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This article uses the lens of state control over mobilities of residents both migrants and citizens to move away from assumptions that position them as competitors for the privileges of membership. I begin by critiquing the migrant/citizen binary, claiming that it promotes as actuality Fantasy Citizenship of equality and accessible rights when the reality is one of banal citizenship. This Fantasy citizen is a Worker Citizen. However, the substance of the 'right to work' is the right to the welfare safety net and the banal citizen finds access to this safety net restricted by the 'duty to work'. Taking the example of the UK and specifically, England, I examine how citizens' mobility is restricted and controlled, firstly by social housing allocation policies which effectively turns citizens into 'migrants' via worker citizenship, and secondly through the restrictions of COVID-19 including its racialised policing. In this way, I suggest closer attention to state restrictions on the mobilities of citizens can help draw out connections in practice between the citizen and the migrant, connections that are obscured by Fantasy Citizenship and the migrant citizen binary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores how wealthy countries' reliance on migrant workers is not restricted to migrants working within their borders but extends, through global supply chains, to migrants employed in lower-income countries. It provides an exploratory discussion of how migration, labour, and trade systems interact to argue for the expansion of research on dependence on migrant labour – a 'widening of the lens' – beyond national systems effects. Using the COVID-19 pandemic and associated concern with the provision of essential goods and services, we consider how the employment of migrants in global supply chains, and by extension societal resilience of higher-income countries, is shaped by trade policies and agreements regulating flows of essential products across countries; labour markets and conditions in low- and middle-income countries producing essential products for export; and migration systems between and within low- and middle-income countries. Thus, we tentatively explore how national systems and institutions interlock with those of other states, and also with transnational and international institutions. We illustrate our arguments with a case study of the Malaysian production and export of rubber gloves, an essential good during the COVID-19 pandemic that is heavily dependent on migrant labour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Current outcomes of immigration enforcement policies and apparatuses call for rethinking the ethics behind our understanding of community belonging, human rights and just society. The ethics at work are often presented as emotions creating particular affective atmosphere that permit the ongoing implementation of enforcing migration. This Special Issue tackles emotions as processes of organizing that are mobilized in support of certain ethics. In the context of immigration enforcement, these emotions are not self-explanatory, but they can justify the potential for violence and even deem it necessary. The emotions or affects of enforcers (as opposed to migrants) have been less addressed, and this Special Issue aims to be a novel collection. The articles pay particular attention to racism and to the understanding of institutional racism within state structures. They reveal the ways in which emotions are instrumental to the operations of state bureaucracy within the repressive migration apparatus and point to the ethics that allows individuals to conform state structures of oppression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Unstable housing among persons diagnosed with HIV (PDWH) has been consistently linked to poor HIV-related care engagement. We examined the relationship between enrollment in a supportive housing program and health care utilization (use of outpatient services, emergency department (ED) visits, and hospitalizations) for a group of unstably housed, Medicaid and Health Homes (HH)-enrolled PDWH in New York State. We analyzed monthly longitudinal data consisting of linked supportive housing data, HH data, and Medicaid claims from New York State (excluding New York City) between 2012 and 2017 using time series models. Participants who had at least six consecutive months of supportive housing at month t had 20% higher odds of using an outpatient service, 19% lower odds of visiting the ED, and 24% lower odds of being hospitalized compared to those with less than six consecutive months of supportive housing after adjusting for covariates. Supportive housing may promote better medical management by increasing outpatient visits among chronically homeless PDWH. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

UK integration policy has attempted to respond to some of the critiques of the integration framework, and policymakers are pursuing an approach that focusses on the local. This paper examines this response with a particular focus on the city of Bristol. It first sets out the fundamental critiques of the integration paradigm and connects these to more general concerns in migration research about methodological nationalism and scholarly engagement with policy making. It notes different responses to these critiques including a turn to place-based approaches. It describes the history of integration policy as a background to understanding contemporary policy and observes the overlooked importance of community. The paper then describes the ESRC Everyday Integration project and the city and neighbourhood context of Bristol before moving to discuss the findings from the project's fieldwork. We find that 'community' was a very important reference point when our interviewees discussed what integration means. Talking about integration helps turns neighbourhoods into 'communities', but it also foregrounds 'national communities'. Integration discourse elides these two meanings of 'community', and locates connections between race and class in the challenge of problematic cultures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a growing trend of animal-assisted intervention (AAI) programs on college campuses to improve mental health among college students through human–animal interactions. The purpose of this preliminary research was to evaluate one program to determine if AAI improved participants' short-term emotional state as well as influenced the quality of the human–animal interaction. Quantitative data were collected using the Positive and Negative Affect Scale and the Human–Animal Interaction Scale. Results indicated a positive change in students' emotional state after interactions with therapy animals. Time spent interacting with the therapy animals had a significant effect on the human–animal interaction score but no effect on affect. These findings support the utility of human–animal relationships in improving college student mental health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent migration ‘crises’ raise important geopolitical questions. Who is ‘the migrant’ that contemporary politics are fixated on? How are answers to ‘who counts as a migrant’ changing? Who gets to do that counting, and under what circumstances? This forum responds to, as well as questions, the current saliency of migration by examining how categories of migration hold geopolitical significance—not only in how they are constructed and by whom, but also in how they are challenged and subverted. Furthermore, by examining how the very concepts of ‘migrant’ and ‘refugee’ are used in different contexts, and for a variety of purposes, it opens up critical questions about mobility, citizenship and the nation state. Collectively, these contributions aim to demonstrate how problematising migration and its categorisation can be a tool of enquiry into other phenomena and processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reconsiders Stephen Castle’s classic paperWhy Migration Policies Fail. Beginning with the so-called migration crisis of 2015 it considers the role of numbers is assessing success or failure. It argues that in the UK public debates about immigration changed with European Union (EU) Enlargement in 2004, when the emphasis shifted from concerns about asylum to concerns about EU mobility. Concerns were exacerbated by the government’s failure to meet its promise to reduce net migration. This policy is hampered by the general problem of definition of “migrant” and the gap between statistical measures and popular usage in which “migration” signifies problematic mobility. In fact, concern about migration has become a placeholder for concerns about globalization and democratic accountability. A new politics of migration must make connections between migrants and citizens, but also between migration and other global processes, particularly outsourcing and the exploitation of labour and resources in the global south. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The impact of the Affordable Care Act (ACA) on HIV care patients, aged 18–64, was evaluated in three jurisdictions with Medicaid expansion (Chicago, New York State, and Washington) and three jurisdictions without Medicaid expansion (Georgia, Texas, and Virginia) using data from the Medical Monitoring Project. Multivariate regression models were used to evaluate insurance status that was reported pre- and post-ACA; self-reported impact of ACA on HIV care was explored with descriptive statistics. The likelihood of having insurance was significantly greater post-ACA compared to pre-ACA in Chicago (aRR = 1.33, 95%CI = 1.20, 1.47), Washington (aRR = 1.15, 95%CI = 1.08, 1.22), and Virginia (aRR = 1.14, 95%CI = 1.00, 1.29). In Washington and Chicago, the likelihood of being Medicaid-insured was greater post-ACA compared to pre-ACA implementation (Chicago: aRR = 1.25, 95%CI = 1.03,1.53; Washington: aRR = 1.66 95% CI = 1.30, 2.13). No other significant differences were observed. Only a subset of HIV care patients (range: 15–35%) reported a change in insurance that would have coincided with the implementation of ACA; and within this subset, a change in medical care costs was the most commonly noted issue. In conclusion, the influence of ACA on insurance coverage and other factors affecting HIV care likely varies by jurisdiction. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Taking the growing use of deportation by many states, including the UK and the USA, as its point of departure, this article examines the implications of deportation for how citizenship is understood and conceptualised in liberal states. We follow scholars such as Walters (2002, Citizenship studies, 6 (2), 265-292) and Nicholas De Genova (2010, The deportation regime: sovereignty, space and freedom of movement. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 33-65) in seeing deportation as a practice that is 'constitutive of citizenship', one that reaffirms the formal and normative boundaries of membership in an international system of nominally independent states. However, we draw on the UK to show that, as a particularly definitive and symbolically resonant way of dividing citizens from (putative) strangers, deportation is liable to generate conflicts amongst citizens and between citizens and the state over the question of who is part of the normative community of members. Such conflict is, we show, a key and everyday feature of the many local anti-deportation campaigns that currently operate in support of individuals and families facing expulsion in liberal states. Although often used by governmental elites as a way to reaffirm the shared significance of citizenship, deportation, we suggest, may serve to highlight just how divided and confused modern societies are in how they conceptualise both who is a member and who has the right to judge who belongs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Kazakhstan, a country with relatively strong economic growth, significant natural resources and low population density, shares borders with countries of low economic growth, high poverty and unemployment. The lack of a coherent strategy for labour migration and a large informal sector have contributed towards a situation where large numbers of low-skilled migrants are working in breach of Kazakhstan's minimum labour standards. There is also evidence of significant incidences of unfree-or forced-labour. This paper considers the living and working conditions of Central Asian migrants in Kazakhstan and the applicability of the trafficking framework to their situation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is now more important than ever to consider migrant mobilizations and how political communities are constructed. This paper describes how Waling Waling, a migrant domestic workers' organization, and their support group, Kalayaan, forged citizenship 'from below' and waged a successful campaign to change the immigration status of domestic workers in part through turning constraints into opportunities. It also discusses how the logic of state sovereignty can recapture radical undertakings, and the opportunities and challenges that are faced in the new political climate of migrants as victims of trafficking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reproductive labour is increasingly globalised. The United Workers' Association (UWA), a migrant domestic workers' group based in London that has successfully campaigned for changes in immigration rules, is taken as a case study of transnationalism from below. Members link with their countries of origin through remittances and communications with family, and use the organisation to meet up with women from the same region and/or state. However, what is particular about this group is that gender, a common immigration status, and shared employment experiences have provided a basis for members to organise despite national, ethnic and religious differences. Their struggle for visas has met with opposition both by the receiving state and by their states of origin. For most, however, the struggle has been ultimately successful. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Paid domestic work is a feature of households all over the world, from Ecuador to Swaziland, from Spain to the Ivory Coast. In many countries, it probably constitutes the single largest female employment sector (though its invisibility can make this difficult to document). It is work that is predominantly performed by women, and is usually managed by other women. Yet it has received very little attention, either from feminists or from trade unionists, or indeed from political activists in general – many of whom, particularly if they are women, depend on a domestic worker to facilitate their activism. This paper explores the experiences of migrant domestic workers in Europe, and in particular in the UK. However, the issues it raises present challenges – both personal and political – for women and men throughout the world, whether they are domestic workers or employers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction to the journal is presented in which the editors discuss various reports within the issue on topics including citizenship and deportation, the historical roots of expulsion as a practice, and a legal investigation of British deportation system.