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Trans exclusionary radical feminist, Julie Bindel, has spoken of "identity politics" in conspiratorial terms - a common feature of anti-identity politics discourse more generally. Historicising Anti-Identity Politics. Making identity politics responsible for the collapse of the labour movement or Women's Liberation is historically scandalous, but the problems of sectarianism on the orthodox left can be disavowed when a portrayal of identity politics as particular and divisive is given to explain whatever it needs to explain. But his analysis overall is misconceived because an undifferentiated verdict is given on "identity politics" as a uniquely "neoliberal" phenomenon opposed to the working class. Incorporation has been a feature of liberal assimilationist politics since the first extensions of the democratic franchise. [Extracted from the article]

Settler colonies such as those in Australia during the nineteenth century were rife with myths. One myth in particular bears witness to a complex matrix of colonial relations, in which race and gender intersected in the definition of who could be counted as a "respectable" member of the settler population. "Neither black nor white," the Chinese were invariably disliked by Aboriginal peoples. The present essay takes this myth of racial antagonism as the starting point for an analysis that disentangles the discursive strategies that white settlers adopted to assuage anxieties concerning their identity from the practices that Chinese migrants adopted to uphold their right to settle (in) Victoria. To do so, this essay first charts the liberal, British, imperial order that enabled the mass migration of Chinese men to Victoria, and then maps the counter discourses that were mobilized against the unbridled movement of those men. Second, it examines the measures that were taken to curtail Chinese arrivals (1854–1863) and, by using gender as heuristic, it deconstructs the concomitant myth that the Chinese were "sojourners." Last, by approaching settler colonialism as a regime that capitalizes upon the aspirations of oppressed groups, this essay illustrates the ways in which ordinary Chinese men turned their characterization as passive recipients of violence into respectability by contraposing themselves against a third racialised and gendered population group: Irish women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Defined as 'borderlands' by Tracey Banivanua-Mar, the sugar towns of North Queensland in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries were populated with a great variety of non-white ethnic minorities: Chinese, Indian, Japanese, 'Malay', Pacific Islander and later southern European. Instances of violence between these population groups have been recounted as if they were detached from the socio-historical conditions dictated by settler colonialism. Against this stance, this article examines the case of three South Sea Islanders attacking an Italian farmer in the city of Ingham in 1927. As the motive behind the incident remains unknown, the incident is recounted through the individual histories of those who were involved and against the wider context of anti-Italian migration sentiment. In doing this, this article demonstrates how these histories of presence in Ingham challenge the discursive rendition of the assault as a random act of violence and, accordingly, throw into sharp relief who could be counted as a permanent part of the Australian population. This article concludes by pointing to the necessity of examining similar instances of violence by setting them against migrants' implication in the subjection of 'natives' and South Sea Islanders to the project of European replacement. When this implication is considered, violence can be theorised as much as a means that migrants, such as Italians, use to claim belonging as a technology settlers employ to manage 'undesired' populations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we delve into the characterisation of international students as "Confucian Heritage" learners. To appreciate the implications of such iterative interpellation, we develop a genealogy of Sinology, which is here approached as the discursive effect of a colonial epistemic division of the world into free and democratic West and civilised and yet authoritarian East. In mapping the deployment of such heuristic in the management of international affairs during and after historical colonialism, we moreover demonstrate how the derivative characterisation of international students as "rote", "dependent", and inherently "prone to plagiarism" learners has been used to explain racism without race - that is, the epistemic exclusion of international students as a matter caused by factors other than race: lack of socially relevant cultural skills and communication barriers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we develop a genealogy of international education studies' tenets of culture shock and skills deficit. To trace their emergence, we map the discursive shifts which underpinned cultural anthropology's involvement in the administration of US colonial, domestic, and international affairs respectively in the early 1900s and 1950s. These shifts are concomitantly linked to the formation of the field of intercultural communication, of which popularisation in the form of Hofstede model of "cultural distance" has structured international education when turning from a Cold War tool of total diplomacy to an export industry. Taking the development of international education in Australia as a case study, we demonstrate how the shifts in the disciplinary fields aforementioned are best understood as an anti-racist strategy, which mobilisation of the concept of culture has led to the paradoxical evacuation of the heuristic of race from the lexicon of intercultural contact between "Asian" international students and presumably white host institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the term “transnational cinema” first appeared in 1997, most studies have focused on films epitomizing the logic of either profit maximization or ethnic affinity to explain phenomena such as the mainstreaming of Kung Fu movies. Yet, these two logics do not account for the entirety of the transnational projects that have been produced to date, hence the call for more studies on “trans-border patterns” that operate beyond both of them (Berry 2010, 123). In this article, we take up this call and approach the co-productions between China and Italy as exhibiting a “trans-border pattern” which satisfies interests beyond both the market and ethnic affinity. We trace the history of such a “pattern” back to the arrival of the Italian pioneer of Chinese cinema, Amerigo Lauro, in Shanghai in the early 1900s. We contextualize the productions of Michelangelo Antonioni’s Chung Kuo/China (1973), Giuliano Montaldo’s Marco Polo (1982) and Bernardo Bertolucci’s The Last Emperor (1987) to provide exemplary cases of a non-market oriented affinity between two culturally distinct nations: China and Italy. We conclude by suggesting that China has pursued transnational co-productions with European countries such as Italy to exercise a more productive control than censorship over the ways China is to be represented internationally. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the debate over definition of Chinese cinema in the English-language academy. Topics discussed include conceptual corpus designated by Chinese cinemas, contemporary panorama of cinematic production, and review of the literature confirming the notion of national cinemas. Also it mentions consideration of Chinese cinemas as a territory-bound entity in cinemas.