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This paper examines media discourse and emotions in discourse (pathos) during the week before the Greek Referendum of 2015. Drawing on the framework of Critical Discourse Analysis, we study the interrelation between macro-level (dominant) values and views, and the micro-level of media positioning, as retrieved from newspaper headlines. The headlines come from three Greek and two French newspapers of differing political, economic, and ideological standpoints. Focusing on the micro-level, we sketch an integrationist framework of analysis: We conduct a systemic functional analysis to scrutinize the transitivity structures of headlines, and an analysis of pathos in order to track constructed emotions. Among our main findings is that the newspapers, despite their different positionings and interests, converge on a dense discursive and emotional construction that favours the dominant values of a free market and the doctrine of austerity. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article assesses the journalistic career of Claude Milscent (1740–1794), who started life as a Saint-Domingue planter and was guillotined a committed Parisian abolitionist and Jacobin. In particular, it will describe the radicalization of his position regarding colonial politics and how he maintained a dialog with his paper's readership: first inLe Creuset, published exclusively in Angers in 1791, and then in his Parisian newspaper,Le Créole Patriote, published from 1792 to early 1794. The main sources for this article include these newspapers along with two of Milscent's published pamphlets:Justification de M. Milscent, Créole, à L'Assemblée Coloniale de S. Domingue(a speech he gave before a colonial assembly toward the end of 1791), andNotes et Remarques sur le Régime des Colonies, et Particulièrement sur celle de Saint Domingue. Milscent's article on the colonies, published in Jacques-Pierre Brissot's newspaperLe Patriote Françaisand entitled “Sur les troubles de Saint-Domingue,” is also important to this study. Archival sources consulted (Archives Nationales, Paris) included colonies: administration, correspondence, personal accounts and reports: BB381A and AF IV 1190, and the records of Milscent's trial in DXXV 56. A critical reading of Milscent's speeches and writings shed light on the intimate personal relationships and colonial developments that informed the revolutionary politics of his day, in both metropole and colony. Milscent initially argued that, as a planter, he had a personal stake in maintaining slavery. His papers, which include his personal testimony and reproduced exchanges with people of color, show how he ultimately interpreted his intellectual and personal relationships both before and during the French Revolution as compelling evidence that he must abandon any personal privilege he enjoyed as a whitecolon. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In 1934 French politics became polarized in a bitter struggle for the soul of France between Jeanne d'Arc and Marianne. In the course of the war in Spain, the positions taken by the Left and Right did not change; they simply hardened. Socialist doctrine was grounded in pacifism, but now it had to confront fascism. The Right, in its many varieties, was pro-appeasement and pro-Mussolini, and did its best to close its eyes to Italo-German rapprochement; Hitlerism was viewed as a terrible danger, but it was still the lesser ideological evil. Toulouse provided a fine observation point on Spain, and its varied press included the centre-left La Dépêche, of international renown. Among its writers, Heinrich Mann and Émile Vandervelde expressed an excessive pro-Republican optimism (as did Léon Blum in Le Midi Socialiste). L'Express du Midi called for volunteers for Franco, and Franco fumed at the poor response. Guglielmo Ferrero meanwhile warned that Europe was now plunged into the greatest intellectual and moral confusion in all its history. With Franco's victory, what all sides came to realize was that France now faced hostile forces on three frontiers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the press coverage of the football match between the French and the Algerian national teams that took place on 6 October 2001 in the Stade de France, in order to shed light on certain aspects of the representation of the Franco-Algerian relationship in France. Based on the analysis of four national newspapers (Le Monde, Le Figaro, Libération and L’Équipe), this research shows that the press dealt with the match through the construction of certain categories and classifications involving conceptual models based on cultural, national and social hierarchies. In particular, coverage of this match promoted the idea of a ‘clash of civilisations’, symbolically placing France in a more privileged position in the hierarchy between the two countries. Finally, it promoted a model of integration for France based on the separation of the public and the private, and on notions of individual responsibility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cet article etudie le discours sur les femmes et les hommes politiques lors de la campagne d'investiture en 2006 dans les grands quotidiens francais. En effet, si la loi de la parite n'a pas connu le succes escompte, un decret vote la meme annee encourageant l'emploi du feminin des noms de metier a connu plus de succes. Cependant, malgre une visibilite lexicale des femmes accrue, resultat de l'emploi de la feminisation, la presente etude met en evidence un discours defavorable a Royal. Avant de conclure a une polarite des sexes en discours journalistique, l'etude du discours sur Buffet (elue bien etablie dans le monde politique) et Besancenot (jeune nouveau venu sur la scene des elections) montre au contraire que lorsque les enjeux sont moins prestigieux, le discours tendrait a prendre en consideration la preeminence des candidats sans se polariser sur des stereotypes de genre. Le rapport de statut complexifie donc celle du rapport de genre. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article deals with the Young Ottomans and their main publication Hüriyyet (Freedom). The scope of investigation includes references to the former Grandvizier Reshad Pasha, the relevance of the Shari'a and the ambiguous attitude towards the Tanzimat laws as well as the question of equality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The circulation of the French daily newspapers has been decreasing for several decades, which has caused much debate about a “press crisis”, both in academic and professional circles. This paper examines the crisis of the French regional daily press. First, it introduces some general elements about the press crisis in France and then identifies some of the possible reasons for this crisis. While some factors are economic and common to the daily press as a whole, others are sociological and more specific to the regional press. In particular, the question of the changes in the relations between regional dailies and territorial identities is studied. During the “second modernity”, from the 1960s to the present, phenomena such as individualisation and urbanisation contributed to such changes. Finally, the newspapers' reactions to the crisis are addressed. Changes in the treatment of local news are especially crucial to the survival of the regional dailies, but present obstacles and difficulties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Features the defunct French news magazine 'L'Europeen.' Purpose of the magazine; Reasons for the failure; Sections of the magazine; Scrutiny of politicians; Criticisms about nationalism; Schemes identifying forces and institutions that slow down Europeanization; Comparison of European attitudes concerning diversity and richness in Europe; Difficulties faced by the journalists who worked for the magazine.

Investigates the use of French newspapers as a source of intelligence materials during World War II. Examination of the mechanism by which the materials were gathered and analyzed; Discussion on the provenance and content of the materials that reached Great Britain; Details on the cooperation between the French and British departments regarding their intelligence operations.

This case study analyses a violent farmers' protest in Brittany in 1998 and its coverage by the French press, especially the local press, which is very influential in western France. The study argues that the structure of the local press can be represented by the metaphor of a Filo pastry with its various levels of local, county (département in France), regional and national news sections, generating an often quite distinctive framing of the same event. The study challenges the widely accepted idea of a structural bias in press coverage against social movements. The proximity of local journalists to the protest and their typically close, sometimes personal knowledge of many of the actors combine to produce a "comprehensive", often friendly coverage of the action, as long as this does not trigger the opposition of powerful challengers in the local arena. Newspaper reporting of this protest also reveals ambiguities concerning the newsworthiness of violence, which triggers both coverage and criticism. The study suggests that local journalists are able to express a "local" public opinion. The virtually "instant" coverage of even the smallest protest actions by local news sections, moreover, challenges the alleged centralising bias reported in many studies of social movements. Based on data from the analysis of national broadsheets, these studies typically consider only the newsworthy, "visible" part of protest events, which are reported more promptly and in greater detail by local newspapers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article compares the symbolic production of fashion in French newspaper "Le Monde," and English newspaper "The Guardian." In "Le Monde," the field of fashion is constructed based on the belief in fashion as high culture, while the production of fashion is constructed in "The Guardian" based on the belief in fashion as popular culture. It relates how fashion designers are depicted as fashion stars in "The Guardian." On the other hand, they are depicted as creators of high fashion as high art in "Le Monde."

This study compares findings from the author's survey of 310 French newspaper journalists in France with a simultaneous survey done in the United States. In both studies, journalists replied to the same battery of questions about ethical standards in reporting. Results provide evidence of shared values among French journalists and, to a much lesser extent, between French and U.S. journalists. The highest agreement was found in support of keeping a promise of source confidentiality. French results further indicated support for the notion that journalists differentiate between the justification of active and passive deception. The study calls for polling of nonjournalists in similar future studies to aid in sorting out cultural from occupational differences and similarities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]