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Degrowth has become particularly important in the environmental movement in recent years. However, there is no consensus on how to achieve the shift from a growth-oriented society to a degrowth-oriented society. We suggest that a productive means of addressing this issue is by turning to debates concerning processes of institutional change and sustainability transitions. This approach has two key implications. On the one hand, accounts of degrowth transitions resonate with broader theories of institutional change. For instance, some, in common with historical institutionalism, emphasise the path dependencies of existing growth-oriented institutions while others, in common with discursive institutionalism, highlight the role of ideas in facilitating the creation of a degrowth-oriented society. On the other hand, there are serious limitations to these theories of institutional change. From the perspective of critical political economy, they fail to situate institutions in the broader context of capitalist power dynamics and thus do not engage with social interests. On the basis of two case studies, we argue that degrowth needs to address the question 'who wants degrowth?', or how its demands advance the interests of the working class, with its different intersections, in the contemporary moment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The course of contemporary international affairs has catapulted the scholarship on inter-state hegemony into an important period of progress and development. Forwarded as Hegemony Studies 3.0, a new and ambitious research program has consolidated these scholarly endeavors and emphasized the interconnectedness between hegemony and international order. In an attempt to advance this research agenda even further, I argue that Hegemony Studies 3.0 currently limits itself from realizing its full potential by conceptualizing hegemony too narrowly. Consequently, I find that hegemony research in its present form suffers from widespread methodological statism. This is evident in the way the analytical and methodological strategies of the scholarship equate the entirety of the domestic sphere of the hegemon with the state and its formal institutions. Moving onwards, I suggest a much broader conceptualization of hegemony and point toward avenues ahead for the scholarship which are inspired by the everyday turn in International Political Economy and the general (re)historicization of the field. These ways forward open up a myriad of new paths of research for hegemony scholars to explore. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the challenge of sustaining development-oriented political coalitions in 'dependent intermediate democratic economies' (IDDEs). Scholars have pointed out that the absence of upgrading coalitions in IDDEs, particularly in Latin America, results from weak economic and political institutions and fragmented political support, as well as from the political and social turbulences introduced by economic dependency. Our argument, however, is that some Latin American IDDEs have managed to craft semi-stable political configurations capable of sustaining development and reform processes with relative success. These intermediate coalitions pivot on context-specific stabilization mechanisms that balance institutional, political, and economic fragilities and tensions. To support this argument, we take issue with three countries in Latin America's Southern Cone – Argentina, Chile, and Uruguay – and distinguish three different types of stabilization mechanism at play in each of these cases: an Argentine-style variant based on the hegemonic role played by a dominant political party, a Chilean-style variant based on elite consensus and the atomization of collective organization, and a Uruguayan-style variant sustained by stable links between and within economic and social sectors. Additionally, we explore how each of these configurations, due to their structure, carry inherent hazards that envision specific trajectories of destabilization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of pluriversal politics, which encompasses the vast array of alternatives to ecologically destructive and colonial capitalism, is crucial for envisioning emancipatory futures. However, the diversity of the initiatives composing the pluriverse poses obstacles to the unity necessary to dismantle interconnected systems of oppression, thus creating an intrinsic dilemma between diversity and unity. This paper explores the navigation of this challenge within emancipatory and pluriversal projects, drawing on material from ethnographic research on the Neapolitan Commons movement. The case study illuminates how social movement actors achieve simultaneous unity and diversity through the grassroots-developed concept of 'hegemony of non-hegemony.' In the Neapolitan context, this framework allows diversity to thrive while maintaining essential unity, crucial for confronting economic and political powers. The findings underscore how grassroots, autonomous, and pluriversal degrowth practices can challenge capitalist growth dynamics through unity in diversity, hence suggesting the unnecessary nature of state-led, top-down, or uniformizing approaches. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Overcoming the destructive power of the capitalist world system requires bringing relevant alternatives together in a way that respects their diversity. In this article, we investigate the significance of care – in its ethical, practical, and affective dimensions – in the task of uniting the pluriverse alternatives at moments and sites of counter-hegemonic struggle. Our analysis focuses on the degrowth movement and environmental justice movements. Adopting a post-Marxist discourse theory lens, we argue that care can mobilize and coalesce these pluriverse alternatives into temporarily united counter-hegemonic coalitions. For effectively disrupting the hegemony of the capitalist world system, we suggest that the pluriverse should meet the following three conditions: (1) the symbolic construction of the world system as an enemy to mobilize against, (2) a vision recognizing the foundational nature of care-based relations for pluriversal futures, and (3) practices of care fitting together with the parallel understandings and visions of the pluriverse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One way that the United States conducted the Cold War was through its surplus food programmes (Public Law 480), which fed the hungry and supported anticommunist regimes. Consequently, South Koreans consumed over fourteen times more wheat flour by 1960 than during the preceding Japanese colonial period. This study presents a nuanced exploration of 1950s South Korea, using wheat flour — a central commodity in US aid — as a focal point to unravel complex political dynamics. It challenges the traditional binary narrative of authoritarianism versus liberalism, demonstrating how the Rhee regime's promotion of wheat flour consumption reflected multifaceted strategies of corruption. This article underscores the unintended consequences of US aid, highlighting the intricate interactions between foreign assistance and local political, economic and social forces. By analysing the local responses to wheat flour distribution, it reveals how US aid, while aimed at bolstering anticommunism, inadvertently facilitated corruption and influenced public sentiment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Food plays a central role in the construction of national and ethnic identities. This article examines the marginalization of Ashkenazi (Jews of European descent) cuisine in Israel/Palestine, despite the dominance and hegemonic status of Ashkenazi identity in Israeli society. By examining the foodways of a 'hegemonic ethnicity', we expand upon previous research on ethnic identities in migrant communities. By analyzing the culinary processes of adaptation, simplification, and vulgarization that East-European fare underwent in Israel/Palestine, as well as the social contexts of the centrality of the Holocaust in Israeli cosmology and the consolidation of Mizrahi identity, we explain the rise, demise (and, perhaps, revival) of Ashkenazi cuisine in this country. Drawing on ethnographic and primary historical sources, this socio-historical analysis uncovers the intermittent processes of marginalization and estrangement, as well as the dynamic and contingent nature of the de-ethnization and re-ethnization of hegemonic ethnicities' cultural practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In May 2022, FIFA announced that female referees, Stéphanie Frappart, Neuza Back and Karen Diaz, would officiate at the 2022 men's football World Cup held in Qatar that year, making them the first women to do so, at the top level of the sport, which is regarded as the bastion of hegemonic masculinity. The present study examines on a global scale the appearance of Frappart, Back and Diaz at the World Cup within the context of its reflections on Twitter. The expressions produced by media organizations and users on Twitter were investigated through social network analysis and netnography. As a result of the study, it was determined that media outlets approached this event with normalizing and hegemonic/gendering statements towards Frappart, Back and Diaz, while users resorted to mocking/condescending expressions as well as those involving profanity and insults. Media outlets covering this event, which was viewed as a turning point, and users discussing this topic developed a counter-intervention with sexist and hegemonic discourses against the presence of "female" referees, which they regarded as an intervention in the legitimate sphere of hegemonic masculinity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we tried to understand the status of the Marma language and identity in Bangladesh. Being an Indigenous community in a country where Bengalis form a numerous as well as political majority, the Marmas in Bangladesh experience cultural and linguistic marginalisation. An added dimension of hegemony comes from the Chakmas who, arguably, are the most prominent Indigenous community in Bangladesh with an active political history. Given the multiple layers of marginalisation, we examined how the Marmas in Bangladesh negotiate their language and identity. Using an ethnographic approach through interviews and focus group discussions, we collected data from 14 Marma community members from Rangamati, Bangladesh. A thematic analysis confirmed the double marginalisation of the Marmas in Bangladesh. The findings also showed a shift in language use primarily driven by socio-economic concerns and an intergenerational negotiation of identity among the community members. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores experiences of ex-incels—men who have withdrawn from incel communities—through eleven qualitative interviews analysed using R.W. Connell’s hegemonic masculinity (HM) framework. Findings reveal some ex-incels adopt flexible masculinities, while others struggle with prescriptive norms perpetuated by the anti-feminist ‘manosphere’. Findings spotlight identity reconstructions, where men both reject and remain influenced by rigid archetypes, performing hybrid masculinities. This study deepens understanding of incel ideology, its impact on identity, and interplay between inceldom and masculinities via contributing to hybrid masculinities theorising. Insights presents applications for gender theory and inform further research on HM’s influence within unique cultural contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the role of podcasting in Singapore’s political communication, using a Gramscian lens to explore its dual function as a tool of hegemonic reinforcement and a site of ideological resistance. Within Singapore’s tightly managed media ecosystem, the People’s Action Party (PAP) uses podcasts strategically to soften its technocratic image, humanize its leaders, and address legitimacy challenges. By contrast, opposition politicians leverage podcasts to bypass mainstream media filters, highlight PAP shortcomings, and present alternative narratives that resonate with disillusioned Singaporeans. Through textual and sentiment analysis of YouTube comments and Reddit discussions, the article highlights how podcasts enable authentic engagement, bridging the gap between political elites and an increasingly critical public. However, they also expose fractures in the PAP’s narrative control, exacerbated by leadership inadequacy, scandals, and the contradictions of late-stage neoliberal globalization. These tensions, set against the backdrop of Singapore’s organic crisis, are especially pertinent as the 2025 general election approaches. The findings underscore the potential of podcasts to reshape political discourse, offering both opportunities for dissent and challenges to hegemonic dominance, while positioning podcasters as pivotal intermediaries in the interplay of power, media, and resistance in Singapore. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractIn 2012, two keystone scholarly institutions in U.S. public administration, NASPAA and Public Administration Review (PAR), began describing themselves as global enterprises, concerned with research and teaching on a globally inclusive basis. At first glance, this promise of a shift from national to global focus might reassure Global South scholars concerned about longstanding U.S. hegemony in public administration scholarship. However, these claims about a shift toward globality are unsupported by the evidence that has accumulated over the past decade. Neither NASPAA nor PAR has adequately addressed barriers to participation by the Global South in their activities, and neither has strong incentives to do so. In fact, false claims about global inclusivity may reinforce U.S. dominance within the field of public administration around the world. To promote diversity and inclusion within public administration scholarship, we must begin by questioning globality claims made by institutions like NASPAA and PAR, and adopting an approach to dialogue built on the principle of epistemic pluralism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Zimbabwe, discourses on healthcare during the socio-economic and political crisis period since the turn of the century have largely centred around the quantitative and physiological dimensions of healthcare. Yet the healthcare crisis manifests many varied dimensions and dynamics whose origins, effects, nature, and trajectories over time may not be fully comprehended through conventional inquiries steeped in death counts, rates of infections, the extent of outbreaks, etc. Going beyond the quantifiable and measurable manifestations of the Zimbabwean healthcare crisis, this article shifts focus to visuality in its attempt to unsettle notions of ‘data’, method, and epistemology in approaches to the crisis. The article looks to visual mediatisation to understand how else knowledge about the crisis is being generated, circulated, internalised, and contested in the Zimbabwean public sphere. Placing a specific focus on social media-mediated images of the sick body, the article argues that such images are epistemic sites of power where politicised knowledge of the healthcare crisis is not only challenged and negotiated by ordinary citizens, but it also facilitates a hegemonic discourse of healthcare that reveals the politics of the visual economy of sick bodies in the era of the ‘viral’. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how the legitimation efforts of the American and Chinese coalitional hegemonies have resonated within the ruling political elites in South Korea and shaped the role conceptions of Seoul. Those role conceptions have further shaped the contours of South Korea's strategic alignment as it strives to achieve strategic interests, especially with respect to North Korea. To demonstrate this argument, this article focuses on South Korea's contrasting responses to the competition between these coalitional hegemonies, with particular attention to the approaches of the progressive Moon Jae-in administration and the current conservative Yoon Suk Yeol administration. While the Moon administration sought to balance the two coalitional hegemonies, the Yoon administration has embraced a facilitative role in support of the United States (US)-led coalitional hegemony and has strengthened ties with like-minded democratic partners, thereby constituting the supporting constituency of the US-led coalitional hegemony in the Indo-Pacific region. While the Moon administration’s role as a balancer attempted to accommodate China as a means of engaging North Korea, the Yoon administration has sought to strengthen collective deterrence under the US-led coalitional hegemony against the North to respond to its nuclear threat. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the precolonial era, the practice of oral storytelling has greatly shaped Rwandan society. Ranging in style, form, and content, stories, particularly elite-driven ones, have served as a means to record and pass down histories, memorialize particular figures and events, and widely disseminate collective values, sentiments and/or ideals. This continues to be apparent in post-genocide Rwanda. As scholarship has widely shown, Rwanda’s post-genocide government has actively constructed and imposed a singular hegemonic narrative that promotes a selective memory of the 1994 Genocide Against the Tutsis. Yet, as with all stories, the power of this narrative is neither total nor stable. Instead, other vernacular forms of remembering and narrating the past exist alongside of and in contention to “official” ones. As such, in order to more comprehensively understand Rwanda’s post-genocide society, we must turn to these more illegible but still influential stories and practices of storytelling. This article seeks to do so with a multispecies story – Mutware’s story. Detailing the life of Rwanda’s infamous elephant, the story describes Mutware’s experiences with genocidal violence, familial separation, trauma, and, eventually, imperfect recovery. The following argues that Mutware’s story serves as a vehicle of vernacular remembering that complicates Rwanda’s hegemonic narrative of the 1994 Genocide. By situating the more-than-human other as a social actor within human relationality, Mutware’s story obscures notions of collective memory/identity, alternatively centreing relationality in Rwanda’s post-genocide processes of reconciliation and recovery. Drawing on African humanism and multispecies ethnography, I will argue that constructing, relating, and sharing the story of Mutware not only challenges Rwanda’s hegemonic narrative, but highlights and even helps realize a more inclusive, holistic, and productive journey towards post-genocide societal healing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2018, a "Blue Apron type" meal kit for the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) was announced. Like many food initiatives, there was no input from the intended audience. In contrast, we used community-based research (CBR, n = 65) to design a meal kit for families with low income. However, we were unable to separate our approach from the dominant framework, hegemonic nutrition, predominantly led by white experts. We center the voices of Black women whose role in the initiative were otherwise limited. Food reformers using CBR ought to interrogate hegemonic nutrition as "community" is not inherently transformative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers a panoramic view of the agroecological movement, led by several peasant and indigenous organizations around the world, and by different kinds of allies. The agroecological movement is defined as a diverse, decentralized coalition of movements, organizations and collectives, widely dispersed in urban and rural spaces, focused on contesting the hegemony of the agrifood system while taking action to radically transform it. We offer a classification that attempts to show the size of the movement and the characteristics of the diversity of experiences that exist in the world today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study views the dispute over '996' work schedule (i.e. working from 9 am to 9 pm, six days a week) as a critical discursive moment in the modernization and marketization of China. It argues that behind the dispute lies the hegemonic struggles between business tycoons and the government amidst China's changing business mode. Drawing on the theories of critical discourse analysis, recontextualization, hegemony and interdiscursivity, this study examines the (de)legitimation of '996' by business tycoons and official news media through the appropriation of different discourses to illuminate the hegemonic struggles behind recontextualizing '996'. It concludes that when the business tycoons are blatant enough to whitewash overwork as a 'blessing', the age-old curse in China starts to befall them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This provocation examines the resurgence of border significance, arguing that the contemporary impetus of such revival is intricately linked to territorial discontents and their geopolitical imaginations. Our analysis of borders as conflictual spaces identifies three converging factors contributing to this phenomenon: the endogenous nature of borders as inherently artificial constructs, the contextual decline of US hegemony, and the habitualization of territorial contestations. Finally, we suggest that the current trend towards border revisionism heralds a new era of territorial instability and geopolitical insecurity, which calls for a transdisciplinary approach that puts borders at the center of the equation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Pakistan the shared imaginal world of khwajasaras and malangs has been fractured by the divergent ways that each has been taken up in legal and religious discourse within the modern state. Tracing the development of the khwajasara as a secular, transgender subject and the marginalization of the antinomian Sufi malang through efforts to purify Islam, we examine the effects of this evolving public discourse on the persisting imaginal world of Faqiri that is shared by both khwajasaras and malangs. We argue that Faqiri offers articulations of gender and desire (ishq) that remain illegible to hegemonic state discourses while also offering an abundant site for rethinking religiously gendered selves, sexual difference and desire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ideal of masculine Hinduism which is currently being employed within the Indian national rhetoric to sustain and build a modern Hindu Rashtra is a direct consequence of India’s tryst with British imperialism. Since it is men who, as real actors of nationalist movement defend their homeland and the honour of women, the current Indian right wing politics ensures that men continue to uphold the ideals of Hindu hegemonic masculinity defined by martial prowess, muscular strength, moral fortitude and a readiness to battle groups to strengthen the nation. However, while the hegemonic notions of Hindu masculinity are achieved by a small minority who become the public face of gender and sexual politics, the majority are those who reap benefits from such gendered arrangements by being complicit in the hegemonic project. This paper makes an attempt to study the complex interdependencies between hegemonic and complicit masculinities in nation building processes in India. The aim is to uncover how complicit masculinities are created to sustain Hindutva nationalism within the current Indian climate and whether there are alternative possibilities and codes of behaviour in which privileges of masculinity and power are confronted and exposed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper traces out all the references to classical Islamic scholarship with the Islamic State’s flagship, English-language magazine. It finds that more than one-third of these relate to one man and two of his students, living in Damascus during the early part of the fourteenth century. This, it is argued, can be explained in four ways. Firstly, the Islamic State uses their work as a basis for its own governance agenda, especially its search for legitimacy and authority. Secondly, it points to their struggles against the authorities of the day as grounds for its more general call-to-arms, notably its focus on recruitment. Thirdly, the Islamic State develops a wider narrative of diachronic comparison to ‘Mongolise’ its opponents and place itself at the vanguard of opposition to Western hegemony more broadly, and to its military policy in the Middle East in particular. Fourthly, it uses the internal divisions of the tumultuous early Mamluk period as a basis for the separatist claim that lies at the heart of the putative Caliphate’s strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractTeachers are burned out and leaving the profession at an alarming rate. We see this problem connected with the ethical orientation of care ethics that teachers are encouraged to adopt while preparing to enter the profession. When they enter the profession, educators often find themselves confronting a neoliberal hegemony that is at odds with care ethics in both theory and practice. This neoliberalized context is incompatible with the relational conceptual foundations of care ethics, forcing a compromised enactment of care that works against sustainability, equity, and educational transformation. In this article, we elaborate the ontological, epistemological, and axiological tensions that threaten educators’ care-ethics-in-practice within neoliberal hegemony. The ersatz care ethics-in-practice is at best able to deliver only a superficial form of caring to the students while possibly causing moral injury to the educators. Ultimately, we see this issue as illustrative of the co-option of progressive discourses by neoliberalism that leads to the hegemony of progressive neoliberalism in educational contexts. Shunning the incremental/structural changes binary, we suggest radical incremental enactments of a politics of collective care might be the way to bring about a future where authentic caring is found woven into the systemic fabric of schooling. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractConsidering the June 2024 general parliamentary election results in India, this article undertakes a broad discursive analysis of the parliamentary Communists, tracing their trajectory from the inception of independent India to the present day. It argues that the Communists have continued to oscillate between liberal and neo-liberal notions of “governmentality,” constrained by its perpetuation of “capitalo-parliamentarian” hegemony. Drawing parallels with B.R. Ambedkar’s dichotomies on liberal democracy, the article highlights that the shifts in capital–labour dynamics have further deepened this ideological vacillation of the Communists. The article suggests that to move forward, Indian Communists must choose between constitutional governmentality and extra-parliamentary interventions rooted in transformative class politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines South Korean conglomerates' strategies used to convey their interests as the interests of all. Their hegemonic strategy was one factor in overcoming the authority crisis triggered by bribery scandals in 2016–2017. They adopted strategies such as social contribution activities and implemented hegemonic strategies, involving (1) social movements and non-governmental organizations, (2) the media and publishing sectors, and (3) academia and the educational community. They funded pro-chaebol social movements and controlled the media through advertising and journalists. Conglomerates also used publishing companies to spread their ideas and developed think tanks. They advocated for owner management rights, tax cuts, deregulation, labour flexibility, and managed academics. They engaged in educating teachers, creating economics textbooks, and building university student networks. Although the strategies have yielded results, the resistance has not vanished. Through this study we can consider the significance of the authority crisis, hegemonic strategies, and capital-civil society relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this work is to analyse hierarchies, gaps, and exclusions present in the gender equality framework of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, particularly its Sustainable Development Goal 5. More specifically, I critically analyse: (1) the co-existence of hegemonic and counter-hegemonic elements in the 2030 Agenda's/SDG5's gender equality framework, with the privileging and invisibility of its Western-hegemonic facet; (2) how gender, sexual orientation, racial, and historical silencings found in this framework limit its potentialities; (3) how these silencings are masked through self-legitimation strategies, which I call Divertising and Othernization of Inequalities. The findings suggest the 2030 Agenda's/SDG5's gender equality framework potentially creates a situation in which Othernized peoples oppressed by gender-related/intersected violences are many times left with limited choices: they are either being oppressed within their own realities or they are being imposed a 'salvation' with Western-dominant paradigms that also maintain and perpetuate oppression and violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russia's current war against Ukraine takes place in the wider context of geopolitical competition in the region. The EU and Russia promoted integration projects that have, in fact, become conflicting for the "in-between" countries. Existing scholarship put forward power-based explanations for these countries' behaviour that ignored their agency. This paper brings agency back in by developing a conceptual framework that highlights the relational nature of hegemony and that includes the perceptions of the small state in the analysis of power. To illustrate the applicability of this framework, two neighbourhood countries' (Moldova and Armenia) power relations with the EU and Russia are analysed. The focus is on how the structural aspects were acted out and shaped by the two aspiring regional hegemons to understand how small state actors perceived EU and Russian hegemonic power. The findings show the different expressions the phenomenon of hegemonic power can take in practice and how these were perceived in Moldova and Armenia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Popular conceptions notwithstanding, children are using the medium of writing in their different life spheres at present more than at any other time in human history. Therefore, examining this course of action will shed light on a central practice utilized by children in an attempt to better understand it. For this purpose, I analyzed the character of Momik, from the novel See Under: Love as a child who writes. In addition, I conducted critical readings of psychoanalytic, feminist, and literary theories. The results of this study indicate that children's writing is distinguished by two types of communication. The first, intrapersonal communication, centers on the individual's ability to talk to oneself and to analyze oneself through one's writing. The second type is interpersonal communication, which takes place between the individual and the environment; within this framework writing expresses subversion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the rise of Islamic State (IS) in 2014, British Preventing Violent Extremism (PVE) policy, Prevent, has increasingly focused on the appeal of jihadist ideology to Muslim girls. This article considers the case of the Bethnal Green girls, who migrated to IS territory in February 2015. Using the concepts of hegemonic and pariah femininities, it shows how gender intersects with religion, race, and class in British PVE to construct the 'good Muslim girl' as both an aspirational figure that young Muslim women should seek to emulate and the norm against which signs of radicalisation can be measured. The article concludes that the articulation of this neoliberal subject via PVE is deeply problematic in theory and practice: gendering the 'signs' of radicalisation, offering neoliberal solutions that fail to account for intersectional structural oppressions and disciplining pariah Muslim femininities in excessive ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines online propaganda against fifty-seven former employees of the Indonesian Corruption Eradication Commission (Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi, KPK). This propaganda, which centered on false allegations that these employees were radical Muslims similar to the Taliban, was used as a pretext to fire them after they had failed a controversial compulsory civics test. Using Gramscian concepts of civil society and the political economy of communication, this study argues that the rise of computational propaganda in Indonesia reflects fundamental conflicts over state power and economic resources within the spheres of civil and political society. The campaign to portray KPK employees as Taliban members was the digital corollary of a political struggle among oligarchic elites over control of the anti-corruption agency as an instrument to advance their political aims. This article showcases how intra-oligarchic struggles have shaped the formation of public opinion about the KPK, a key aspect of reform, and examines their longstanding attempt to enforce oligarchic hegemony. It challenges existing studies on computational propaganda that foreground the nature of the state, or regime type, and the state's adaptability to information technology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although common, the identity-policy discrepancy has yet to be systematically theorised in the Identity Constructivist literature. This article bridges this gap, leveraging insights from Historical and Sociological Institutionalism, Norm Constructivism, and Post-structuralism to explore the theoretical and empirical weight of such discrepancies. I argue that discrepancies tied to a nation's hegemonic narratives can spark crises, engender compelling expectations upon recognition, and drive third-order changes as actors endeavour to address these discrepancies. The article illuminates the significant role that discrepancies played in molding the foreign policies of China and Japan, with a focus on regional institution-building in Northeast Asia. The article emphasises the stark contrast between Hu Jintao's Peaceful Riser identity and his assertive policy actions, alongside the Democratic Party of Japan's (DPJ) Pacifist State identity juxtaposed with policies akin to those of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). These discrepancies significantly shaped the policy approaches and identity construction of their successors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on men, masculinities, and of men's violences has multiplied recently, as have violence-prevention initiatives, especially in conflict-affected societies. Drawing on my experiences of working on violence prevention as well as of conducting research with men in violence-prone groups in post-conflict Timor-Leste, I reflect on the practical and conceptual challenges of this work. Key concepts from Critical Studies of Men and Masculinities (CSMM) were helpful in part but were challenged by the lived realities and narratives of the men I interviewed. Common conflations of violence and hegemonic masculinity proved less-than straightforward. Perhaps inevitably, this work carried with it an element of epistemic violence, of outside concepts being imposed by a privileged me upon my research subjects through my interpretation of their lives. Given how central engaging with 'violent masculinities' should be to gender-transformative peacebuilding, these challenges speak to broader questions of the possibilities of social change and ethical questions involved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Modern journalism practices rely heavily on the use of sources. Traditionally, white, male officials are journalists' primary sources. This silences underrepresented voices, leading to symbolic annihilation of minority communities in media coverage. Journalists often cite their inability to reach communities outside of their own perspective as a primary reason for this symbolic annihilation, but what happens when reporters' networks of power are widened through digital connections? Previous research has explored the role of social media as a tool for newsgathering, and some studies suggest social media can provide the opportunity for journalists to reach previously inaccessible communities. Yet, the network theory of power suggests some nodes of these digital networks can create elite sources like officials or influencers that may uphold traditional sourcing practices and hegemonic power structures. Utilizing qualitative interviews with professional journalists, this study seeks to understand whether tapping into broader networks of power through social media helps journalists combat symbolic annihilation of sources or whether hegemonic structures continue. It also offers insight into influences on journalists' use of social media for multiperspectival sourcing and suggestions for reliance on certain networks for diversification of sources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that Jon Hamm's post-Mad Men persona critically engages contemporary critiques of hegemonic masculinity. In particular, it analyzes Hamm's cameo roles to argue for a reflective masculine persona that deploys representational, comedic strategies to deconstruct hegemonic masculinity. The meta-commentary sitting across his performances calls for more fluid interpretations of performance and masculinity emerging in persona culture. Hamm's persona points to a sometimes introspective, sometimes retrospective masculine persona connected to broader cultural patterns of self-scrutiny in popular masculinity that presents itself as progressive. I also align this reflective feature of Hamm's persona with different contemporary masculinities in media texts that perform a similar kind of 'taking stock' and renarrativizations of hegemony. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Maintaining its hegemonic role in Singapore has been one of the defining features of the People's Action Party (PAP) rule since the country gained independence in 1965. To quell rising frustrations resulting from its wide-reaching control, the party has overseen a series of limited liberalisations, including the 2008 introduction of legalised protests. However, in recent years the PAP has sought to reduce the influence of protests, suggesting it sees potential political challenges to its continued dominance over various aspects of Singaporean life. To examine these potential challenges, this article performs a protest event analysis and provides the first dataset of Singaporean protests since legalisation. The central argument of the article is that although protests have had limited impact on the institutional control the PAP has over the Singaporean political system, they have influenced public discourse and contributed to the expansion of politicised and contentious space in Singapore. This represents an important development in the emergence of Singaporean civil society. While this impact is currently limited, the article highlights the potential for more substantial challenges to emerge from protests in response to changing economic and political conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Fractured Militancy Marcel Paret investigates the puzzling phenomenon of explosive yet fragmented mass protest in postapartheid South Africa. He offers a compelling explanation that centers on the ways in which passive revolution was intertwined with racial incorporation. In this response, I compare South Africa and India, offering insights on the interplay between class, race and/or caste and passive revolution in shaping these two post-colonial societies, while also suggesting ways to refine Gramsci’s concept to better understand hegemony in such contexts. I argue that Chatterjee’s theory of political society is not only inadequate for the Indian case but ultimately unhelpful for understanding South Africa. Finally, I introduce the concept of bivalent hegemony, where ruling groups incorporate racially or ethnically marginalized groups through re/distribution and recognition. I show how this concept helps to understand the persistence of inequality and the challenges in forging broader alliances among subaltern classes in both countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South African democratization offers a unique opportunity to discuss the persistence of racial and class domination after revolutions. Through a breathtaking ethnography of four residential areas, Paret shows how racial inclusion has empowered the poor but reinforced and stabilized many aspects of racial stigma and economic exclusion. Based on an analysis of these contradictory transformations, Paret challenges existing arguments by stating that a passive revolution can culminate in a hegemonic social order if it also involves “fractured militancy”. I bring in the Turkish case to point out that a passive revolutionary route can lead to hegemony through non-fractured militancy too. I call for additional comparisons to reach conclusive statements about other general characteristics of passive revolutions as well. A similar rethinking of theories of poor people’s politics is also necessary, given unresolved Fanonite questions Paret grapples with throughout the book. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study delves into the nuanced dynamics of populism in Turkish politics, focusing on the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) under the leadership of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. Over the past two decades, we contend that the AKP’s policy proposals and projects have transcended mere political promises, instead evolving into meticulously planned physical embodiments of the party’s political dominance. Through an in-depth analysis of one of the AKP’s recent mega undertakings, the Canal Istanbul project, we unveil a strategic shift in the party’s populist tactics aimed at fortifying its political hegemony. Moreover, this paper sheds light on a covert process of polarization within the AKP’s apparent transition from a divisive approach to one centred on persuasion, particularly targeting the opponent political party, the CHP Republican People’s Party, Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi. We posit that the AKP strategically positions itself as a victim of its adversaries, strategically laying the foundation for its persuasive agenda. This research offers critical insights into the multifaceted strategies employed by the AKP and CHP in navigating the complex terrain of populist politics in Turkey and furthers the empirical studies in the populism debate in general. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A considerable number of studies have attempted to analyse changes in Turkish foreign policy under the Justice and Development Party administration. These changes triggered the debate about whether Turkish foreign policy shifted its Western orientation. Departing from rising anti-West rhetoric in Turkish foreign policy, this study sets out to explain the recent rapprochement between Türkiye and the People’s Republic of China. From a critical perspective, it proposed a new way of viewing Türkiye’s relations with China as a counter-hegemonic rapprochement reshaped by internal/external dynamics in the post-western world order. Consequently, it shows which ideas, material capabilities, and institutions have played roles in the Erdogan administration’s challenge to Western hegemony by utilizing relations with China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Constructive alignment (CA) has developed into one of the most significant concepts in higher education since its establishment in the late 1990s. CA is a powerful instrument for curriculum design that aligns learning outcomes with teaching and learning activities and assessments to enhance the quality of students' learning. In this conceptual study, Foucault's concept of problematization is used as the theoretical framework to explain how and why CA has become a powerful approach for curriculum design dominantly used in higher education worldwide. The discussion focuses on three main blind spots of the CA: pedagogical hegemony, implementation fidelity, and policy enactment. The study closes by offering concluding thoughts and identifying new agendas for research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Modern journalism practices rely heavily on the use of sources, yet white, male officials have dominated as sources in print, television, and online media. Sources are given the power to shape public opinion by providing their version of facts and defining the framing of events. Symbolic annihilation theory suggests the media largely ignores women or portrays them in stereotypical roles. Symbolic annihilation is particularly important in media representations of sexual misconduct charges where gendered dynamics are critical to framing. This study extends symbolic annihilation by exploring the journalistic sourcing practices post-#MeToo. Through a content analysis of news coverage of sexual assault allegations against US Supreme Court Justice Brett Kavanaugh, the study provides a framework by which to explore how women appear in news coverage and influences over journalists' decisions leading to reifying hegemonic sourcing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The far right has moved from oppositional force to control over the last decades. This outcome is the result of a long-term process of renewal ultimately aimed at dismantling the liberal order. As the far right moves from counter-hegemonic to hegemonic force in certain contexts, it is important to acknowledge that it does not constitute a "counter-public;" counter-publics are indeed those voices that the far right seeks to silence, i.e. various minorities and opponents. Research on far-right politics is thus charged with addressing terminological and methodological challenges capable of exposing the elusive nature of this phenomenon and illiberal or anti-democratic "red flags." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research is a qualitative analysis of the names that were given to residential places in Zvishavane during the colonial period. It seeks to examine the politics of naming through an analysis of toponyms of Shabbanie Mashava Mines residential areas in a bid to unmask European Hegemony. The research is inspired by nommo, a tenet of Afrocentricity through the use of discourse analysis and semi-structured interviews with the elderly members of Zvishavane community who were mine employees during the colonial period, the research recognises that colonial residential place names of the then Shabbanie mines show the dichotomies that existed between the white population and the black population. The names were meant to communicate colonial ideologies which were meant to place the African race at the periphery and the European race at the centre. The environment that produced toponyms around Zvishavane town reveals an insatiable appetite for the valorisation of European memory and privileges. The study concludes that naming is not a haphazard endeavor, but rather, a weapon that was used in the colonial period to lampoon and castigate the Black race. Through names, the paper exposes the nature of relations that existed between Blacks and Whites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the gender performances of Mexican lucha libre wrestlers, focusing on the impact of wrestlers who play stereotypically gay characters called 'exóticos.' Exóticos often use words like 'glamor,' 'elegance,' 'toughness,' and 'homosexuality,' to describe themselves, while also rejecting the labels of 'weak,' 'submissive,' and 'passive.' One of the most recognizable traits of the exótico, however, is a move called 'el beso del exótico,' ('the exótico's kiss'), during which exóticos use the beso as a strategy for distracting (or even attacking) their opponent. Exóticos therefore position themselves in a way that contests their opponents' performances of a heterosexual, hegemonic masculinity, while also refusing to reinscribe themselves within the traditional bounds of femininity. Exóticos thus blur the boundaries between heterosexuality and homosexuality, as well as the hierarchical relationship between femininity and masculinity, illustrating the potentials of their modes of performance to undermine hegemonic gender relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

INTRODUCTION: The first part of this paper has shown that the burghal territories of burhs created in the early tenth century in what later became Buckinghamshire and southwest Northamptonshire comprised one or more large 'proto-hundreds', typically of around 300–350 hides. As new cadastral units, these burghal territories are seen as essential aspect of the infrastructure of burghal formation. This hypothesis carries the implication that these units were subsequently subdivided into the hundreds of Domesday, which were typically of around 100 hides. From both a spatial and functional point of view these became subdivisions of the new shires which would have been formed at the same time. This thesis is examined here in the second part of this paper in relation to the development of burhs in the area of the shires of Bedfordshire, Hertfordshire and Middlesex, and of Huntingdonshire and Cambridgeshire further to the east. (The development of burhs in Essex is not considered here.) By the end of 917, as the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle makes clear, all this area (with Essex and East Anglia) had been taken under the control of King Edward the Elder, in effect extending the area of the West Saxon hegemony to the east coast. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Class is central to Englishness and English cricket. Conversely, despite the England and Wales Cricket Board (ECB) making an explicit attempt to address social issues in cricket, class has largely been excluded from ECB policy discourse. In response to this absence, this paper mobilises a Lacanian-inspired logics approach to examine ECB policy discourse from 2015-2023. Through this approach, the paper highlights the hegemony of inclusivity and social cohesion in ECB discourse, a hegemony that has been enabled by a political shift away from class analysis and politics. In response to this absence of class, the paper argues that a fantasmatic logic has emerged within ECB discourse in which the inescapable presence of class in English cricket is reframed as the more manageable problem of social exclusion, which can be overcome through more inclusive practices rather than structural changes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hegemonic masculinity has developed an appearance on Twitter that spreads to every layer of society and naturalizes digital hegemonic masculinity. In the present study examining the digital hegemonic masculinity towards male sports journalists using Twitter in Türkiye, the comments made by male users on the Twitter posts of 9 sports journalists were analyzed using the netnographic method and 5 sports journalists were interviewed to support the results. As a result of the study, it was determined that male sports journalists were exposed to the discourse of digital hegemonic masculinity on Twitter. Based on the findings of the study, it was found that male sports journalists were exposed to profanity/insult as well as physical and online threats on Twitter. Particularly the individuals who are classified as social hooligans (social media fan) and use Twitter with anonymous credentials act in an organized manner and strengthen the discourse of digital hegemonic masculinity and hegemonic discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2019, the Brazilian Government secured support to pass radical reforms to the state pension system. Drawing on concepts from historical materialist policy analysis and critical discourse analysis, this paper contributes to understanding how the Bolsonaro Government utilized narratives of inter- and intra-class and generational (in)equity to problematize constitutional guarantees of social and economic rights and warrant fiscal austerity and curtailment of social protections. We contend that the 2019 pension reform can be understood as a complementary political project to the preceding Temer Government's labor market reforms and successful passing of legislation to place a ceiling on Federal expenditure to constrain pro-welfare politics. Our analysis adds to understanding of how policy discourse legitimated a transformation in Brazilian social policy commensurate with advancing a conservative austere-liberal market hegemony project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the ideological discourse of Misvak, one of Turkey's most popular Islamist humor magazines in the 2000s. By analyzing the magazine’s cartoons, it first attempts to reveal the general characteristics and function of humor in Misvak. It then discusses how Islamism is presented as the primary ideological position in the magazine. In order to uncover absences and silences in the discourse, the purpose of the study is also to investigate whether there is discursive parallelism between the magazine and the AKP government by analyzing visual texts while positioning the magazine within debates over hegemony. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Inspired by interviews conducted with scientists who primarily use participatory research forms, the article develops the concept of epistemic caring as a proposal for a participatory research practice that is sensitive for epistemological difference and the associated consequences. Based on the observation that participatory research has so far hardly been able to produce an equal co-constitution of knowledge, the article points out epistemological pitfalls that exist in it and analyses two specific concepts as examples of the risk of problematic epistemological and hegemonic tendencies sneaking into this kind of research practice with harmful consequences for the non-academic participants, that is: empowerment and participation/co-production. Following the recent debate on care in the Environmental Humanities and Karen Barad’s methodological thoughts on diffraction, the article reconceptualizes participatory research as a matter of care consisting of multiple care relations in order to be able to grasp the complex epistemic entaglements and intra-dependencies contained within it. Conceiving these relationships between academic and non-academic participants as an ecology of care themself helps to understand that they are fundamentally precarious and transformative and thus inherently ethical. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]