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This article explores significant factors influencing the process of Arab American racial formation. I bring into conversation theories of racial formation and ‘political shock’ in social movement scholarship to develop the notion of ‘racialized political shock’ as an important factor in how racial and ethnic groups mobilize and organize. Many moments of political shock are highly racialized and have the potential to reorder the racial and ethnic landscape in ways that can open opportunities or introduce constraints to mobilizations around racial formation. Drawing on existing studies of Arab Americans, this paper highlights how Arab American racial formation has been galvanized during moments of racialized political shock. In the Arab American case, these moments have led to a call for recognition outside the category of white. I conclude by outlining ways forward in the study of Arab Americans, who have been overlooked in studies of race and ethnicity in the US. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines whether media portrayals of Islam and Muslims are overwhelmingly negative, whether they have evolved over time, and what factors most consistently affect their tone. We analyse every fourth New York Times headline about Islam or Muslims between 1985 and 2013. We find that headlines have not been predominantly negative. In addition, New York Times headlines about Islam and Muslims have become more positive over the long term, even after the 9/11 attacks. Most counter-intuitively, we find that terrorist attacks have had a systematic positive effect on headline tone. During the first four weeks after each Islamist terrorist attack on an American target, the tone of New York Times headlines became significantly more positive compared to the four weeks prior to the attack. However, over the subsequent few months, coverage reverted back toward the tone that prevailed during the weeks before the event. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the Cold War the USA has articulated and implemented explicit strategies of democracy promotion. One interesting target of such efforts is Latin America, in part because of the region’s geographic proximity to the USA and of the mixed record of US support for democracy there. This paper examines the impact of the end of the Cold War and the 9/11 episode on the nature, purposes, targets and consequences of US democracy assistance to Latin America. Examining democracy aid allocations, social and political factors and other variables, it traces changes in aid strategies, purposes and recipients generated by these paradigm shifts, and assesses the impact of such assistance on the politics of the region. It concludes with implications of these findings for US democracy promotion policies. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In the wake of the 9/11 attacks the American film industry took a while to react to the Islamist threat at home and abroad. From 2005, however, Hollywood responded to the threat to the homeland and the War on Terror “over there” in Iraq and Afghanistan in a variety of ways. This article examines the nature of that response and whether it evinces, as critics allege, that the American film industry reflects and shapes a capitalist and imperialist agenda. More particularly, by evaluating the cinematic treatment of both the Iraq war and the problem of surveillance, rendition, and homeland security, the analysis explores what this distinctive on-screen genre tells about how the U.S. cultural mainstream has dealt with the challenge global jihadism poses to American values. The analysis suggests that post-9/11 movie making, while sometimes bleak and often clichéd, is cognizant of the gray area morality inherent in fighting the “War on Terror,” and is still thus able to offer some possibilities for sophisticated reflection. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

There has been a significant, well-established if somewhat invisible Muslim population in Ireland since the 1950s. An increase in immigration during the Celtic tiger years along with the hysteria of 9/11 caused a rapid visibilization of this population. Muslims became synonymous with extremism and terrorism, but also fell victim to racist constructions emerging from the economic decline. The experience of Muslim youth since 9/11 has been well researched in the UK and Europe, however there has been little empirical work conducted with Ireland’s Muslim communities. In the literature, it is assumed that the British experience is replicated for Muslim youth in Ireland – this is not the case. This paper examines the lived experience of Irish Muslim youth given the visibilization of Islam after 9/11 and their ensuing experiences of Irishness. An analysis of ethnographic data reveals the idiosyncratic experiences of these youth growing up in the shadow of a discriminatory and Islamophobic narrative on extremism and terrorism and an evolving immigrant landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The study investigates Arab and Muslim students’ social relationships on 21 community college campuses in the USA (N = 753), with comparison groups of African Americans, Latinos, Asians, and Whites (N = 567). Survey findings revealed a positive relationship between campus friendships and sense of belonging, controlling for ethnic and religious identities, and perceived discrimination on campus. Individual group differences were found among Arab Christians, Arab Muslims, and non-Arab Muslims, and the comparison group. As an earlier publication based on the same study revealed, 75% of Arab and Muslim students’ campus friendships were either same ethnic and/or same faith, with only a quarter of campus friendships being of different ethnicity and different religion. Although such results suggest the existence of ethno-religious enclaves, this paper concludes that Arab and Muslim students are not purposely enacting their own ethno-religious balkanization, but—like other ethnic groups—forging their own campus communities within the larger campus community. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the framework used by Western countries' intelligence services from the September 11, 2001 attacks (9/11) through 2014, including the impact of the 9/11 Attacks on intelligence service management. An overview intelligence information sharing centers known as fusion centers, including the Los Angeles Terrorism Early Warning Group (TEW) in Los Angeles, California, is provided.

In 2011, al-Qaeda leader, Osama Bin Laden, was killed in Pakistan and the US president, Barack Obama, concluded a decade of global ‘war against terror’. In light of this, it seems only sensible to explore what implications the post-9/11 international developments have had on a local basis in specific national contexts. With this in mind, this article focuses on Denmark and discusses how the critical event of 9/11 motivated a security/integration response, including various pre-emptive measures that have cast the Muslim population asthe usual suspects. It will discuss how these changes have affected the everyday lives of ordinary Danish Muslims over the last ten years and changed the relationship between majorities and minorities. Finally, it will also examine how and why recent national and international events have created the potential for another shift in majority–minority relations. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

We examine whether survey data supports the anecdotal evidence which suggests that group association impacts the individual's stated beliefs. Specifically, we examine whether a rise in the relative importance of a single issue, i.e. national security, blurs the traditional importance of socio-economic variables in determining an electorate's political party association. Further, we examine whether such blurring occurs across the responses to questions outside the scope of this single issue. We find that in the aftermath of the terrorist attacks on 11 September 2001, the relative importance of national security rose in the US electorate and reduced the relative importance of socio-economic variables in determining the electorate's political association for both security and nonsecurity issues. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This study examines messages posted to NYTimes.com in the first three days after the Sept. 11, 2001 terrorist attacks. It contributes to our understanding of the history of interactive mediated communication, especially in a time of crisis, by providing insight into how this online community immediately constructed meaning out of the attacks. Readers used this new technology to engage in geographically and temporally unrestricted public discourse. They exchanged opinions, released emotions, argued, supported, and reacted, with political commentary the most commonly featured discourse. With the eleventh anniversary of the attacks just behind us, the readers' dialogue offers a glimpse into the mediated public conversation at an important historic moment when people were just beginning to understand the tragedy's meaning and the possibilities of interactive, digital technologies. Understanding the elements of message-board content aids our understanding of how and why readers engage in public digital discourse, a phenomenon then in its infancy but now an important part of media content. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

America's domestic reaction post 9/11 was laudable. President George W. Bush drew a clear distinction between the terrorists and Islam as such. Religious communities called upon the devout to avoid religious hatred and acrimony. As a result, there were few attacks on American Muslims. Nonetheless, many Americans support the "war on terror" against militant Islamists, and feel disquiet over those elements of Islamic teaching that appear to deny civic values such as the right to religious liberty and the right to convert. The publication of the statement "What We're Fighting For" in 2002 expressed some of these concerns and led to a difficult but fruitful ongoing dialogue between intellectuals in America and the Arab Middle East. The major differences that exist between Islam, Christianity, and Judaism require "deep toleration": the capacity to live with and among those with whom one profoundly disagrees on some vital matters. A civic Islam must be allowed to prevail that avoids the extremes of theocracy or religious indifference. To achieve this, the lead must come from within Islam itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper considers a key counter-terror strategy in the UK post-9/11 – the shift from a criminal justice response to the creation of a parallel preventive system running in tandem with the continuing criminal justice one. The preventive response does not rely on the commission of criminal offences or adherence to ordinary criminal justice safeguards. This preventive strategy relies on targeting terrorist suspects – those who, it is thought, may in future commit terrorist acts – and curtailing their liberty with the aim of preventing terrorist activity before it occurs. Since 2005 the preventive strategy has partly relied on the imposition of control orders on certain terrorist suspects; such orders are about to be replaced by Terrorism Prevention and Investigation Orders (TPIMs) at the end of 2011. Both types of order create a means of controlling or curbing the liberty of such suspects without a criminal trial. The paper evaluates the responses of the courts to control orders, and the reasons for their abandonment in favour of TPIMs. It argues that the human rights' issues raised in court in relation to control orders over the last six years are likely to be re-raised – albeit to a somewhat lesser extent – in relation to TPIMs. In considering this issue, the paper touches on the question of the use of technology in relation to both control orders and TPIMs as measures allowing interferences with liberty. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Visual surveillance has become a key technological tool in the prevention of terrorism and other serious crimes. From a human rights perspective, however, its use requires proper checks and balances, especially because there is a risk that – quoting Mathiesen on Foucault – panoptic surveillance, where the few view the many, develops. Furthermore, when public authorities use visual surveillance in an excessive or arbitrary fashion, they alienate citizens and reduce opportunities for effective co-operation. Henceforth, the need for proper checks and balances for visual surveillance is maintained in this article, which focuses on the United Kingdom and the Netherlands, as both countries have experience with preventing ‘home grown’ terrorism and with visual surveillance in public spaces. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This case study presents a microanalysis of interactions of one mother-infant dyad videotaped at four and fourteen months, in the Project for Mothers, Infants, and Young Children of September 11, 2001. It provides an intriguing window into the infant's experience within the context of loss and trauma. The observational method utilizes the D.A.N.C.E. tool developed by this author and the Laban movement analysis system. The integrated rhythms of the actions, the timing of gestures and the spatial shifts of posture comprise each individual's core choreography in the dance of relating. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article describes how a mother, shortly after the loss of her husband on September 11, 2001, keeps the father in mind, conveying his essence to her children and to the therapists and mothers' group, in the Project for Mothers, Infants, and Young Children of September 11, 2001. A particular bird, a cardinal, that appeared and disappeared from her yard, became a symbol that gave shape and meaning to her mourning for her and for her children. Over time, as one of the therapists, I came to know the lost husband through the accounts of the mother. I gradually held a place in the discourse for him and his point of view. In this way I helped to facilitate the process of incremental mourning, filling a similar role to that of the cardinal, a fleeting symbol of the lost husband and father. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Working in the Project for Mothers, Infants, and Young Children of September 11, 2001, I focus in this article on some of the ways in which normal states of mind essential to “good enough mothering” were significantly disrupted and altered by the effects of trauma and loss following the events of September 11th. Themes mothers talked about and patterns of mother-infant/mother-child interaction observed during the first two years of the group are discussed in the contexts of pregnancy and Winnicott's concepts of primary maternal preoccupation and holding. Pregnancy, childbirth, new motherhood, loss, and trauma are all life-transforming events, each having particular states of mind, psychic tasks, and challenges associated with them. Although the mothers in our Project were heroic in their attempts to simultaneously experience and process these highly contradictory states, we found the work of mourning largely incompatible with the work of primary maternal preoccupation. It did not seem possible for the psyche to be consumed with the lost object in mourning and at the same time to be consumed with the infant in primary maternal preoccupation. This article also touches on the mothers' ongoing difficult task of telling their babies, now children approaching 10 years old, about their fathers and their fathers' deaths. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In the Project for Mothers, Infants, and Young Children of September 11, 2001, we conducted a support group for women who were pregnant when their husbands died on that date. The trauma of their husbands' death triggered complex and contradictory needs in these pregnant women who would soon be new mothers. This article explores ways in which the women with their babies used the therapy group to understand and grieve their loss. It documents how the therapeutic process, including the therapists' participation, represented the lost father/husband based on the understanding of him as conveyed by each mother. The article also describes how the group and the therapists supported the concurrent needs to grieve while at the same time to nurture a new baby. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In the Project for Mothers, Infants, and Young Children of September 11, 2001, one form of intervention was group work with mothers and young children whose husbands and fathers had died. Multiple therapists facilitated the group process. The evolving process of one group is described, including grief support, affect sharing, and emerging trust among mothers and therapists, manners of therapist collaboration, and children's developing social interactions and communications through play. Therapeutic listening in the group influenced the ways that the mothers attended to each other and, in turn, the ways that the mothers attended to their children. The importance of state-awareness on the part of therapists is underscored. Although personalities, histories, sorrows, coping strategies, child needs, parenting styles, and later experiences of romance were distinct, the group work fostered ways in which the lost husbands/fathers were held in mind by wives and children. Shared understanding of traumatic loss and the group process fostered self-reflection among the mothers and reflective parenting. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This three-part article describes the early years of one of the mother-baby-children groups of the Project for Mothers, Infants, and Young Children of September 11, 2001. The goal of the group was to help prevent the effects of trauma and loss from disrupting the relationships among the mothers, their infants, and growing children. View I by Anni Bergman describes the mothers' states of minds as the group began, when they felt that their worlds had collapsed under them. View II by Sally Moskowitz focuses on the clinical experience of working in the group, transference and countertransference themes, helping the mothers and children with their mourning process, and helping the mothers' relationships to each other, their babies, older children, family, and friends. The evolution of a casual, familial-type atmosphere and format came to be seen by the therapists as very important. The therapists wanted to provide whatever small feeling of normality and comfort possible in the context of the mothers' anguish. This routine atmosphere provided the backdrop against which the mothers could talk about what seemed like unspeakable events, thoughts, and feelings, and process the horrific events, in their magnitude and details. View III by Donna Demetri Friedman describes the play therapy treatment of two preschool-aged siblings in the context of the support group. The children's father had been killed in the World Trade Center attacks. This section describes the themes of the children's play and how they worked through the experience of the loss of their father, the birth of their sibling, and their mother's grief. It also describes their progress a decade later. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article describes the evolution of the Project for Mothers, Infants, and Young Children of September 11, 2001. When a group of pregnant women lost their husbands on 9/11, we knew that traditional approaches would not be sufficient to help them cope with this unthinkable disaster. The unique circumstances of being pregnant and widowed, and having to experience not only the birth of a baby but also pressures from in-laws, government agencies, and stresses of a national disaster that served as a constant reminder, all contributed to the difficulty in launching this project. Begun as an intervention to help with mourning, bonding, developing a community of support, and trying to minimize the transmission of the trauma, our work evolved into a long-term primary prevention project. Eventually a range of services was offered to the mothers and their children, including groups for mothers and babies, videotaped play sessions and video feedback consultations with a team of therapists. These services altered as the needs of families changed over time. The Project created a net of safety to attend to the needs of the therapist team as well. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

We outline the central clinical theories that informed the Project for Mothers, Infants, and Young Children of September 11, 2001. We looked to Bowlby, Winnicott, Mahler, and Ainsworth for the core ideas about the nature of loss and the mother-infant relationship. We also looked to empirical infant research and the microanalysis of videotaped mother-infant interaction to understand early communication patterns. An understanding of nonverbal communication and its use in video feedback was central to our approach. We also describe early childhood psychotherapy and mother-child support groups. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The Project for Mothers, Infants, and Young Children of September 11, 2001, is described in this issue. This group of articles represents 10 years of involvement of a group of eight core therapists, working originally with approximately 40 families who suffered the loss of husbands and fathers on September 11, 2001. We focused our efforts on the families of women who were pregnant and widowed in the disaster, or of women who were widowed with an infant born in the previous year. These therapists are Beatrice Beebe, Phyllis Cohen, Anni Bergman, Sally Moskowitz, K. Mark Sossin, Rita Reiswig, Suzi Tortora, and Donna Demetri Friedman. This highly trained group of therapists specializes in adult, child, mother-infant, and family treatment, as well as in nonverbal communication. Two of Dr. Beebe's former students, Dr. Sara Markese and Adrianne Lange, were intimately involved in running the Project and contributed two key articles. We also invited Dr. Andrea Remez to co-author and Dr. Susan Coates to discuss one of the mother-child treatments, and we invited Dr. Marsha Kaitz of Hebrew University, Israel to discuss the project. The demands of the crisis led us to expand our psychoanalytic training, fostering new approaches to meeting the needs of these families. We sought out these families, offering support groups for mothers and their infants and young children in the mothers' own neighborhoods, and bringing the families to mother-child filming sessions at Columbia University, New York State Psychiatric Institute, courtesy of Dr. Joseph Jaffe. In 2011, marking the 10th anniversary of the World Trade Center tragedy, our Project continues to provide free services for these mothers who lost their husbands, for their infants who are now approximately 10 years old, and for the siblings of these children. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article introduces the current issue, which discusses how the September 11, 2011 terrorist attacks in New York City have impacted Muslim communities and features a paper by Klaus Hödl on Islamophobia in Austria, a paper by Bruno De Cordier on the Jamaate-Islami Hind social movement in India, and a paper by Riaz Hassan on the Muslim minority in Australia.

The European Union's (EU) counter-terrorism strategy has been particularly dynamic, developing as a result of 'crises' and subsequent post-crisis narrations. The events of 11 September 2001, and the Madrid and London bombings have proved to provide moments of punctuation from which policy evolution and institutionalisation has followed. As a result of such crises, the EU has increasingly regarded terrorism as a direct challenge to the Union's role as a security actor and sought to institutionalise a diverse range of security governance technologies across its multiple pillars. Such an approach is noticeable for its qualitative difference compared to EU strategy pursued throughout the end of the twentieth century, and demonstrates an increased willingness for the EU to assert its role in the world. Yet, what is highly noticeable from the EU strategy and the proliferation of security governance technologies is the manner in which the EU has securitised 'terrorism' in the pursuit of internal, external and normative objectives. As a consequence, the EU has inflated the threat posed by terrorism, and increasingly attempted to 'Europeanise' its response. Evident in such a strategy however, is the manner in which counter-terrorism practices can generate greater insecurity inside and outside of the Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article draws upon interviews I conducted with widows in Pakistan's North West Frontier Province (NWFP) after September 11, 2001. Since the late 1990s, I've interviewed some 50 widows worldwide and quickly realized that these women comprise a group of invisible millions. A majority of the interviews I conducted were in South Asia where many widows become social pariahs. The most harrowing stories I heard came from women in Pakistan's NWFP. Through the narratives of the NWFP widows, it became clear that while circumstances differed from one culture to the next, the severity of the hardships endured was most closely related to woman's level of education and her degree of isolation. However, despite the many differences, there was one common thread that wove its way through all their stories - the women's overwhelming concern for their children's well being and their commitment to provide a better future for them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The tragedy of 9/11 had more far-reaching social and economic consequences for the nation than those found for many individuals on that day. Between October 2001 and May 2002, Nevada witnessed a 25% increase in the total number of households on the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) program, commonly referred to as welfare. During the same time, households headed by a noncitizen increased their participation in the TANF program by 40%. This study examines the differential impact of 9/11, as well as of the economy and other external developments, on noncitizen and citizen welfare caseloads in a single state. Two monthly time series models are specified that explain and compare trends in the noncitizen and citizen welfare caseloads from April 1998 to June 2002. The findings suggest that, all else constant, 9/11 had a differential impact on the noncitizen and the citizen caseloads. All else constant, 9/11 events increased the noncitizen welfare caseload whereas a similar impact for the citizen caseload was not found. The findings also strongly suggest that the business cycle shapes noncitizens' participation in public assistance programs more closely than citizens' participation. Future research should investigate the extent to which 9/11 affected the behaviors of families on welfare over the long run. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses how depictions of Islam in U.S. mass media can affect multicultural education. The author comments on the influence of mass media on youth and suggests that mass media reflects cultural and social norms. She discusses how stereotypes of Muslims that have appeared in mass media following the U.S. terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 promote associations between Muslims and terrorism and how al-Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden serves as a negative representation of Islam in American culture. Political cartoons offering negative depictions of Islam are noted. Ways that teachers can use mass media representations of Muslims in media literacy education are suggested.

Can Pakistan find a way out of violent instability? How severe are the problems of this strategically crucial country, and how much of a threat do they pose beyond Pakistan's borders? Has Pakistan become an ungovernable failed state? Hilary Synnott draws on his experience of Pakistan to argue that any strategy for addressing the country's problems requires a nuanced understanding of its turbulent history, the failings of successive governments and the weaknesses of core institutions. He sheds light on the role of Pakistan's army and its intelligence service in the power-play of domestic politics, and looks at how the army has used religion and the issue of Kashmir to maintain its own influence, often with disastrous consequences for the security of Pakistan and the wider world. Synnott rigorously analyses developments in Pakistan's volatile tribal regions, little understood in the West despite their profound implications for regional and international security, and examines the role of past events - especially since 11 September 2001 - in generating the animosity that many Pakistanis feel towards the West today. Where does Pakistan go from here? Emphasising that there are no easy answers, Synnott explores how concerned outsiders might finally succeed in building durable relationships with Pakistan, and help to stabilise a country that has struggled with disordered politics and chronic insecurity since independence in 1947. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Can Pakistan find a way out of violent instability? How severe are the problems of this strategically crucial country, and how much of a threat do they pose beyond Pakistan's borders? Has Pakistan become an ungovernable failed state? Hilary Synnott draws on his experience of Pakistan to argue that any strategy for addressing the country's problems requires a nuanced understanding of its turbulent history, the failings of successive governments and the weaknesses of core institutions. He sheds light on the role of Pakistan's army and its intelligence service in the power-play of domestic politics, and looks at how the army has used religion and the issue of Kashmir to maintain its own influence, often with disastrous consequences for the security of Pakistan and the wider world. Synnott rigorously analyses developments in Pakistan's volatile tribal regions, little understood in the West despite their profound implications for regional and international security, and examines the role of past events - especially since 11 September 2001 - in generating the animosity that many Pakistanis feel towards the West today. Where does Pakistan go from here? Emphasising that there are no easy answers, Synnott explores how concerned outsiders might finally succeed in building durable relationships with Pakistan, and help to stabilise a country that has struggled with disordered politics and chronic insecurity since independence in 1947. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Can Pakistan find a way out of violent instability? How severe are the problems of this strategically crucial country, and how much of a threat do they pose beyond Pakistan's borders? Has Pakistan become an ungovernable failed state? Hilary Synnott draws on his experience of Pakistan to argue that any strategy for addressing the country's problems requires a nuanced understanding of its turbulent history, the failings of successive governments and the weaknesses of core institutions. He sheds light on the role of Pakistan's army and its intelligence service in the power-play of domestic politics, and looks at how the army has used religion and the issue of Kashmir to maintain its own influence, often with disastrous consequences for the security of Pakistan and the wider world. Synnott rigorously analyses developments in Pakistan's volatile tribal regions, little understood in the West despite their profound implications for regional and international security, and examines the role of past events - especially since 11 September 2001 - in generating the animosity that many Pakistanis feel towards the West today. Where does Pakistan go from here? Emphasising that there are no easy answers, Synnott explores how concerned outsiders might finally succeed in building durable relationships with Pakistan, and help to stabilise a country that has struggled with disordered politics and chronic insecurity since independence in 1947. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Can Pakistan find a way out of violent instability? How severe are the problems of this strategically crucial country, and how much of a threat do they pose beyond Pakistan's borders? Has Pakistan become an ungovernable failed state? Hilary Synnott draws on his experience of Pakistan to argue that any strategy for addressing the country's problems requires a nuanced understanding of its turbulent history, the failings of successive governments and the weaknesses of core institutions. He sheds light on the role of Pakistan's army and its intelligence service in the power-play of domestic politics, and looks at how the army has used religion and the issue of Kashmir to maintain its own influence, often with disastrous consequences for the security of Pakistan and the wider world. Synnott rigorously analyses developments in Pakistan's volatile tribal regions, little understood in the West despite their profound implications for regional and international security, and examines the role of past events - especially since 11 September 2001 - in generating the animosity that many Pakistanis feel towards the West today. Where does Pakistan go from here? Emphasising that there are no easy answers, Synnott explores how concerned outsiders might finally succeed in building durable relationships with Pakistan, and help to stabilise a country that has struggled with disordered politics and chronic insecurity since independence in 1947. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Can Pakistan find a way out of violent instability? How severe are the problems of this strategically crucial country, and how much of a threat do they pose beyond Pakistan's borders? Has Pakistan become an ungovernable failed state? Hilary Synnott draws on his experience of Pakistan to argue that any strategy for addressing the country's problems requires a nuanced understanding of its turbulent history, the failings of successive governments and the weaknesses of core institutions. He sheds light on the role of Pakistan's army and its intelligence service in the power-play of domestic politics, and looks at how the army has used religion and the issue of Kashmir to maintain its own influence, often with disastrous consequences for the security of Pakistan and the wider world. Synnott rigorously analyses developments in Pakistan's volatile tribal regions, little understood in the West despite their profound implications for regional and international security, and examines the role of past events - especially since 11 September 2001 - in generating the animosity that many Pakistanis feel towards the West today. Where does Pakistan go from here? Emphasising that there are no easy answers, Synnott explores how concerned outsiders might finally succeed in building durable relationships with Pakistan, and help to stabilise a country that has struggled with disordered politics and chronic insecurity since independence in 1947. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Can Pakistan find a way out of violent instability? How severe are the problems of this strategically crucial country, and how much of a threat do they pose beyond Pakistan's borders? Has Pakistan become an ungovernable failed state? Hilary Synnott draws on his experience of Pakistan to argue that any strategy for addressing the country's problems requires a nuanced understanding of its turbulent history, the failings of successive governments and the weaknesses of core institutions. He sheds light on the role of Pakistan's army and its intelligence service in the power-play of domestic politics, and looks at how the army has used religion and the issue of Kashmir to maintain its own influence, often with disastrous consequences for the security of Pakistan and the wider world. Synnott rigorously analyses developments in Pakistan's volatile tribal regions, little understood in the West despite their profound implications for regional and international security, and examines the role of past events - especially since 11 September 2001 - in generating the animosity that many Pakistanis feel towards the West today. Where does Pakistan go from here? Emphasising that there are no easy answers, Synnott explores how concerned outsiders might finally succeed in building durable relationships with Pakistan, and help to stabilise a country that has struggled with disordered politics and chronic insecurity since independence in 1947. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The tragic events of September 11th and the subsequent war on terrorism have pervaded the American cultural discourse and challenged foundational notions of culture, patriotism, and identity. Classroom teachers dealt with the volatile moments during and immediately following the attack in a variety of ways. This qualitative study in an action-research mode describes the process of a teacher and a university researcher together and their own inquiry into how to return to and/or modify their curriculum. This middle school teacher describes the contradictory feelings of personal inadequacy in the face of crisis, and the professional sense of obligation to explain the complexities of the situation to students. How the teacher herself felt the pain, fear, and loss in light of September 11th colors the story of a curriculum that seeks to care for kids before and while addressing content. Beginning with students' questions, the teacher focused a unit on discussing the perceptual lenses of culture. As she puts it, "the Crisis, soon became a crisis of cultural awareness." This paper is an attempt to tell the story of how, for this teacher, culture, curriculum, and crisis intertwine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While trends towards secularization may have appeared inexorable as the last century came to a close, more recent events, particularly in the aftermath of 9/11, have led to greater attention being paid to the resurgence of religion globally. But how to represent and portray religion, with respect and understanding, in this new environment may contain significant challenge—a subject which this paper considers in the light of two recent Commonwealth Reports. The Report of the Commonwealth Commission on Respect and Understanding, entitled Civil Paths to Peace, chaired by Amartya Sen, and presented recently to the Commonwealth Heads of Government summit in Kampala, Uganda, seeks to downplay any single-minded concentration on religion in favour of promoting broader civil engagements in crafting civil paths to peace. In contrast, the Commonwealth Foundation's Report, Engaging with Faith, treats religion more sympathetically and encourages understanding and cooperation between the faith communities. The former Report may tend to treat religion as part of the problem, while the latter might view religion as part of the solution. Thus, the two Reports illustrate contrasting and conflicting views as to the place of religion in efforts to promote global peace and development along the path to respect and understanding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

“We modern civilizations have learned to recognize that we are mortal like the others,” declared the French poet Paul Valéry shortly after the end of World War I in his essay La Crise de l’Esprit. 1 In the aftermath of September 11, architecture and urban design have been struck by a similar realization of the frailty of what they had tried to achieve from the very beginning of modernity: an environment that would contribute to the political and social pacification of the planet. The attack against the World Trade Center meant that the twin towers were not interpreted as innocent symbols. Although initially they had been intended as a tribute to global prosperity, the terrorists targeted them as the embodiment of a worldwide system of economical and cultural oppression. 2 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I use narratives from the Indian diaspora to provide a counterargument to models of acculturation that claim that all immigrants undergo a universal psychological process of acculturation and adaptation. More specifically, I show how members from the Indian diaspora re-examined their ethnic and racial identity after the events of 9/11. Given the conceptual nature of this paper, my goal is to present an argument, supported by select autobiographical accounts and cases, to explain why the universal model of acculturation should be re-examined within the context of postcolonial, diaspora cultures. First, I undertake a brief review of the concept of acculturation in cross-cultural psychology. Next, I examine three autobiographical narratives of first-generation Indians living in south-eastern Connecticut in the USA to demonstrate how their discourses about 9/11 contests universal models of assimilation. Finally, I conclude with implications for understanding the construction of racialised identities within diaspora communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In sizing up the notion of public memory, rhetoricians would be remiss not to consider the increasing influence of new media on today's remembrance culture. This article addresses memorial functions of the internet in light of recent scholarly debates about virtues and drawbacks of modern "archival memory" as well as the paradoxical link between the contemporary public obsession with memory and the acceleration of amnesia. To explore the strengths and limitations of the internet as a vehicle of collecting, preserving, and displaying traces of the past, the article examines The September 11 Digital Archive, a comprehensive online effort to document public involvement in recording and commemorating the tragedy of 11 September, 2001. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

September 11 may have changed, among other things, our attitude toward national identities. Long revealed by scholars to be deliberate constructions based, in large part, on historical fantasies, national identities were commonly seen by historians and by non-communitarian political theorists as violently divisive atavisms. But nationalism can tame religious conflict by including religious opponents within a larger and (they may believe) more fundamental identity: that of common nationhood. The study of nationalism may soon come to appreciate its pacifying side. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although news is a social construction that narrates events in the world by assimilating them to existing cultural categories, there are many cultural categories from which to choose. How do journalists determine whether an event calls for a melodramatic frame or an ironic frame or some other narrative convention? Reviewing two recent studies - of news coverage of 9/11 and news coverage in the early 1990s of an accidental killing of a Japanese exchange student in New Orleans - this article argues that the character of "the events themselves" helps limit what narrative frames journalists select. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The authors examined relationships among authoritarianism, personal need for closure or structure, perceived threat, and post-9/11 attitudes and beliefs. Participants were 159 undergraduate students in the Southeastern United States. The authors collected data 1 week before the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq in March 2003. Correlation and regression analyses revealed that right-wing authoritarianism and social dominance orientation were significant predictors of support for restricting human rights during the U.S.-led War on Terror, support for U.S. President George W. Bush, and support for U.S. military involvement in Iraq. Right-wing authoritarianism and perceived threat emerged as the strongest predictors of the belief that Saddam Hussein supported terrorism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the consequences of September 11 attacks on the socio-cultural life in the United States. The inefficiency of the administration to curb the situation is also discussed. The author highlights the injustices meted out to the Muslim in the name of terrorism and the dependency on racial profiling. The hijab, for the women has lately become the focus of suspicion and all adherents of Islam, are indiscriminately labelled as a threat to the country.

This paper presents a conceptual‐based discussion dealing with social and geo‐political concerns associated with the tourism experiences and travel encounters of ethnic minority citizens living in member‐states of the European Union (EU). Although EU legislation emphasises that its citizens have freedom of movement throughout member‐states, the prevalence of racialised situations transpiring within, across and beyond EU borders suggests that this commitment is socio‐politically ambiguous. The popular hysteria that has developed towards increased immigration from non‐EU countries extends to those minorities who have legal status of entry, residency and/or citizenship – as they too are visibly different from Europe's white majorities. The paper thus reflects on ways in which the 11 September 2001 attacks in America have had a detrimental impact on people's tourism and travel experiences, particularly in instances where individuals have been treated with high levels of suspicion from institutional bodies and ethnic (white) majorities. The work firmly emphasises that racial prejudice, institutional racism and xeno‐racist practices restrict ethnic minority citizens from appreciating cosmopolitan‐based tourism experiences and engaging in congenial exchanges with other European cultures and societies. One of the main contentions asserts that racialised movements limit ethnic minority citizens from achieving full rights to social and (multi)cultural forms of citizenship. The conclusion suggests ways in which researchers ought to respond to the study of tourism and racism within the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With outbreaks of mad cow, hoof and mouth disease, and the terrorist attacks of September 11, the safety of the American food supply weighs not only on the minds of culinarians, but also On consumers. How is the media framing these issues and how does that affect consumer confidence in the safety of the food supply has come into question. In this experiment, participants were presented with two media frames-food safety and bioterrorism and food security-and were asked questions that measured concern about the safety of the food supply. While the research results did not conclude that media frames of bioterrorism increased concern about the safety of the food supply, it is important to remember that existing media frames of bioterrorism and a general lack of knowledge about pathogens that can threaten food may play an important role in how individuals conceptualize the level of threat to the American food supply. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study describes a sample of Midwestern U. S. high school students' knowledge, attitudes, and stereotypes regarding Muslims, and proposes and tests several hypotheses regarding the correlates of these factors, including interpersonal interaction with group members, media consumption, and discussion of media content with referent group members. The most significant findings were the data showing that student attitudes and negative stereotypes toward Muslims were directly tied to their interaction with Muslims. Further, the greater the participants’ knowledge of Islam, the fewer negative stereotypes held and the more positive the student attitude was toward Muslims. Although, the study did not reveal strong relationship for media use with stereotypes or attitudes, most likely primary source of information for students regarding Muslims is the media. Media coverage of the Muslim community has been intense since the attack on the World Trade Center on 09/11/04 and likely to accentuate the negative aspects of that group of people. The results sound a positive note for interventions designed to promote diversity. It implies that action can be taken to open youths’ minds and change attitudes.

Traces some of the distinctive ideological, rhetorical and religious forms of society after the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks in the U.S. Need for an international socio-religious response to the events; Social ideology in the aftermath; Sources of social identities.

The recent case brought by a British citizen, Feroz Ali Abbasi, against the British government raised some important questions concerning post-September 11. Among them, it highlighted the limitations of the human rights regime when a citizen of one country is held by another country. Second, it showed the continuing power of national security arguments in trumping human rights. And finally, it showed the power of political sensitivities over legal reasoning and fundamental human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Editorial. Analyzes the experiences of three New York therapists after the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001 in New York. Impact of the terrorist attack on the life and practice of the three therapists.

This essay looks at the impacts that the 9/11 attacks had on American Muslims in the ensuing decade. It argues that there has been a shift from Islamophobia, or a fear of Islam, to a "misoislamia" or hatred of Islam. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the Project for Mothers, Infants, and Young Children of September 11, 2001, mothers brought their children to the lab for a filmed play session. After having run the Project for several years, we began to ask the mothers at each lab visit to let us know how the Project might have helped them and how we might improve our Project. We have permission to reprint the following comments. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]