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In this paper, we want to show our appreciation for a major figure in our discipline by reading his work carefully, juxtaposing this material with historical narratives that place him in context. We think he would have appreciated the imbrication of his ideas with those of pertinent scholarly forebears, the reactions against socialism, impact of the Cold War, as well as the philanthropic politics that have shaped our intellectual parameters. As we make clear, M.J. Baker was a pioneer, justifying and extending the reach of marketing in the United Kingdom. He wore many hats: academic, editor, entrepreneur, and institution builder. Core themes in his writing are outlined, with attention devoted to his paradigmatic, epistemological and ethical commitments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the impact of the end of the Cold War on resolving conflicts and political changes in various regions. It discusses examples such as the Israeli-Palestinian peace process, South Africa's transition to democracy, and the paramilitary ceasefires in Northern Ireland. The article acknowledges the complexity and controversy surrounding these issues, presenting different perspectives on the role of external parties and the timing of peace processes. It specifically highlights the connection between the end of the Cold War and the political changes in South Africa, emphasizing the significant impact it had on the country's transition to democracy. [Extracted from the article]

This article discusses the accessibility of archival materials in Russia related to the Cold War and the liberation struggle in Southern Africa. The Russian State Archive of the Modern History and the Foreign Policy Archive of the Russian Federation house important documents on Moscow's relations with South Africa and political organizations in that country. The article also mentions the publication of a comprehensive collection of archive documents on Russia-Africa ties and a book on the history of Soviet Union's relations with South Africa. The author disagrees with some interpretations in these works and highlights the importance of a joint Russian-South African project on historical memory about solidarity in the fight against Apartheid. [Extracted from the article]

This article discusses the consequences of the Cold War for the African National Congress (ANC) and its allegiances. It highlights the historical roots of the ANC's commitments, tracing back to its founding in 1912. The article also explores the ANC's realignment and its alliance with the Soviet Union, as well as the criticism of the ANC's post-apartheid policies. It argues that the ANC's commitment to using state power for social emancipation has persisted beyond the Cold War. The article concludes by suggesting that the transition to a new South Africa will be a prolonged and challenging process. [Extracted from the article]

This article explores the connections between the end of apartheid in South Africa and the end of the Cold War. It discusses the African National Congress (ANC)'s victory in the 1994 elections and Nelson Mandela becoming the first black president of South Africa as significant moments in Africa's decolonization. The article examines different interpretations of the relationship between the Cold War and the struggle against apartheid, including the ANC's historical ties to China and Russia. It also mentions various scholars and their research on the complexities of the Cold War's impact on southern Africa. The article concludes by discussing different perspectives on when and how the Cold War ended in the region and highlights the enduring legacies of the anti-imperialist struggle in the region's politics and foreign policy alignments. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses the relationship between the end of the Cold War and the end of apartheid in South Africa. It highlights that while many analysts at the time did not anticipate the rapid and peaceful end of both the Cold War and apartheid, these two world historical events unfolded close in time to each other. The article explores the connections between the two processes, including the impact of international pressures, the weakening of the South African government and the ANC, and the disappearance of military support for the ANC. It also emphasizes the importance of events in Namibia in influencing the end of apartheid in South Africa. The article acknowledges that the relationship between the ending of the Cold War and the ending of apartheid remains unclear and calls for further research to provide a comprehensive understanding of these interconnected events. [Extracted from the article]

This article discusses the end of the Cold War in Southern Africa and its impact on the Apartheid Government's nuclear weapons program. The program was developed as a strategic deterrent against perceived communist threats in the region. However, with the changing political landscape, including the end of hostilities in Angola and the rise of progressive leaders like FW de Klerk, the program was deemed unnecessary and a burden. In 1989, de Klerk ordered the termination of the program and the dismantling of the nuclear arsenal. This decision, along with South Africa's subsequent commitment to nuclear non-proliferation, played a significant role in the country's transition to democracy and its emergence as a leader in promoting disarmament. [Extracted from the article]

In recent years, a flurry of books that explore the history and theory of liberalism have appeared. Nevertheless, there has been surprisingly little scholarship examining the history of 'Cold War liberalism' — one of the most important instantiations of twentieth-century liberalism — as a phenomenon in and of itself, and the work that has been done has mostly focused on a small coterie of American and Western European intellectuals. This essay is a first step attempt to articulate a broader history of Cold War liberalism, tracing the ideology's origins and influence from the 1910s until the 1980s. We focus on three distinct elements of the history of Cold War liberalism: its embrace of anti-democratic politics and how this informed the creation of the national security state; its linking of reform to the imperatives of national security; and its decline and transformation in the 1970s and 1980s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In July 1951, the American Midwest experienced one of its worst floods in its history up to that point, resulting in hundreds of millions of dollars in damages and the displacement of hundreds of thousands of people. While ostensibly a national issue, the natural disaster also drew the attention of hundreds of German citizens who donated to the relief effort. In the letters accompanying their donations, these Germans emphasized that they wanted to submit a token of their gratitude to the American people and begin to pay back a fraction of what they felt they owed for American humanitarian assistance in the immediate postwar era. Though the American government did not solicit these donations, it saw value in help publicising the donations and their letters. Locked in a propaganda battle with the Soviet Union, American authorities promoted these donations not only as evidence of German-American friendship, but also as evidence that their humanitarian policy at the dawn of the Cold War had achieved significant cultural, political, and diplomatic goals throughout Germany. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Poland was the second-to-last country in the Soviet bloc to establish official relations with the PLO – only doing this in March 1976. However, mutual contacts date back to the late 1960s, when Polish military intelligence forged a top-secret relationship with the PLO based around the arms trade. Using a variety of archival sources, this paper seeks to re-assess the relationship between Warsaw and the PLO within the broader framework of Polish policy towards the Middle East from the time of the Six-Day War to the time of opening of the PLO Office in Warsaw in 1976. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1949, Washington and London launched the inaugural Cold War covert action in the Soviet bloc against Albania. Regarded internally as a 'test case', the CIA and MI6 used food and material aid in Operation BGFiend/Valuable to subvert Enver Hoxha's regime, supplementing print and radio propaganda. The US, in particular, attempted to weaponise covert aid, inverting the defensive qualities of its overt counterpart. Although Western officials believed in aid's potential at the outset, tactical and geopolitical challenges damaged its reputation as an effective subversive weapon. This had a long-term impact as aid was discarded in later covert action operations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For Western intelligence communities, charged with providing advance notice of adverse developments around the world, Russia under Putin has had to become top priority for study, as was the Soviet Union during the Cold War. Using secret intelligence to help assess the motives and intent of the Kremlin leadership is essential but remains as hard, not least because of the extreme violence of the regime towards anyone suspected of betraying confidences to assist the West. Putin has provided his own explanation for his invasion of Ukraine in 2022 that illuminates his world view and belief in Russia as a Slavic nation, of which Ukraine is seen as part. Putin's background in the KGB is regime is seen as providing continuity with the brutal repressions of the Stalin era. The different methods used by Western intelligence to assess Russia are reviewed highlighting the additional digital sources available today. The warning failures of Western intelligence to provide strategic notice of Putin's aggressive actions are explained by inadequate situational awareness, erroneous explanation of his motives, leading to poor estimation of his subsequent moves, the exception being US and UK prediction of the 2022 invasion itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the "Memory struggle" in-between the two Koreas presented in the documentary films after the April 2018 Panmunjom Declaration. The Children Gone to Poland and Shadow Flowers carry out politics of representation that create a new moment of cultural memories about borders normatively standardized by hostility and indifference. The two documentary films place the camera on the border of the Cold War, which connects the past and the present, which was either not recorded or was misrecorded by one side of the border and therefore erased off the surface of our memories. They are non-nationals in that they can be stateless or multinational, depending on the location of the border. As such, they disrupt the border as boundaries that have continued since the Cold War. On the other hand, the struggle of North Korean defectors to return home reveals the indifference and hostility of South Korean society over this fact, confirming the Red Complex, which eventually exists as a shadow of hospitality for North Korean defectors. In this way, the two texts invite us to confront history before the establishment of the border through war orphans or face the reality that the Cold War frontier has expanded infinitely through an individual of ambiguous identities, such as a North Korean defector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of the revisionist state has been central to IR, and the literature demonstrates that they initiate international conflicts. As a subset of the revisionist state, revolutionary states in particular have been shown to foment international conflicts. Moreover, ideology has come to explain international conflicts, especially the Second World War, Cold War, and "War on Terror." Nevertheless, the literature on revolutionary states discounts the role of ideology and that on ideology often discounts the role of revisionist or revolutionary states. This paper develops the concept of a distinct type of revisionist state—the revolutionary actor—that explains the outbreak of the Second World War, the Cold War, and War on Terror, three of the greatest global conflicts of the last century. It first develops a model of the revolutionary actor, linking the ideologies of Marxism-Leninism, Nazism, and jihadism that led to the Second World War, the Cold War, and War on Terror. It then offers a theory based on ideology as to why the revolutionary actors initiated these three global conflicts. Lastly, it offers a research design to test the theory and highlights the three cases with recent literature on them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses critical discourse analysis and critical literacy to analyze the first in a series of literacy primers developed with US support for children in Afghanistan in the 1980s, called 'Jihad literacy'. The text is analyzed for its ideological content as related to the themes of religion, violence, and martyrdom in the historical perspective of the Cold War and the Soviet Union's invasion of Afghanistan. The paper demonstrates how the notion of 'Jihad' was subverted to promote a holy war against the Soviet invasion. The educational system supported by the US created a radical version of Islam based on violence and martyrdom, shaping the Afghan society to this day. We contend that the same or similar institutions shape current discourses as in the past and that children are the main victims of politico-economic warfare. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 1953 and 1972 the International Labor Film Institute (ILFI), affiliated with yet organizationally separate from the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU), spread knowledge about, and encouraged the use of, films among Western trade unionists. Holding five formal film festivals, the ILFI also engaged in the collection and distribution of information about films and filmstrips on trade union topics, themes, and successes. Yet compared to other ICFTU forums, ICFTU and ILFI officials were relatively muted on Cold War issues when it came to film activities. When they did discuss such topics, they evidenced a level of uncertainty and confusion regarding how intensely to engage anti-communist messaging in the area of labor films, indicating a concern over how to strike the correct balance between showcasing topics solely focused on labor and engaging Cold War themes. Studying the ILFI and Western labor's relationship to the medium of film thus reveals both an anxiety among Western labor leaders during the early and middle years of the Cold War over how best to weigh their desire to help workers with their goal of appearing sufficiently anti-communist as well as another way the vagueness of the ICFTU's slogan of 'free trade unionism' impacted the ICFTU's activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the end of the Cold War, the protection of civilians has increased its weight on the United Nations (UN) agenda. This article (1) maps the evolution of civilian protection within the UN framework as an indicator of its shifting priorities, (2) identifies breakpoints in the prevalence and character of the protection discourse, and (3) explores how internal processes of policy development and real-world triggers (namely conflicts and peacekeeping operations) shaped this transformation. The article uses Structural Topic Modeling (STM) to analyze an original corpus of Security Council and General Assembly resolutions on complex humanitarian emergencies since 1990. The analysis uncovers two distinct forms of protection, labeled as "Ground protection" and "Political–legal protection," which are characterized by contrasting temporal and geographic trajectories. Moreover, critical junctures in the protection rhetoric (during the years 2000, 2005, and 2008) coincide with policy watersheds rather than conflict outbreaks or trends in peacekeeping deployment. This article offers a comprehensive analysis of the intricate evolution of civilian protection using text-as-data methods, which uses its theory-building design to encourage further explorations on the interplay between internal and external factors in shaping its progression within the UN framework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nationalism remains a major influence on international relations in an increasingly globalised world. Many of the wars that erupted after the Cold War have their origins in ethnic tensions, border conflicts, or national aspirations. Given this, the geo-politicisation of nationalism deserves more attention in the literature. The current study aims to further the area by considering the role of territorial disputes in spawning various forms of nationalism and geopolitics. It develops an analytical framework based on the existing border dispute between Nepal and India in the 'Kalapani' region. Post-2019, the Kalapani dispute not only has represented bilateral border disputes between two entities but also reflects the overall geopolitics of the region. Similarly, it also represents the rise of 'nationalism' as a political anchor point in domestic politics in both India and Nepal. The paper based its assessment on the primary and secondary data analysis. Drawing on the data, this paper argues that border disputes between India and Nepal have two facets that signal the rising nationalism in both sides and the changing geopolitics of South Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Borders not only delimit state territory but also differentiate state spaces, delineating the periphery from the core. However, a remote borderland is not necessarily the periphery, rather, it can function as a core component in the making of the state. By examining the border islands of Kinmen and Matsu (or Kinma, as abbreviated here) in the Taiwan Strait, we illuminate how the state relocated itself through border measures, and how accidental border activities, in turn, reshaped the state. We contend that since the Chinese civil war abruptly delineated new borders around Kinma Islands in 1949, the dramatic changes in the daily life of the islanders not only passively reflected the geopolitical dynamics during the Cold War, but also actively engendered the (re)building of state and nation in Taiwan and (re)positioning Taiwan in the world. Studying differently scaled and territorialised daily practices as they intersect at the accidental borders, we suggest, provides a contra perspective to rediscover the making of nation/states and the framing of the Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay engages in border studies by articulating a "liminal island chain," linking Okinawa, Taiwan, and Hong Kong, as a frontier of democracy in the rise of a new Cold War. Tracing the theoretical evolution from boundary to border and bordering in the recent scholarship, it aims to counter the island chain idea in international relations theory with an indigenous settler colonial perspective on the one hand, and to approach democracy as a political rhetoric deployed in Taiwan's and Hong Kong's anti-China protests since 2014 that constructed a biometric, emotional, and civilizational border against China on the other. By taking the Protect Diaoyutai (Baodiao) Movement of the early 1970s that linked Okinawa with Taiwan and Hong Kong as a critical conjuncture of Cold War bordering, the essay adopts a cultural studies approach to consider the implications of multiple bordering in East Asia as congealed in the social movements in Hong Kong and Taiwan, then and now, to offer an analysis of the unfolding of the new Cold War. By conceptualizing Okinawa, Taiwan, and Hong Kong as unwieldly liminal island chain as produced by post/colonial geography and shaped by post/Cold War entanglements, the essay hopes to unveil how multiple bordering is at work in East Asia, and to usher in a trans-local imagination of the democracy to come. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores radio's material legacies by exclusively focussing on the trajectories of radio-objects, which travelled between foreign broadcasting stations and their Indian listeners during the Cold War years. The presence of such objects in listeners' homesteads/private collections even today and their affective relationship(s) to them can enable us to examine how radio materially permeated the larger social fabric of listeners' everyday lives, not just through sound but also a plethora of things. Zooming in on gifts, souvenirs, letters, photographs and memorabilia, the article shows how radio-objects enabled Indian listeners to perform difference and distinction locally, to imagine and experience foreign countries through landscape-objects, to establish networks of South-South epistolary exchange, and to 'see' both co-listeners and radio hosts through travelling photographs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The human right to science is set out in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. The two texts, which were adopted consecutively, are similar but not identical. Conflicts in formulating the right to science in international human rights law were rooted in the ideological quarrels of the Cold War. The travaux préparatoires indicate debate about whether the right was essentially about the freedoms of scientists or about the purposes of science, including concern about abuse. Article 15(3) of the Covenant confirms recognition of 'the freedom indispensable for scientific research ... ' The Soviet Union promoted the view that scientific research must pursue progressive aims but was unsuccessful in its attempts to entrench this in the texts. UNESCO's contribution to the Declaration was insignificant but it had considerable influence on the Covenant text. In 1950 and 1951, UNESCO issued important and influential expert statements challenging 'scientific' arguments of racial supremacists, confirming in practice its own understanding of the direction that science should take. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

United States support for Ukraine and preparation for a potential, likely protracted, conflict with China has drawn attention to the fragility of the U.S. defense industrial base. Since the end of the Cold War, the American defense industry has optimized for peacetime and low-attrition conflicts, prized efficiency and cost-savings over capacity and flexibility, and incentivized short-run returns over resilience and innovation. While this design may have made sense in a period of undisputed U.S. dominance, the rise of the People's Republic of China as a peer competitor and the emerging demand that the U.S. deter and, if necessary, win one or more protracted conflicts requires that Washington take a more intentional and direct role in shaping the capability, capacity, and resilience of the U.S. defense industrial base. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After two decades of counterinsurgency and counterterrorism in Afghanistan and Iraq, the US military has shifted to preparing for large-scale combat operations. However, it would be a mistake to discard hard-earned lessons from these conflicts. Despite contemporary advances in technology and important differences between current US competitors and the Soviet Union, irregular warfare will play a prominent role in the new era of strategic competition. It was a prominent form of US-Soviet competition during the Cold War, is already used extensively by the United States and its competitors and remains attractive given concerns about escalation between nuclear-armed powers. Given the continued relevance of irregular warfare, we focus on two main lessons from the US experience. First, since irregular warfare is about influencing populations and achieving political goals without large-scale combat operations, influencing and working alongside the partner is the primary mission. The second lesson follows directly from the first; if irregular warfare is ultimately about achieving policy goals with an economy of military force, IW is a team sport requiring joint and interagency collaboration to be effectively implemented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the nearly 75 years that the People's Republic of China has been in existence, the field of contemporary China studies in the United States has developed and evolved through six distinguishable 'generations' of scholarship. The evolving social science scholarly analyses of contemporary China have paralleled the changes in the PRC itself over time, but they have also reflected paradigmatic changes in scholarly disciplines in the United States. Other stimuli which have also impacted the field include domestic politics in America and shifts in US-China relations. This article traces the evolution of field (as observed and interpreted by the author); it concludes that while the field is generally very healthy, diverse, and enjoys great breadth and depth of knowledge, it faces significant new challenges for source material and research in Xi Jinping's China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research paper analyzes the activities of the Ford Philanthropic Foundation in Yugoslavia during the Cold War with a special emphasis on Ford's Education Programme through which a significant number of Yugoslavs had the opportunity to study and work in the United States. Using the Ford Foundation archives, this research reveals the foundation's intentions to expose influential individuals from Yugoslavia to Western ideology and culture with the goal of suppressing communist ideology at the beginning of the Cold War. With enormous financial resources and reputation among the Yugoslav population and leadership, the Ford Foundation during its ten years of intense activity in the country (1959–1969) was completely subordinated to the official foreign policy of Washington, which was based on support for an independent Yugoslavia within the communist bloc. Ford's operational activities reduced the stereotypes of Yugoslavs about the United States and greatly contributed to the cultural rapprochement of the two countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 1950s was an era when Turkish-US relations were developing in various arenas. In addition to hard power instruments, such as NATO membership, the Truman Doctrine and Marshall Aid, elements of soft power were also being used to promote the relationship between the two states. One element of this latter power was jazz which became tool of US public diplomacy used to export its cultural values. This paper explores how jazz was used as such in Turkey–US relations in the 1950s. The original aspect of this article lies in its dealing with the influence of jazz music, a relatively little mentioned soft power element in Turkey–US relations of this period. The main finding of the article may be conceptualized as follows: Turkey's relationship with the US was based not only on economic and military interests, but also cultural ties between the two which were also crucial to strengthening their bilateral relations. In this context, musicians were key agents of cultural diplomacy with their music and songs legitimizing a new and different 20th century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article looks at the transnational and transsystemic spread of a particular Cold War knowledge regime characterized by (neo-)positivistic premises for the calculation and prediction of human action, attitudes and behaviour, as well as its practical use for matters of propaganda and surveillance. The article analyses, thereby, moments of imperial imitation. It focuses on the scientific and state actors of newly emerging experimental spaces and methods, including their shortcomings and dark spots, that accompanied mutual surveillance practices and inter-imperial exchange circuits. Consequently, Cold War empires are analysed as entities that brought into being scientific but also social, economic and political laboratories. The aim of this article is therefore to place scientific exchanges and practices in the fields of sociology, mass communication and public opinion research within the framework of entangled histories of empire. These histories, however, will also be situated against the complex conflations with and paradoxical relations to the global and local (dis)orders, ruptures, alliances and networks of the Cold War. Empirically, the interest of this article lies in tracing the exchanges, taking place under the watchful eye of their respective secret services, of Polish sociologists and social psychologists with their Soviet and US-American colleagues in the late 1950s to 1970s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of the security dilemma, which was developed in the 1950s based on inter-state wars, was applied to civil wars to explain the cause of intra-state conflicts after the end of the Cold War. These applications have criticized for violating the key components emphasized by the original theory. The flaws of the literature have led to the generalization that the security dilemma cannot be applied to civil wars. This study, which opposes this generalization, claims that the process evolved into civil war in 2014 among the opposition groups that played a role in the overthrow of the Gaddafi regime can be explained by the concept of the security dilemma. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article details the use of the phrase 'national security' in political and public discourse around the time of Australia's Federation (1881–1921). It finds that while it was not present in policy or legislation until later, the phrase enjoyed noteworthy use in political debates and news media during the early Federal period. Further, the article finds that while military and defensive concerns were a common consideration of this early 'national security', there also existed a strong economic and social element, prefiguring the 'broadening' of security following the Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Isaiah Berlin is a classic name in political theory, but does he have anything to teach us about international relations? In the Cold War he was a realist disciple of the containment doctrine, indeed a more hawkish container than his friend George Kennan, at least until he saw what was happening in Vietnam. In the aftermath of the Cold War, confronted with an outburst of resurgent nationalism, he seemed more like a utopian idealist, dreaming with Herder of a world of cultural harmony. But that dream is undermined by his own value pluralism, which points towards something more rigorous and interesting, a case for liberal internationalism in tension with its realist rival. From a value-pluralist point of view, realism tends towards moral monism, and liberal internationalism is normatively the more balanced view. However, liberals should still take seriously the central realist insight that security is an especially important value in the anarchic international context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the tensions in Turkish–Israeli relations during the 2010s as well as prospects and challenges of normalisation from an ontological security perspective. Emphasising the role of conflicts in the provision of ontological security, it illustrates how frictions with Israel and attachment to the Palestinian issue serve the identity needs of Turkey's political elites and provides additional avenues for responding to legitimacy challenges. The article suggests that comprehensive normalisation of relations remains elusive and uncertain despite recent positive steps as this may engender ontological insecurity for both countries and can lead to a backlash towards hostile identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkish-Israeli relations have been marked by constant fluctuations for over half a century, yet they have never ebbed so low as in the era under the AKP (Justice and Development Party). A closer look at Turkish-Israeli relations since their inception shows that despite vital security and economic interests shared by the two states, bilateral relations are largely shaped by ideational factors, namely the evolution of Turkish state identity. This article investigates both the material and ideational factors in Turkish-Israeli relations in three periods: during the Cold War; from 1990 to the rise of the AKP in 2002; and during the AKP era. After examining the trajectory of the relationship over decades, the article, while not denying the centrality of material factors, suggests that there is a strong correlation between the evolution of Turkish state identity and Ankara's relations with Israel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite an increased interest in the diplomatic history of India – chiefly supplemented by the opening up of Indian diplomatic records – the Latin American region has received marginal attention. Interestingly, the archival sources based in India throw an altogether fresh perspective on diplomatic engagements between India and Latin America during the Cold War period. This Research Note places the Cuban Revolution in perspective to examine how developments in Cuba kept Indian diplomats and leaders engrossed. Through India's understanding of Castro's Cuba, the Note captures ideological and pragmatic considerations defining the responses to each other's overtures during such an important turn in history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Cold War the United States and the Soviet Union aspired to transform overseas academic institutions according to their political goals. Their attempts to impose certain values, disciplines, structures, and personnel were foiled by sabotage and indigenous traditions on the part of the local academic elite, particularly professors. The article illustrates futile revisions by both the United States and the Soviet Union at Ethiopian higher educational institutions and discusses the Cultural Cold War in terms of realism, constructivism, Americanisation, Sovietisation and response theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration (ICEM) played a key role in handling the Hungarian refugee crisis of 1956. It was this body, established in 1951, that organised the registration and transport of some 200,000 Hungarian refugees in Austria and Yugoslavia. This paper examines this international migration organisation in the 1950s based on the archives of the ICEM and the UN Secretariat, as well as on US, British and French foreign policy documents. It focuses on the workings of the ICEM concerning the Hungarian refugee crisis and its influence upon the subsequent history of the organisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the early Cold War, it was difficult for American intelligence to penetrate the Iron Curtain but a potential solution soon arose: émigré intelligence groups such as the Magyar Harcosok Bajtársi Közössége (MHBK) or 'Association of Hungarian Veterans'. This group, however, turned out to be an intelligence 'paper mill'. Attempts at trans-Atlantic cooperation with the MHBK and similar groups failed as they lost most of their good sources and were penetrated by communist security services. By the mid-1950s, US intelligence cut these groups off, took over their good sources, and established a source registry to prevent recurrence of the problem. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under military rule (1973–1990), Chile embarked upon several top-secret chemical and biological weapons (CBW) programmes. 'Project ANDREA' and the development of sarin is the best known, although other programmes have also been reported. However, these programmes remain poorly understood – particularly in English language sources. To resolve this, this paper draws upon local-language reporting, Cold War histories and other sources to provide insight into the histories, key personalities, and evolution of Chile's historical CBW programmes. This paper contributes to wider literature on Chile's dictatorship, but also literature on CBW-proliferation, which remains confined to a relatively small set of case studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Unlike other countries where the Left remained electorally marginal and marked by introversion and fragmentation, the Cypriot communist party AKEL consistently dominated the Cypriot Left bloc. AKEL is here placed in context by looking the way it developed its arguably peculiar (communist) organizational and ideological identity through an inward looking emphasizing three important intra-party crises in a period extending from the early 1920s until the end of the Cold War. Notwithstanding (external) environmental influences, this article focuses on the intra-party level and the struggle amongst competing intra-party groups, identifying the main issues of controversy, the opposing actors and the outcome of each crisis. It is hereby argued that party choices were at least equally informed by the outcome of intra-party tensions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The dominant Western narrative—now virtually obligatory within its media and foreign policy establishments—asserts that Vladimir Putin's invasion of Ukraine on 24 February 2022 was unprovoked, deriving from domestic political imperatives and messianic imperial nostalgia. Yet, while these factors must be included within a comprehensive causal argument, a deeper and more satisfactory explanation for the invasion situates the predicament of the Russian ruling class—and thus government—within the context of the systematic, decades-long project of NATO expansion and a series of specific provocative actions and decisions taken by Kyiv and Washington in the second half of 2021. The United States has consistently opposed integration between Russia and Western Europe. The key parameter of U.S. neo-imperial strategy in Europe-Asia remains embedded in Cold War geo-politics, namely that U.S. hegemony in Eurasia rests on the exclusion of Russia from European affairs and the prevention of a geo-economic axis between Berlin, Moscow and Beijing. However, even as the war may result in a final settling of accounts in the U.S.-Russia relationship and beyond, it has also thrown into increasingly sharp relief the growing conflict of class interests and complex geopolitical asymmetries and contradictions in the transatlantic relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past three decades, terrorism has directly threatened China's national security and has played a key role in its foreign policy. The nature of terrorism in China is changing, as is the Chinese government's response to the threat. Despite the issue's importance, there is still little knowledge about the changing face of terrorism in China. Thus, this study fills the gap in the literature on this subject by reviewing the terrorism threat against China after the Cold War from 1989 through 2020, based on the global terrorism database. The study's main findings reveal that China is not a significant target of terrorism when compared to other powers. Terrorism in China is domestic and concentrated in four specific districts, chiefly caused by the Uyghurs Uprising. Contrary to conventional wisdom, the BRI did not cause a dramatic increase in terrorist attacks against Chinese citizens outside China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United States established itself as the dominant supplier of civil nuclear technology in the 1960s. But Moscow soon caught up, supplanting Washington after the Cold War. What led to the rise of this autocratic nuclear marketplace? We identify two factors. First, polarity shapes the motives for states to pursue civil nuclear exports. The superpowers faced strong motivations under bipolarity, but unipolarity put greater pressure on Russia to compete for influence with nuclear exports. Second, regime type affects state capacity to execute this strategy. We find that Moscow enjoyed an autocratic advantage, which insulated its nuclear industry from domestic opposition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The "dematerialization" thesis has long animated studies of conceptualism. Stemming from Western social formations and information theory, it is dialectically related to cybernetic theories from East Germany that cast information, labor, and material as inseparable. This essay draws on these understudied theories to frame Ruth Wolf-Rehfeldt's typewritten prints in terms of concrete conceptualism, which mediates the material and the informational via transnational mail art networks and electronic surveillance infrastructure. Ultimately her work reveals a complex picture of Cold War culture in which informational imaginaries coalesce across geopolitical lines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article theorizes path-dependent changes in the institutional architecture of the nuclear nonproliferation regime complex; it analyses the effects of different regime-complex structures on institutional contestation and policy adjustment. I first offer a general theory of how the preexisting institutional structures of international regime complexes (IRCs) facilitate and constrain subsequent institutional developments in ways that make IRCs prone to endogenous, path-dependent change. Next, I illustrate how strategies of regime shifting and rival regime creation in the nuclear nonproliferation complex have triggered path-dependent 'reactive sequencing', resulting in growing institutional fragmentation. To illustrate endogenous dynamics of IRC evolution, I examine the nuclear nonproliferation complex at three 'critical junctures': The mid-1970s, the end of the Cold War, and the early-2000s. During each period, exogenous proliferation shocks interacted with pre-existing institutional structures to produce specific patterns of contestation which set in motion a reactive sequence of growing institutional fragmentation. My argument has relevance for global economic governance broadly and for the growing IPE literature which explores reactive sequencing and institutional decay in global governance institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that, in the wake of decolonisation across most of Sub-Saharan Africa, white Rhodesia's rulers shifted their political allegiances to a new Southern African bloc, allied to right-radical actors across the Cold War world. It examines the discourses emanating from Rhodesia's Department of Information, identifying the new mental map of affinity and identity that was forged throughout the 1960s. After briefly explaining information policy under the Central African Federation, it illustrates how an influx of radical right-wing actors, embedded in transnational white supremacist networks, used the Department to transform the rebel colony's global orientation. Taking control of the formerly independent media, the Rhodesian Front embarked on a project to remould white political culture in the years surrounding UDI in 1965. In the discourses they produced, Rhodesia's geographical identification with a British-controlled Central Africa was replaced with the avowedly white-supremacist Southern Africa. This study is at the heart of important innovations in the transformative study of Africa's Cold War and late-colonial ideology. It hopes to facilitate the growing, transnational study of settler resistance in Southern Africa, the counter-revolution against the wave of decolonisation that broke on the Zambezi in the mid-1960s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses non-conventional diplomatic tools. It does so by focussing on the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE) and the Multilateral Balanced Force Reduction (MBFR) talks and suggests that individuals and individual creativity to make use of non-conventional tools, in combination with attention to working conditions, impact the outcome. CSCE ventured in entirely new territory and promoted such novel concepts as the indivisibility of security, and the free flow of individuals, information, and ideas. As such it appealed to negotiatiors' creativity; by contrast, MBFR was about reducing conventional forces in the given constellation of a divided Europe -- it treated this division as a fact of life; as such it may have offered far less opportunities for individual diplomats' creativity to fully blossom. Taken together a discussion of these tools also contribute to the structure -- agency debate: they provide additional evidence that individual diplomats -- though often simply seen as tools of their respective governments and merely acting within a certain constellation -- and close attention to the conditions they have to work in, do matter, even when, of course, it is governments, not diplomats, that will have to sanction the results they achieve. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Building on recent scholarly interest in Latin America's Cold War, this paper breaks new ground in using a broad range of original documents from previously largely overlooked voices – the foreign ministries, parties, and security services agencies of Poland, Hungary, Bulgaria, Germany, the Czech Republic, and Romania – in discussing Cuba's Cold War involvement in Central America and the Caribbean from the First Congress of the Cuban Communist Party until the U.S. Grenada invasion. The candid reports provided by contemporary East European observers help us attain a more nuanced picture of Havana's complex policy dilemmas as it sought to negotiate and navigate between its vast ambitions, limited abilities, Soviet bloc restraint, and the ever-present threat of a U.S. invasion. Finally, further in line with the latest advancements in the globalized Cold War historiography, in hearing the voices of Moscow's junior partners, this article casts the events surrounding the tumultuous period in a broader Transatlantic setting beyond the shadows of the superpowers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Costa Rica, often seen as a peaceful country, has a history of militarization despite abolishing its army 75 years ago. Crime rates have been rising, leading to calls for tougher laws and a militarized approach to policing. External actors and regional trends have influenced Costa Rica's security strategies, with assistance sought from countries like the United States, Brazil, Chile, and West Germany during the Cold War. In recent years, security strategies from Colombia and the United States have been imported to address drug trafficking, insurgency, and migration, but this has raised concerns about militarization and repression. The future of Costa Rica's pacifist roots is uncertain. [Extracted from the article]