the perspective of the concept's novelty in the Middle East in 1918. State-building in Iraq through independence, I argue, depended on manipulating the doctrinal slippages between 'self-determination' and 'minorities' rights' as much as it did on institutional processes. Through the emergence of the mandatory regime and in two critical League Council decisions – the Mosul territorial arbitration of 1925 and Iraqi independence proceedings in 1932 – the nascent Arab state, the British Empire, and the inhabitants of Mosul contested the meaning of self-determination. Their arguments had far-reaching implications, some unintended, for the shape of inter-war international politics and constitute an important – and earlier – episode in the interplay between decolonisation and the centring of the nation-state in international law in the twentieth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Iraq, a lack of evidence-based management protocols for diagnosing, treating, and managing multiple sclerosis (MS) poses risks of suboptimal outcomes and clinical practice variability and potential harm to the patients. This study aimed to develop consensus recommendations regarding the diagnosis and management of MS in Iraq, specifically focusing on treatment-naïve patients, suboptimal responders, and women of childbearing age during preconception, pregnancy planning, and lactation. A survey was conducted to collect feedback from a panel of ten key opinion leaders (KOLs), who evaluated and discussed the statements to determine agreement levels. The mini-Delphi method was employed to establish a consensus on the management recommendations, and a meeting was held to analyze the responses and ensure that the recommendations were based on current evidence and followed a consensus-driven approach. The Revised McDonald Criteria is recommended for MS diagnosis, which includes evidence of dissemination of disease characteristics in space and time. Disease activity and progression can be monitored using relapses, MRI activity, and short-term disability progression. Experts suggest initiating treatment at diagnosis using higher efficacy medications, such as cladribine, ocrelizumab, natalizumab, or rituximab, for patients with high disease activity after careful risk stratification. Injectable interferon preparations have a tolerable risk profile but have drawbacks, such as the route and frequency of administration. Overall, disease-modifying therapies (DMTs) have shown efficacy in reducing relapse rates and short-term disability. This article presents expert panel recommendations for managing MS in Iraq, taking into account international guidelines, medication updates, and local resources. However, practical questions remain regarding the real-world use of disease-modifying therapies (DMTs). Personalizing treatment based on disease severity, prognosis, and individual risk factors while adhering to guidelines is crucial. A collaborative approach between healthcare providers and patients, considering individual preferences, is vital for achieving treatment goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tobacco smoking and substance use is a public health hazard. The investigations studying tobacco smoking, substance use, and their associated factors among Iraqi undergraduates are limited. Our study aimed to examine tobacco smoking, and substance use among medical undergraduates in Najaf, Iraq, and report associated characteristics. A piloted questionnaire was utilized to conduct a descriptive cross-sectional web-based survey. The snowball technique was used for sampling. The subjects' features, perceived risk of harm, location, motivations, and effects of cigarette smoking and substance misuse were used to conduct association testing. Tobacco smoking was reported in 17.3% of the students (at least once in the previous month), and substance use in 3%. Mostly, the age of initiation was <15 years, and psychological stress (50.9%) was the reason for tobacco smoking and substance use. However, the presence of a smoker or user friend or family member was significantly associated (p-value <.05) with tobacco smoking and substance use. The prevalence of tobacco smoking and substance use and several risk factors were identified. In addition to promoting awareness about tobacco smoking and substance use and its potential consequences, the associated characteristics reported in this study are useful when developing effective counteracting policy initiatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women associated with the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) are returning to their home countries from camps in northern Syria and require prosecution, rehabilitation and reintegration. Yet, as feminist security and terrorism scholars have demonstrated, rehabilitation and reintegration programmes are mostly focused on men and neglect women's experiences. The absence of rehabilitation and reintegration programmes designed for women is influenced by gender stereotypes around women's peacefulness and their lack of agency. Alongside gender, further intersecting Islamophobic dynamics also shape these practices through, for instance, racial profiling or the trope of associating Islam with "terrorism". This paper, thus, explores to what extent rehabilitation and reintegration programmes are influenced by underlying assumptions. I build upon feminist security and terrorism scholarship and draw from interviews with practitioners and policy- makers who have worked with ISIS women returnees across juris- dictions and countries. I argue that intersecting gendered, racial and religious assumptions influence the rehabilitation and reintegration practices of women returnees. This analysis is illustrated with three themes: 1) vocational training in rehabilitation programmes, 2) the freedom in the expression of religion and 3) the stigmatisation of returnees. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study examines whether the presence of the Brilliant Triad of personality traits–emotional stability, conscientiousness, and agreeableness–leads to positive Innovation among individuals working in health organizations. It also investigates the role of emotional intelligence as a mediating variable in explaining this relationship. The current study model, which includes three main variables, is tested on the basis of the theory of emotional events. The sample of the study included 364 junior physicians who worked in a variety of clinical departments in public hospitals in one of the cities in southern Iraq. A questionnaire form was used to collect study data, and a structural equation model was used to test the hypothetical model. The bulk of relationships in the search model were reinforced by data analysis. Findings demonstrated the value of emotional intelligence as a mediating factor in establishing a precise understanding of the connection between the Bright Triad and constructive Innovation. The study's findings were used to discuss a wide range of theoretical and practical implications and to make some suggestions for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Polish popular film has responded to the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq with two productions: the TV series Misja: Afganistan (dir. Maciej Dejczer, 2012) and the feature film Karbala (dir. Krzysztof Łukaszewicz, 2015). They do not reflect the prevailing views of the public on these two military conflicts, but rather appeal to the general imaginings about Polish wars in the course of history. As they leave out issues of politics, it is the portrayal of the soldiers that most fundamentally contributes to the construction of the perspectives on the wars in the Middle East in the films under discussion. The predominantly positive image of the Polish soldiers leads the viewer to believe that the wars in which they fought were justified. Misja: Afganistan and Karbala perpetuate the tropes entrenched in the heroic/martyrological model of representing war in Polish film through exploiting universal connotations of heroic war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This introduction offers a comprehensive context for this special issue of the Journal of War and Culture Studies. I define the concept of transnationalism as it is reflected in the scope of the articles included, all of which discuss non-American film productions about the American military interventions in Iraq and Afghanistan. I also argue that our understanding of the war film genre can only benefit from taking into account an array of different national cinematographies. The introduction contains summaries of the articles which discuss Iraqi, Afghan, British, German, Danish, Polish, Spanish, and Australian depictions of the American wars in the Middle East. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores cinematic representations of American military interventions in Iraq and Afghanistan, examining documentary and fiction films from American, Iraqi, and Afghan perspectives. The article argues that these films often fail to communicate meaningfully with domestic and international audiences effectively, instead remaining 'asymptotic' or 'uroboric' in their rhetorical and communicative impact. I highlight the ethical challenge faced by filmmakers, whether situated in the West or in the Middle East, of turning the 'traumatic mirror' back on themselves, and the difficulties in achieving successful communication and self-reflexivity. The post-9/11 era is marked by a complex intersection of realpolitik, public performatives, and moral commitments, with long-standing tensions between West and non-West persisting in new forms. Cinematic representations of these interventions serve as a window into the traumatic legacies of these conflicts and the ongoing struggle for ethical representation, as well as a lens on the rhetorics of cinema. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public information and early warning are key components of social disaster prevention because they can complement planning, and multi-disciplinary coordination and minimize losses. Social media has increasingly become an important communication channel for users to disseminate useful public and emergency information in these incidents. Communications, including web-based services, between governments, communities, and people involved in the management of disasters are mandatory for the purposes of early warning, rescue services, and recovery. Purpose of this article is exploring how people may use or had used the social media applications during the disaster and provide the advantages of social media in disaster management all over the world but specifically for citizens of Türkiye and Iraq. To get the response of the users, a Google form based survey questionnaire was distributed to the users through the internet. Two hundred and eleven persons, from both genders responded, ages ranged from 17 years to above 45, from different educational levels, inhabiting Türkiye (n = 105, 49.8%), Iraq (n = 88, 41.7%), and other countries (n = 18, 8.5%). The study shows that depending on the culture, social media usage behaviors change for disaster situations. During the disaster, Iraqi citizens preferred to use the Facebook application, meanwhile Türkish citizens prefer to use WhatsApp application to communicate. Both, governments and private sector, are invited to establish and continuously update the infrastructure and facilities of an effective social media communication system, plans should be made to encourage all sectors of society to learn how to use social media in the event of a disaster. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Stars and Stripes newspaper is an important site for the study of gender in the US military because it has often been among the only news material available for deployed members of the armed forces at war. An analysis of advertising in Stars and Stripes during Operation Iraqi Freedom (2003–2011) found that ads constructed and privileged a commodified, warrior hero masculinity unattainable by military women. The military identity of female servicemembers was often stripped from them in advertising, though they rarely appeared at all. Where women did appear, they were often depicted as the dependent helpmate/mother, as an embodied reward for the warrior hero, or as a powerless subordinate who needs rescue or financial support from the warrior hero. Even though military women performed ably in Operation Iraqi Freedom and soon after, saw all combat specialties opened to them, the ads in Stars and Stripes reproduced, and reflected, their marginalization in the US military. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article hypothesises the intricate role of the elite within a consociational political framework characterised by a rentier economy. It posits that the societal interest is perennially sidelined due to the sectarian and ethnic delineations inherent in the representation of sub-identities. The competition among the elite to secure control over the state's financial resources, predominantly derived from natural reserves, further exacerbates this neglect, engendering a myopic focus on narrow interests. The chosen case study, Iraq, stands out as a noteworthy exemplar of a consociational political system concomitantly characterised by a rentier economy. Within this milieu, the political elite, despite a protracted period of lacklustre performance spanning nearly two decades, exhibits remarkable resilience and an augmentation of its authoritative stature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A robust well-balanced finite volume scheme is proposed for simulating the flash floods due to rainfall-runoff process. The solver's implementation on unstructured triangular meshes is based on a Godunov-type second-order upwind finite volume formulation, and Roe's average scheme is used to determine the fluxes. The bed slope, friction and rainfall source terms are discretized using an upwind approach. The suggested algorithm uses the slope limiter and Hancock's predictor-corrector method in order to secure numerical stability. The proposed model overwhelms the drawbacks of many commercial codes that use the finite difference, finite elements and finite volume in their scheme, especially in dealing with rapid change in topography. The prepared scheme solves the two-dimensional shallow water equations over a real topography of Hishkaro basin located in Duhok city in Kurdistan of Iraq where the variation of bed elevation reaches 717 m. The scheme is validated against real observed data in Duhok city provided by the Sewage directory. The data of five observation points over the study area were used to validate the code. The results showed that the max water level reaches 3.67, 2.12, 1.20, 0.67 and 0.3 m at observed points 3, 2, 4, 1 and 5, respectively. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mishrif formation is the main carbonate reservoir in southern Iraq, which is extremely heterogeneous and require accurate geological description for optimal oil field development. This research is associated with developing a representative 3D static model that conserves geological elements and relieves the uncertainty of reservoir properties and volumetric estimates. The interpreted log data and core reports were selected to capture all structural, stratigraphical and petrophysical properties. The reservoir is discretized with irregular cells using the tartan grid, concentrating their accuracy in important areas. A sequential Gaussian simulation algorithm distributed the petrophysical properties for all reservoir units. The structural model showed that Mishrif reservoir in Garraf oil field has a domal structure with two main producing reservoirs (M1.2 and L1.2). The petrophysical model results present that unit L1.2 has high-quality properties with average porosity of 0.24 and water saturation of 0.17 and less than in unit M1.2, where the average water saturation and porosity are 0.47 and 0.185, respectively. The estimated oil in place with the volumetric method was 901 Million standard cubic meters, most of which accumulated in unit L1.2. This study was applied to reappraise the reserves of Mishrif reservoir in Garraf oil field using irregular gridding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The transition from life under Ottoman rule to life under the Iraqi Kingdom established in 1921 marked a positive shift in the fortunes of the country's Jewish community. During the British mandate for Iraq (1921–32), the Jews enjoyed equal rights and were economically and socially integrated into Muslim society. However, with the end of the mandate and the acceptance of Iraq's independence, a process of restricting the Jews and physically harming them began, culminating in the pogrom (known as the Farhud) of June 1941. During the decade attending the Farhud, the Iraqi government linked the fate of the Jewish community to that of the Palestinian Arabs. The state pursued a policy of oppression and discrimination, which eventually led to the displacement of the country's Jewish community from a place it had called home for thousands of years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The twenty-first century has seen near constant crises and conflicts across the Middle East, many of which have had a devastating impact on the region's rich cultural heritage. Confronted by this reality, UNESCO – the world's foremost body designed to promote the protection of heritage – has struggled to meaningfully address site destruction and has been hamstrung by its own institutional inertia. The vacuum created by UNESCO's failures has given rise to a hybrid heritage landscape of multilateral agencies, INGOs, state bodies and local organisations which seek to emulate, improve on or radically re-imagine the work that UNESCO was designed to lead. In turn, this has created burgeoning business opportunities and a thriving consultancy culture for INGOs, often with little public oversight, accountability or effective monitoring. This paper critically examines the rise of these heritage INGOs and their efforts in the Middle East, bringing into question their efficacy and legitimacy by drawing on results from original surveys conducted in both Mosul and Aleppo. The results indicate that these heritage INGOs largely fail to adequately engage locals in their programmes to protect and restore heritage and that respondents would prefer to see domestic control over the future of their past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examined the health-related quality of life among children who have undergone surgery for tetralogy of Fallot (TOF) compared to healthy children. Cross-sectional study The study was carried out at Children's Heart Hospital and Primary Healthcare Centers in Sulaymaniyah, Iraq, between July 1, 2022, and November 1, 2022. The study involved 400 participants, comprised of 200 parents of healthy children and 200 parents with children with repaired TOF. Data collection involved utilizing a 5-point Likert Scale questionnaire administered through direct face-to-face interviews with the parents of the children. Children with surgically repaired TOF had markedly lower mean scores (P ≤ 0.001) in the overall dimension of QoL (Mean rank = 137) when compared to healthy children (Mean rank = 263). Furthermore, it was observed that children with repaired TOF had significantly lower mean scores (P < 0.001) across all subdimensions of QoL compared to their healthy counterparts. In the subject of children with repaired TOF, the impact of maternal education (illiterate and lower education) on overall QoL was found to be highly significant (P < 0.001). In addition, children with repaired TOF from lower socioeconomic status (SES) families had worse quality of life than those from medium and high SES families, with a p-value <0.001. Repaired TOF children exhibited notable deficiencies across all dimensions of QoL compared to healthy children. Moreover, SES emerged as a significant determinant influencing the QoL outcomes of repaired TOF children. Despite undergoing corrective surgery for TOF, the QoL in children with repaired TOF continues to be lower than that of their healthy counterparts. Notably, the economic and educational status of the family significantly impacts the way these children perceive and experience their QoL. This finding underscores the critical significance of factoring in socioeconomic elements when addressing the well-being of this particular group of children. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This review engages with Melvyn Leffler's new book on the origins of the (second) Iraq war. It focusses particularly upon his argument that the Bush administration, and especially the president himself, genuinely regarded Iraq as a serious threat and initiated the war in 2003 for understandable reasons of national security. The review acknowledges that Leffler makes a strong case that Bush himself was motivated by such concerns, but goes on to argue that Leffler underplays the role of White House officials and beltway journalists and lobbyists who seemed clearly to have other motivations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Power-sharing is a recognized strategy for reaching durable settlements among rivals. However, power-sharing arrangements are often violated when one side grabs power. We examine public perceptions of power-sharing versus power-grabbing in the context of local policing in Mosul, Iraq. In a survey experiment, we investigate if -individuals believe that security in Mosul, in the aftermath of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) occupation, is enhanced or reduced under power-sharing versus power-grabbing treatments, which vary the authority held by distinct factions of the counter-ISIS coalition. The public is more likely to support power-grabbing than power-sharing in matters of policing and security. In the case of power-grabbing, there are also important moderating effects of conflict-related victimization. Unlike nonvictims who favor ingroup power-grabbing to enhance local -sectarian control, victims place a premium on stability, welcoming even external, out-group control over power-sharing among groups who might be at odds. Our results underscore the challenges of institutionalizing power-sharing mechanisms for peacebuilding after conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Volunteers are foundational in hospice programs. The purpose of this research was to address social, ethnic and demographic changes in Southwestern Ontario and understand how this may affect volunteer recruitment, and representation. Interviews and focus groups were conducted with hospice volunteers, key informants from leaders in ethnocultural communities, and hospice staff. Qualitative data from the interviews was analyzed using thematic analysis in five phases. Findings suggest ethnocultural interpretations of hospice can be very different than Westernized, Eurocentric ideas around end-of-life care. Systemic and structural barriers, information sharing, volunteer motivation and representation were found to influence and impact ethnocultural volunteer recruitment in hospice palliative care. Using a critical analysis allows us to identify the "imposition" of a Euro-ethnocentric hospice palliative care model that prevents recruitment of and impedes access of ethnocultural groups to hospice palliative care. To build bridges across predominantly White/Western models of care to ethnocultural racialized communities requires constant communication, relationship building, and determination in mutuality of learning on behalf of the dominant model. This research has implications for different regions of Canada providing hospice palliative care and hoping to increase ethnocultural accessibility and volunteer recruitment for hospice palliative care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under what conditions are radical alternatives to state-led diplomacy feasible? Diplomatic studies have so far denied attention to those diplomatic practices taking place without national mediation. Building on the concept of diplomacy from below (DFB), the article aims to understand under what conditions this newly theorised form of alternative diplomacy is possible in contexts of armed violence. To do so, we present the case of the diplomatic action of the (post)autonomist Association Ya Basta! between 1997 and 2004. The study adopts an interpretivist approach, reconstructing activists' stories along four conflict scenarios (Mexico, Palestine, Colombia, and Iraq). The empirical analysis allowed for formulating a "working hypothesis" according to which DFB is feasible only among groups sharing an ideological background and under minimum-security conditions for freedom of movement and physical integrity. The paper innovates debates on (para)diplomacy and opens a new research agenda on diplomatic interactions between subaltern groups in (post)conflict scenarios. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]